The Disastrous Voyage:
Yellow Fever Aboard the USS Macedonian
& USS Peacock, 1822& A Brief Bio of Dr. Samuel Russell Trevett Jr Surgeon USN
By John G. M. Sharp
At USGenWeb Archives
Copyright All right reserved
1783-1848
Introduction: In the early annals of the U.S. Navy no more lethal service is recorded than that of naval vessels in the West Indies from 1822 to 1825. During these years the navy lost more officers and men, in proportion than any other service in which they were ever engaged. Their most deadly culprit was not a foreign fleet or piracy but virulent yellow fever.1 In May of 1822 a small naval squadron set out under Commodore James Biddle from Boston Massachusetts on a mission to protect American commercial shipping in the Caribbean from piracy. Piracy was a real menace and of great concern to the government of President James Monroe. A total of twenty-seven American merchant ships were captured, between 1818 and 1821. In September 1821, three American merchant ships were captured off Matanzas, Cuba. The crew of one ship was tortured and the vessel was set on fire, survivors were able to escape to shore in a boat. Three men were killed on the second American ship and everyone on the third vessel which was also burned. The deployment of Biddle’s squadron and a full scale anti-piracy operation was the American response.2
1 David F. Long, "Sailor-Diplomat A Biography of Commodore James Biddle" (Northeastern University Press: Boston 1983), 91, 99 Also see Independent Chronicle and Boston Patriot (Boston, MA) 22 August 1822, 1
2 James A. Wombwell, "The Long War against Piracy" (Combat Studies Institute: Press: Kansas 2010), 204.Unbeknownst to all, they were about to embark on a cruise to disaster and their assignment "would prove a cruise through hell."
In the 1820’s American interest in the Caribbean was largely commercial. Even with dangers from political rebellions and piracy the Caribbean islands of Cuba, St. Kitts, Porto Rico and Santo Domingo, Haiti and Guadeloupe were simply too attractive to American merchants. By the later eighteenth century, this zone had become a regular destination for New England shipping interests seeking to take advantage of the lucrative and highly profitable sugar markets. Indeed this trade was so profitable to American business, that the Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, himself a wealthy planter, actually suggested annexing Cuba and attaching it not as colony but as state.3 All this despite the fact, that Cuba was then a Spanish colony.4 Consequently the American squadron was scheduled to visit Cuba and to attempt to cultivate relationships and gain the cooperation of the government of Spain in the fight against the pirates.53 Dennis Wagner 2015 "1823 James Monroe - Yellow Fever at Thompson's Island (Key West, Florida)" accessed 16 October 2019 http://www.stateoftheunionhistory.com/2017/09/1823-james-monroe-yellow-fever-at.html
4 Long, 95, 98
5 Nicholas B. Wainwright "Commodore James Biddle and His Sketchbook" (Historical Society of Philadelphia: Philadelphia 1966, 110Historians and medical researchers now recognize that yellow fever and malaria were two of the unintended consequences of large scale sugar production in the Caribbean plantations. On these tropical locations, sugarcane was cultivated with a plentiful supply of water for a continuous period of more than six to seven months each year, either from natural rainfall or through irrigation. These same conditions are also the perfect incubator for mosquitos. The mosquitos are vectors for both malaria and yellow fever. Both diseases are widespread in the tropical and subtropical areas that exist in a broad band around the equator and particularly so in Cuba. The yellow fever virus is mainly transmitted through the bite of the mosquito, Aedes aegypti, but other mostly Aedes mosquitoes such as the tiger mosquito, Aedes albopictus, can also serve as a vector for this virus. In epidemiology, a disease vector is any agent which carries and transmits an infectious pathogen into another living organism. Yellow fever typically brings on high fever, muscle pain, headaches and nausea. In unfortunate case, these symptoms are joined by jaundice, internal hemorrhaging, with blood oozing through the nose and ears, delirium and vomit of partially coagulated blood with the color and constancy of coffee grinds, hence its Spanish name "vomito negro" or black vomit. This last stage is usually followed by multiple organ failure and death. Sailors often referred to yellow fever as "yellow jack" for the yellow pendant or flag ships and vessels flew as a warning to others of the presence of the disease.6 As historian J. R. McNeil in his magisterial Mosquito Empire Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean, 1620-1914, reminds us that it was not for nothing that yellow fever goes by the French Name "mal des matelots" (sailors disease) in the West Indies. Vessels like the Macedonian and Peacock unwittingly became supervectors with mosquito larvae hatching in the wet and damp spaces below deck.7
6 J.R. McNeil "Mosquito Empire: Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean" (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2010), 33-34 and Timothy C. Winegard "The Mosquito: A Human History of our Deadliest Predator" (Dutton: New York 2019), 26
7 McNeil, 51Many of the transcribed letters and documents below were written from the frigate USS Macedonian and the sloop Peacock. These record, chronicle and reflect the perils and suffering of naval crews as the disastrous 1822 voyage against the pirates unfolded in the West Indies led to serious health problems. They also reveal the heroic struggles of medical personnel who manned these two vessels as they battled this epidemic while deployed in the West Indies.8
8 Harold D. Langley "A History of Medicine in the Early U.S. Navy" (Johns Hopkins Press: Baltimore 1995), 274-275
Biddle’s long and storied naval career covered nearly half a century beginning in 1799. These years were spent mostly at sea or abroad. Looking back shortly before his death in 1848, he recalled an exciting life.
I have been 48 years in the Navy, twice a prisoner of war, once severely wounded in action, never fought a duel, never tried by court martial, and never drank a glass of grog. . . At the time I entered the navy, grog drinking was almost universal. I have been once around the world, five times around the Cape of Good Hope, three times around Cape Horn and crossed the Equator twenty times.9
9 Long, Ibid 261
In 1822 the West Indies squadron was still operating out of Thompson’s Island in the Florida Keys. The squadron included the frigate USS Macedonian and the brigs USS Hornet, USS Spark, schooner USS Enterprise and sloop of war USS Peacock. On 2 April 1822 the Squadron departed from Boston and swiftly established a presence in the region and was able to win victories against the pirates. Biddle and his officers quickly found however that yellow fever was their most dangerous and lethal foe.10 Editor Hezekiah Niles in his Niles Weekly Register reported optimistically "that the Macedonian frigate, Captain Biddle had sailed from Boston . . . fully equipped and powerfully manned for a cruise to suppress piracy and offer aid to our smaller vessels."11
10 André B. Sobocinski, "The Mosquito Fighters: A Short History of Mosquitoes in the Navy" – Part 2 Navy Medicine Live, 2016 https://navymedicine.navylive.dodlive.mil/archives/10667 accessed 16 October 2019
11 Niles Weekly Register, March to September 1822, Volume XXII, 128
In a circular order issued 14 May 1822 to all squadron officers and crews, Biddle wrote their mission was for "the purpose of protecting our citizens and their property against all unlawful molestation. The force employed is adequate to this purpose if we are zealous and vigilant in the performance of our duty . . . the suppression of the slave trade and for the prevention of piracy." He concluded by reminding captains, "At this season of the year it will be necessary to pay particular attention to the health of your officers and crew."12 Nevertheless, in spite of such reminders and the overall increased emphasis on cleanliness and washing ship compartments with vinegar, the fever broke out. Biddle and his officers quickly found that yellow fever was their most dangerous and deadly foe.13
12 Biddle Circular to Squadron, 14 May 1822 NARA "Captains Letters" M125 volume 78, letter 92
13 Long, 101In 1822 yellow fever as a disease was poorly understood. In the United States it was mostly confined to eastern cities such as Philadelphia 1793 and New York City 1795, 1799 and 1803. The disease had also appeared in New Orleans and in Ohio and Kentucky. Commodore Biddle as the heir of a wealthy and prominent Philadelphia family knew the peril, for yellow fever had recently decimated his native city. As an experienced sailor Biddle took active steps to protect his men from sickness and fever. In keeping with the prevailing medical wisdom (that bad air and congestion spread disease) he insisted that the Macedonian be scrubbed and spotless and that the crew quarters be properly ventilated to remove stagnant air. On 26 May 1822 while the Macedonian was in Havana Cuba for supplies, Marine Lieutenant James Clements became first member of the crew to succumb. In all thirteen more members of the frigate’s crew died during their stay in Havana (see Commodore James Biddle to the Secretary of the Navy 8 August 1822).
That summer as numerous members of his squadron took sick or died Biddle contemplated a return to Norfolk. Although not stated in his official correspondence, the mounting death toll of June and July finally convinced Biddle these losses had severely degraded morale and overall efficiency. He later told the press, "The mortality on board this ship has been very dreadful and it has been deeply affecting to me."14 As the list of sick and dying gradually expanded the frigates sickbay, was overwhelmed and the closely packed crew spaces below deck where sailor’s hammocks were slung between beams became ever more chaotic as the sick were left in their quarters cots or hammocks. Knowledge about health, disease, and nutrition in the 1800s was still primitive and lacked modern understanding about germs, hygiene, nutrition, and disease. The Macedonian like most frigates had a surgeon (doctor) and a surgeon's mate on board. Dr. John Cadle, surgeon USN, was responsible for the health of a crew of up to 400 sailors and marines. However, by July 15 Dr. Cadle was ill and unable to continue his duties. His unexpected death from yellow fever on 24 July 1822 left Surgeons Mate Dr. Charles Chase with the sole responsibility. (See Dr. Chase's letter to the Secretary of the Navy, August 7, 1823)14 Long, 101
Surgeons Mate Dr. Charles ChaseDuring her passage through the Caribbean the frigate Macedonian had become nothing more than a floating charnel, house as hundreds of men many of them delirious and vomiting were trapped in the cramped living quarters of a war ship.
On 24 July 1822 Commodore Biddle reluctantly made the decision to return to Norfolk. As he explained to Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson, "The medical gentlemen whom I have consulted are of the opinion it would be extremely imprudent to [illegible] remain in the West Indies. As the cause of the sickness on board therefore must continue as long as we continue in this climate I felt it my duty to those under my command to return home & accordingly I got underway from Havana this morning & shall proceed to the Chesapeake."15
15 Long, Ibid
On 3 August 1822 the U. S. frigate Macedonian, put into Hampton Roads because of the outbreak of "a violent ship fever." Seventy-six of the crew, including Surgeon John Cadle, were dead. Fifty-two others were sick. Due to fear of contagion the ship was promptly quarantined. The sickness continued, and by September 8 the number of deaths on board had swelled to one hundred. The rapid sequence of deaths had clearly depleted morale. Biddle wrote (22 July 1822) "how deeply my feelings have been afflicted at the disturbing mortality & sickness. . ." His compiled list of deaths reveals that on some particular days e.g. July 7, 22 and 27 the distressed crew of the Macedonian had to bury three of their shipmates in a single day.
That summer on the Macedonian there were numerous burials at sea. The burials would have typically been performednaval chaplain James Everett who normally had charge of the burial ceremonies. However the day after the frigate arrived in Havana, he too had come down with the fever. Instead after the boatswain's call signaled the crew to assemble, "All hands to bury the dead." As Commodore Biddle intoned the words of the burial rite the deceased messmates would have stood solemnly about. For these sailors there were no coffins, no hearse, no processions, and no tolling of the bell, this simple service had to suffice.
Finally the corpse was brought up by six of his shipmates, the body sewed in its hammock with a cannonball attached to the feet.16 The body was then laid on a board by the open gangway and with all heads uncovered Commodore Biddle began the final ceremony. When he read, "For as much as it has pleased Almighty God, in his wise providence, to take out of this world the soul of our deceased brother, we therefore commit his body to the deepto be turned into corruption looking for the resurrection of the body when the Sea shall give up her dead and the life of the world to come through our Lord Jesus Christ."17 At a concluding Amen, one end of the board was raised and the body plunged into the sea.
16 Clifford M Drury "History of the Chaplain Corps", Part 1 - Navy BMR 1982 p. 42
17 "The Book of Common Prayer" (E.F. Coal: Baltimore 1822), 196
Burial at SeaFor the surviving crew fear and anxiety prevailed till the vessel returned to Norfolk. For the Department of the Navy the death toll was shocking. On leaving Boston the Macedonian muster rolls reflect the crew consisted of 358 officers and men. When the final tally had been made the frigate Macedonian had lost 101 members of her crew almost one third of her people.18
18 Long, 100
As the impact of the devastating mortality rate of 28% set in a search for explanations began. Commodore Biddle would later request a court of inquiry, for he believed the cause of the fever was due to the "great bulk of ballast in this ship although covered with mud & dirt was neither moved nor properly cleaned and the hold was stowed with this horrid and offensive matter remaining in it. Offensive indeed it might not have been in Boston [Charleston Naval Yard] in the winter season but it is obvious that it would and must become highly so after it fermented in the tropics."19
19 James Tertius de Kay "Chronicles of the Frigate Philadelphia Macedonian 1809 -1922" (WW Norton: New York 2000), 181 and Long, 99
Biddle's open concern about the health of the ship (from infection) led to his and remaining Macedonians being reassigned to the USS Congress. Biddlel's charges regarding Boston Navy Yard were in fact aimed against Commodore Isaac Hull.20 These charges quickly came to the attention of President James Madison, who then instructed Secretary Thompson to examine the allegation by a court of inquiry. In October 1822 the naval court after investigating the conduct of the Boston Navy Yard's commandant Commodore Isaac Hull and the shipyard employees, instead found it was not the ballast, but the dramatic change from a cold to a hot climate following taking on water at "the sickly port" of Havana. The court added they thought it was the situation was aggravated by allowing the men to sleep on deck and want of suitable clothing. The Court concluded the conduct of the officers of the Navy Yard at Charlestown manifested great zeal and attention to the fitting out of the Macedonian …the prevalence of sickness and mortality is not to be ascribed in any degree to any omission of duty on their part … on the contrary the courts of the opinion … that ship was sufficiently cleansed.
20 Linda M. Maloney, "The Captain from Connecticut: The Life and Naval Times of Isaac Hull" (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1986), 355
In September the U.S. sloop Hornet, also recently returned from a cruise in the West Indies, and was ordered to quarantine at Craney Island because of fourteen sick men. By September 13, nine were dead.21 Likewise that October the USS Peacock returned with thirty-seven of her crew sick and several dead.
21 Wyndham B. Blanton, "Medicine in Virginia in the Ninetieth Century" (Garrett & Massie: Richmond 1931 ) 226 accessed 16 October 2019 http://www.usgwarchives.net/va/yellow-fever/yfexcerpts2.html
On 20 October 1822 when Dr. Samuel R. Trevett, the Harvard trained surgeon of the Peacock, wrote his final report (see 17 October 1822) he said the sickness and mortality of yellow fever aboard that ship no doubt arose from the continued heat together with the exaltations of so many bodies crowded together at night upon the birth deck. He further noted that these united with "decaying vegetable & animal substances which notwithstanding the strictest attention to cleanliness it is not possible entirely to avoid, though imperceptibly active to produce the morbid change in the air of the ship." In his conclusion, after carefully mapping out the location of those suffering the fever, Dr. Trevett stressed the location of the pump room and their proximity to it as a possible source of infection. He wrote, "It appears highly probable to my mind the disease was generated in the ship and that the seat of the infection was between the after hatch and the spirit room and especially the pump room which was situated between them. The violence of the disease which occurred was in a direct ratio to their contiguity to this part of the ship."
The pump room was a perfect mosquito environment. Scholar J.R. McNeil wrote that ships below deck are "warm and humid …with plenty of water casks, which amount to a limousine for mosquitos." During the Squadron’s stop in Havana in May of that year, the crew of the Macedonian and Peacock unknowing, brought aboard mosquitoes. These small visitors quickly were attracted to human and animal blood and quickly settled into the vessels pump room. In this secure area after an incubation period of five or six day their larvae hatched and quickly sought out the nearby sleeping sailors to feed on.
For the U.S. Navy during the period 1820 to 1840 operating in the waters of the West Indies yellow fever were was more hazardous to health and claimed more lives than enemy action.22
22 Burden Susan Lundgren "The Great Pestilence: Yellow Fever in Portsmouth, Virginia, 1855" (2005). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/x7na-se3
Transcription: This transcription was made from digital images of letters and documents received by the Secretary of the Navy, NARA, M125 "Captains Letters" National Archives and Records. All the documents below are found in the letter of Commodore James Biddle to the Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson 1 Jul 1822 to 30 Dec 1822, letter number 66 dated 1 November 1822 with multiple enclosures. In transcribing all passages from the letters and memorandum, I have striven to adhere as closely as possible to the original in spelling, capitalization, punctuation, and abbreviation, superscripts, etc., including the retention of dashes and underlining found in the original. Words and passages that were crossed out in the letters are transcribed either as overstrikes or in notes. Words which are unreadable or illegible are so noted in square brackets. When a spelling is so unusual as to be misleading or confusing, the correct spelling immediately follows in square brackets and italicized type or is discussed in a foot note.
Nautical Terms and Abbreviations:
Boy: The designation Boy in the early United States Navy was a rating given to young enlisted men 12 to 18 years of age who were in training as seaman. The naval apprentice bill was signed into law on 2 March 1837. The bill made it lawful to enlist boys for the navy not being under thirteen nor over eighteen years of age to serve until twenty-one. Within a few months there were several hundred apprentices on board naval vessels and the experiment gave promise of success. The secretary directed that the boys were to be "thoroughly instructed so as to best qualify them to perform the duties of seamen and petty officers." Most Boys were usually rated Ordinary Seaman at age 18. The rating Boy was divided into three pay grades: 3rd, 2nd and 1st Class Boy, with the 1st class usually reserved for the older boys. The pay for a third class boy was $5.00 per month, $6.00 per month for second class boys and those promoted to first class could expect $7.00 per month. Apprentice boys were not allowed to draw spirits (grog ration) or use tobacco.
Landsman abbreviated Lds.: Landsmen was the lowest rank of the United States Navy in the 19th and early 20th centuries given to new recruits with little or no experience at sea. Landsmen performed menial, unskilled work aboard ship. A Landsman who gained three years of experience or re-enlisted could be promoted to Ordinary Seaman. The rank existed from 1838 to 1921.Ordinary Seaman or O.S.: Ordinary seaman was the second-lowest rank of the nineteenth century United States Navy ranking above landsman and below seaman. Promotion from landsman to ordinary seaman required three years of experience or re-enlistment. An ordinary seaman who gained six years of life at sea and knew the ropes, that is, knew the name and use of every line in the ship's rigging could be promoted to seaman. An ordinary seaman's duties aboard ship included handling and splicing lines and working aloft on the lower mast stages and yards.
Seaman or Sea: In the nineteen century seaman typically had six years of experience at sea. A seaman was expected to be familiar with all the various stations aboard a vessel of war including battle stations, working aloft, to have an expert knowledge of lines and knots, to be able to handle small boats and be familiar with weapons such as cutlass and boarding ax.
Footnotes: Names, ranks, dates of naval and marine officers, listed below are unless otherwise specified, from Naval History and Heritage Command Officers Continental and US Navy and Marine Corps 1775 -1900
https://www.history.navy.mil/research/library/online-reading-room/title-list-alphabetically/o/officers-continental-usnavy-mc-1775-1900.htmlJohn G. Sharp
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Transcribed Documents:
Note: This letter to the Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson from Commodore James Biddle was to inform the Department of the death of Lt. James Clements USMC who died in Havana, Cuba, on 26 May 1822 of yellow fever. Lt. Clements probably contacted the disease while in Havana through the bite of a mosquito (Aedes ageypti). Yellow fever while not always fatal typically damages the internal organs via hemorrhagic bleeding. Lt. Clements was the first of the seventy six deaths recorded by Commodore Biddle and Surgeons Mate Dr. Charles Chase. Dr. John Cadle, Surgeon of the Macedonian, mentioned in the letter below, died on 20 July 1822 while the frigate was at sea.
U.S. Frigate Macedonian
26 May 1822Sir,
It gives me great pain to acquaint you that Lieutenant Clements of the Marines was violently seized with the fever of this climate on the 23rd and that he expired this morning at 6 o’clock. His correct officer like deportment and his assiduous attention to duty while under my command, had conciliated to him the respect and regard of all his brother officers and in his death the Marine Corps has sustained a severe loss. It may be consolatory to the family of Lieutenant Clements to know that every attention was paid to him during his illness and that he had the benefit of an eminent physician of Havana long practiced in the disorders of this Country. I considered it proper to call in this physician, though I have great confidence in the talents and skill of Doctor Cadle.
I have the honor to be sir respectfully your obedient servant.[Signed] James Biddle
To: Honorable Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson
Washington D C* * * * * * * * * *
IMAGE OF LETTER
U.S. frigate Macedonian
off Chesapeake Bay
August 3rd 1822Sir,
I have arrived off the Chesapeake and am bound for Norfolk. My letter of the end ultimo will explain the cause of my return here. I enclose a list of deaths on board unto this date amounting in all to seventy six. There are fifty two on the sick list this morning most of them convalescent –
I shall land my sick as soon as possible and endeavor to transfer all my people to one of the ships in ordinary at Norfolk for the infection on board renders it hazardous to be in the ship –
Doctor Chase & I are of the opinion that it would be dangerous to break out the hold at present, I shall mail your orders on this subject. If indeed this ships hold should be broken out it would require several weeks to burn out the infection given that there would always remain a feeling of apprehension & insecurity –
I therefore take leave to say that I shall be much gratified to be transferred with my crew to the frigate Congress or any other of the frigates at Norfolk and be ordered back to the West India Station. The Congress I understand could be speedily prepared for sea. I have the honor to be very respectfully your most obedient servant.
James Biddle
A list of deaths onboard the Macedonia since leaving Boston
Name James M.C. Clements John Cadle Isaac H. Rand Oliver W.W. Wood Christopher Emett Abraham Hosack Alexander Murray Herman Rutgers John Sickles George W. Isaacs John Brown John Johnson John Clark Stephen Colston William Lewis Solomon Dyke Benjamin Smith >Robert Sayre John Hutchins William Hill Stephen Brudock Charles Cassin James Sculls James Manteath Thomas Whitby Caleb Crew John Jones Jeremiah Kennedy George Baker Ruben Sutter William Smith Jacob Vincent Stephen Van Rensselaer Samuel Ballantine Samuel Prince Charles Batanan Robert Kyle David Cobb William Haviland John Mouant Samuel Stoops Barthinius Nash William Brown Robert Ross Joseph H. Joslign James O. Butler John Andrews Joseph Wheelock Samuel Hall Charles Tibbets Julius Hutchins David Dudley Richard May John Floyd John Evans Charles Heury Hugh Craig Abraham Brewer Alexander Hawley Henry Thompson John Johnson John Thompson Alexander Mayfield John Webster George Humber James Brown Daniel Livingston James Watson Adonier Brickford Andrew Shanon Peter Smink Hewrand Shepard Patman Foster Cornelius Doherty Henry Kurtz William B, Robins
U.S. Ship Macedonian
Off Chesapeake
August 8th 1822
Charles Chase [signed]
Surgeon’s Mate
James Biddle [signed]* * * * * * * * * *
U. States Navy Yard
17 August 1822Sir,
As Captain Sinclair has twice within a few days made an unsuccessful application to me for a Surgeon's Mate for the U. States Sloop Spark, whose acting Surgeon was ordered to Craney Island and then took the Fever, which I presume has before this terminated fatally. I think it is probable that he may request the Department to order one of the Hospital's Mates under my command to that vessel. The object of this is to prevent if possible the issue of such an order, as the Senior Mate is now at the Island whither I had ordered him as soon as I received Captain Biddle's letter informing me of his hard condition and the other is constantly engaged at the Hospital where we have thirty eight on the sick list and every prospect of an increase as the Fall is approaching fast and bilious with intermittent Fever already appears among the men as this place. When Captain Biddle shall be enabled to dispense with the services of the Mate at the island we shall have full employment for him here and it is important this Hospital which is liable every day to considerable additions of sick from the arrival of our cruise, should be situated to afford every assistance to them. I am with great respect your obedient servant L WarringtonTo the Honorable Secretary of the Navy
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Norfolk
4th Sept 1822Sir,
As the services of your ship's company are doubtless required at the navy yard in filling and preparing the U.S. Frigate Congress, to which ship I am apprised by the Dept. you with your officers and crew are transferred you will remove to the receiving ship Alert, which is ship I had ordered to Craney Island for the accommodation of your men to the navy yard or its vicinity; as I am informed by the health officer that there will be no objection to your crew such as are not sick and landed on the Island being brought up to the Yard between ports as you may think most advisable
I am respectfully sir, your obedient servant A SinclairAddressed to Capt. James Biddle
US Frigate CongressNote This brief exert from a 5 September 1822 letter of Commodore James Biddle to the Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson describes the overwhelming fear of yellow fever that prevailed on the Norfolk Navy Yard. The shipyard mechanics and laborers had informed Commodore Lewis Warrington they were fearful about possible contact with the many crew members of the Macedonian and other vessels who were to be released from quarantine on Craney Island to the naval hospital. The naval hospital until 1830 was located in the midst of the navy yard. Like most people in 1822 the employees, simply had no idea if yellow fever was contagious or not, nor did anyone know the means of transmission. Dr. Samuel R. Trevett USN was the surgeon on the USS Peacock and as someone who was in direct contact with the sick knew from observation, that yellow fever did not spread like cholera and other contagious disease. He wrote what is termed contagion, "I have not observed any in our epidemic. On the contrary, those who are most exposed to this source of the disease by being continually in attendance on the sick & dying and performing for them all the good offices which humanity enjoins have universally escaped the disease. This truth so important as a medical fact…"
Doctor Trevett himself who had treated the sick so valiantly died Monday 4 November 1822 at Craney Island; sadly it would be another 70 years until science found the lowly mosquito was the vector. See Addendum.
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US Frigate Congress
Norfolk September 5 1822Sir,
I have the honor to report to you the 31 ultimo the health officer had consented to the removal of Alert with the healthy part of my crew to the Navy Yard & that intended to remove them all accordingly but Capt. Warrington who upon being apprised of my intention advised me to remain a few days longer at Craney Island on account of the alarm which prevailed among the workmen of the at the Yard. He informed me he was very apprehensive the carpenters employed upon the Congress would break off work if the Macedonian men came as they feared were abroad much exited by the fever which had made it appearance among the crew of the Hornet. That at the Navy Yard the only object to removing the Macedonians men to the Yard was the expeditious augmentation of the Congress & finding that this object would be impeded by their removal if not entirely defeated by their removal I yielded very readily of course to the wishes of Captain Warrington.
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November 1822
USS Frigate Congress
Hampton RoadsSir,
I enclose letters from Captain Cassin announcing the return of the Peacock in consequence of a malignant fever prevailing on board. I was ready for sea with the exception of a surgeon
I have the honor to be respectfully your most obedient servant.23(Signed) James Biddl24
23 Stephen Cassin (16 February 1783 – 29 August 1857) was an officer in the United States Navy. Stephen Cassin born in Philadelphia, the son of naval officer John Cassin, Cassin entered the United States Navy as a midshipman in 1800, and served in Philadelphia in the West Indies during the latter part of the Quasi-War with France. In the War of 1812, he commanded the USS Ticonderoga in the Battle of Lake Champlain and was awarded a gold medal for bravery by the United States Congress. He later served during the Second Barbary War on the USS Peacock and in the West Indies Squadron against piracy. Captain Cassin died in Washington, D.C.. He was buried in Washington, but later moved to Arlington National Cemetery.
24 Commodore James Biddle (February 18, 1783 - October 1, 1848), of the Biddle family, brother of financier Nicholas Biddle and nephew of Captain Nicholas Biddle, was an American commodore. Biddle was born in Philadelphia, where he attended the University of Pennsylvania. After graduating, he entered service in the United States Navy as a midshipman in 1800. Retained in the navy reduction of 1801, Biddle served in the war against the Barbary pirates. The ship he was in, USS Philadelphia, struck rocks off Tripoli, and along with his commodore, William Bainbridge, he was kept imprisoned for 19 months. During the War of 1812, Biddle was first lieutenant in USS Wasp. He was in command of the sloop USS Hornet in 1815 when she defeated HMS Penguin. In 1817, he was sent to the Columbia River in USS Ontario to formally take over the Oregon Country for the United States, which was completed in 1818. After the war, Biddle performed various duties in the Gulf of Mexico, the South Atlantic and the Mediterranean. In 1830, Biddle and US consul David Offly negotiated and concluded a treaty with the Sublime Porte. The treaty was later used by US diplomats to claim extraterritorial privileges for US citizens in the Ottoman Empire. In December 1845, Biddle exchanged ratifications of the Treaty of Wanghiaat Poon Tong, a village outside Guangzhou. The treaty was the first treaty between China and the United States
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USS Peacock Lynhaven Bay
17 October 1822Sir,
Last Saturday we were exalting in the unexampled good health of this ship and hopes for the advanced state of the season of continuing to enjoy the same blessing with the termination of our cruise. Alas a few days have brought to pass a most sad and melancholy reverse. Since yesterday morning a fever of the most malignant character has prevailed among us by its ravages declared what we have to apprehend from its long continuance – Two of our most valuable offices Lt. Stalling and Midshipman Arthur have fallen victim the latter by the Black vomit and many others both officers and men are at the moment in the utmost danger.25, 26The following report of cases will show the progress of the disease Viz –
Lt Stalling taken sick on the 13th ultimate
Midshipman Archer
Midshipman DorrinDoctor Wells on the 14th October27
John Bonner BoyJ Limmers Boy on the 15th October
W. Mellin Boy
J Maxwell Marine
S. Whitehouse Marine
M. Betts Marine
G. Chapin Captains ClerkMidshipman Wetherall on the 16th October
John Smith Seaman
M. Buluarine Marine
Midshipman Stone 17th October28Experience teaches us that when a malignant disease invades a ship’s company there is no other recourse for her but to return with all convenient expedition to some healthful port, where the crew can be removed and the ship be properly cleaned and purified – It is my belief the progress of the fever nor [disinfecting] the ship can be arrested without return to port and that humanity as well as policy point out duty of so doing without delay –
This extra report suggested by a sense of duty is submitted with the most respectful deference by your most obedient Servant
(Signed) S.R. Trevett
25 Midshipman George W. Archer appointed 1 May 1822 died of yellow fever 16 October 1822
26 Lt. C. T. Stallings Midshipman, 16 January, 1809. Lieutenant, 9 December, 1814. He died of yellow fever 17 October 1822.
27 Benjamin A. Wells was appointed Surgeon's Mate, 10 December, 1814. Dr. Wells died 26 November, 1825.
28 Francis Stone appointed Midshipman, 1 May, 1822. Lt. Stone resigned 17 November 1828.
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(Copy) USS Peacock
Lynhaven Bay
To: Capt. Stephen Cassin
U.S. Navy 20 Oct 1822Sir,
In compliance with your request I have the honor to present you with the following report as to the progress the sickness and mortality of yellow fever in this ship until the present day.Of those who were taken sick on the
13th instant
Lieutenant Stallings deceased on the 17th
Midshipman Archer deceased on the 16th
Midshipman Dornin is now convalescent14th instant
Doctor Wells Surgeon’s Mater is conversant
John Bonner Boy deceased on the 19th15th instant
Mr. Chapin Captains Clerk deceased on the 20th
Jos Limmers Boy deceased on the 20th
Samuel Whitehouse Marine deceased on the 24th
Matthias Betty Marine deceased on the 23rd
J. Maxwell discharged to duty on the 24th16th Instant
Mr. Weatherell Midshipman deceased on the 23rd
M. Bulwaine Marine deceased on the 20th
John Smith Seaman discharged to duty on the 18th18th Instant
Midshipman Francis Stone is convalescent
Simon Caton Marine deceased 22rd
Francis Lefevre Seaman convalescent
Richard Kleek Seaman convalescent20th Instant
John Whitney deceased 29th21st instant
Joseph Stammers Marine is mending
David Smith discharge to duty on the 24th26th Instant
Midshipman Pleasanton2928th Instant
Lieut.C. Searcey30
W. Fields Boatswain Yeoman
Nathan Hill Boy29th Instant
Midshipman J. G. Rodger31
W.Bieler Master at Arms
S. Concklin Seaman
J. Bevins Seaman
J.Megee Seaman29 John H. Pleasanton was appointed Midshipman, 4 July, 1817. He died 7 September, 1825.
30 Robert E. Searcy was appointed Midshipman, 1 January, 1812. Lieutenant, 5 March, 1817. Lt. Searcy died of yellow fever 2 November, 1822.
31 John G. Rodgers was appointed Midshipman, 4 July, 1817. Lieutenant, 17 May, 1828. Rodgers resigned 10 February, 1834.
Berthing spaces on the frigate USS Constitution with hammocksThe preceding is a picture both to the eye and the heart and requires no explanation from me. It will readily be perceived that of those who have suffered a large proportion were the officers and a very small one of seaman. This I presume is entirely owing to their location in the ship. It appears highly probable to my mind the disease was generated in the ship and that the seat of the infection was between the after hatch and the spirit room and especially the pump room which was situated between them. The violence of the disease which occurred was in a direct ratio to their contiguity to this part of the ship. Midshipman Archer slept in contact with it in the larboard steerage, his case was one of the first reported and one of the most violent black vomit occurring early in the disease. Mr. [Gurdin] Chapin who was also one of the earliest taken sick slept in contact with it in the starboard steerage; he also died of the black vomit with the other most malignant symptoms. Mr. [Thomas] Dorrin’s cot was next to Mr. Chapin. He was reported on the 13th & his first symptoms were of the most violent character. He is as it were alive by a miracle. Dr. [Benjamin A.] Wells who sickened slept next to Mr. Dorrin – Mr. Archer’s servant Wm Mellon who slept under his hammock was reported on the 15th - He also had a severe case though he is now recovering. Next to the officers the Marines have suffered the most severely. They are birthed immediately forward of the steerages & pump room more than those who are situated near the walls of the ship. The boys reported were berthed near the hatchway. Only one sailor John Whitney was attacked with symptoms of great violence - and he as well as Lieutenant Stallings were exposed to infection in Havana. It may not be improper to remark that the black vomit occurred in several of the Marines. What may be considered very remarkable the suddenness of its appearance and the large number immediately taken down and the great mortality attending the first cases
For the space of three months the thermometer was never lower than 82° the temperature on that part of the ocean which we traveled was the same. No doubt the continued heat together with the continued exaltations of so many bodies crowded together at night upon the birth deck united with that accumulation in the those places of the ship of decaying vegetable & animal substances which notwithstanding the strictest attention to cleanliness it is not possible entirely to avoid, though imperceptibly active to produce the morbid change in the air of the ship. This while we fancied ourselves in the utmost security a state of things was silently brought about which required only the accidental spark of infection to produce the most violent explosion. That spark was doubtless introduced into the ship during the last week we remained at Havana. The weather was very unsettled. The same day would bring violent rains and tornadoes hot sunshine enervating calms, land breezes & sea breezes the most copious night dews while on shore the rain and filth forming large pools of green stagnant water and the offensive quality of the water in the harbor there being no tides to remove it is at all times forced upon the notice of strangers. In short it was the rainy season and consequently the sickly season & consequently the fever raged on shore probably worse than any former time during the year. Within the last few days we have experienced at great change in temperature of the air, the thermometer has fallen to 55° thirty degrees of difference my sensibility felt, especially after so long a residence in the torrid zone. That its effect upon the disease that is rather favorable than otherwise is probable – the epidemic within a few days has appeared with symptoms of great mildness in comparison to our first cases. – But the bad weather has largely increased the number of patients. I am of the opinion that new cases will continue to occur until we experience a strong frost, unless the removal of the crew and purification should more speedily arrest the disease.
As to what is termed contagion, I have not observed any in our epidemic. On the contrary, those who are most exposed to this source of the disease by being continually in attendance on the sick & dying and performing for them all the good offices which humanity enjoins have universally escaped the disease. This truth so important as a medical fact, so gratifying to the best sympathy of our nature, is also of transcendent value in a religious and social view by showing us that God is merciful even in his chastisements that his benevolence never fails, and that he kindly shields from harm those who so generously expose their lives for the benefit of others.I remain &c &c
(Signed) Samuel R. Trevett
* * * * * * * * * *
U.S.S. Peacock
Hampton Roads
30th October 1822To: James Biddle Esq
Commander &c &cSir,
I have the honor to report to you the arrival of the U.S.S. Peacock under my command & for the cause of this sudden return I beg leave to refer to the Honorable Secretary of the Navy –
It is with deep regret that I add this morning that Doctor Trevett was taken with the fever leaving us without medical assistance – We anchored inside Cape Henry light yesterday, at 9 A M it blowing very heavy from the Westward – In getting underway this morning parted the ring of the anchor & in beating up discovered an American brig cat anchored with colors union down ascertained she had four feet of water in the hold & all hands employed pumping her in – Sent Midshipman Chauncey with four men to assist in bringing her in – In parting with Mr. Chauncey we are left with only first Lieutenant Stallings & Sailing Master on duty – Very respectfully Your obedient servant S. Cassin
P.S. Since leaving the U. States the effective part of our crew has been reduced 51 in the following way –Officers and men deceased 12-
To prizes 2 officers 13 men 15
Ran - 2
Officers furloughed - 1
Officers
sent home on sick tickets 1
On sick report this day 20
[Total] 51Since writing the foregoing - John Whitney, seaman breathed his last being one of the remaining cases of fever –
Respectfully
S.C.Hampton Roads 30th Oct 1822 I regret to add that this moring Dr. Trevet was taken down with the fever –
31st We were visted this morning by Doctor Gordon of the Congress he reports four new cases – Three of the previous cases better & four convalescent – Lt. Searcey is not expected to live through the night should the wind not favor me before the morning I shall then employ a steam boat to tow us into the Bite of Craney Island where I shall land the sick as speedily as possible –
S. Cassin
* * * * * * * * * *
United States Ship Porpoise
off Craney Island
November 2nd 1822Sir,
The Extreme indisposition of some of my crew on Craney Island and constant attendance of medical aide which this requires has caused Doctor Williamson to call for further assistance both my surgeon and surgeon’s mate are too ill to offer him any assistance that he may require.
I have therefore to request that if you have any surgeons or mates that can be spared you will be pleased to order them on the island as sson as possible.
One of my men died last night and three others besides my surgeon and one midshipman are dangerously ill and cannot calculate on their living long.
It affords me pleasure to say that I believe the disease has been arrested on board and from the first that there was this morning no further apprehension as to the safety of the residue of my crew.I have the honor to be your obedient servant
S. CassinTo: Arthur Sinclair32
Commanding Officer Afloat32Commodore Arthur Sinclair (28 February 1780 – 7 February 1831) was an early American naval hero, who served in the U.S. Navy during the Quasi-War with France, the First Barbary War and in the War of 1812.
* * * * * * * * * *
Craney Island
3rd November 1822Sir,
I am Truly Sorry to inform you that John Moore Seaman belonging to your ship died last night – Some of the men are very sick this morning and I deeply regret to state to you that Dr. [Samuel R.] Trevett and Midshipman Rodgers are both very ill.33Dr. Trevett is worse as I have ever seen him and it is with greatest difficulty I cannot get him to take anything.
Respectfully
(Signed) Th. Williamson33 Samuel R., Trevett, Jr. Surgeon USN, appointed 3 March, 1809. He died Monday 4 November 1822 at Craney Island, source New Hampshire Sentinel 7 December 1822, p3
* * * * * * * * * *
Sir,
The above is a copy of a report from the Surgeon on Board relative to my officers & men and I feel under apprehension I shall loose the officers specified.
No new cases have succumbed since my last report to you.
I have the honor to be your obedient servant
J. CassinTo: Arthur Sinclair
Commanding Officer Afloat* * * * * * * * * *
Craney Island
3 November 1822Sir,
The situation of the sick of the US Ship Peacock calls for more medical assistance they are literally suffering for the want of them might I request of you to have some immediately ordered to assist me.
We have today thirty three on the sick report and some of them very low, two deaths have taken place since the men have been sent to this island- I regret to state that Dr. Trevett the surgeon of the Peacock is extremely low
Respectfully
(Signed) Thomas WilliamsonTo: Captain Arthur Sinclair
Commanding Navy Officer Norfolk afloat* * * * * * * * * *
Alexandria Gazette & Advertiser.
November 07, 1822, p.2USS Peacock
Norfolk, VirginiaThe U. S. ship Peacock, Capt. Cassin, whose arrival in Hampton Roads from Havana, we noticed in yesterday’s Beacon, has since come up and anchored in the bite of Craney Island, and the sick of her crew have been landed on the Island, where they will be attended by Dr. Thomas Williamson. She sailed from Havana on the 22d ult. The Peacock captured five piratical schooners about the 1st of October, one mounting 9 guns; one 3, one 1 gun; and two others—the crews of four of which escaped into the woods. The captured crew consisted of 18 men, who were sent to New Orleans, as were two of the prizes; two others were burnt, and one released on salvage, to the owner in Havana, from whom she had been some time previously, captured by the pirate. The Surviving officers of the Peacock [are], Stephen Cassin Esq. Commander; Lieut. Joseph Cassin; Sailing Master, Nahum Warren; Surgeon, Samuel R. Trevett; Purser, John De Bree; Lieut. of Marines, Samuel S. Coleman, Surgeon’s Mate, Benjamin A. Wells; Midshipmen—Thomas Dornin, John S. Chauncey, John G, Kongers, John H. Pleasanton, and Francis Stone. Absent in Prizes, Lieut. John A. Cook; Midshipmen—Mason Wilson, William P. Piercy, and George W. Simms, Dead—Lieutenant Thomas H Bowyer, died at sea on the 6th ult.
Charles T. Stallings, do- on 17th do.; Robert E Searcy, do. At Craney Island yesterday, died Midshipmen Christopher Lowndes, on the 28th September, at sea, apoplexy; George W. Archer 16th Oct., do., of fever; James B, Whiten 20th do. Captain’s Clerk, Gordon Chapin, do., Seaman, John Whitney; Joseph Simmers and John Bonner, boys, Marines—Matthias Betts, Nicholas Bulwaine, Simon Galon, and Samuel Whitehouse.* * * * * * * * * *
Note: This letter by Dr. Charles Chase who was then serving as Surgeon’s Mate of the USS Macedonia was addressed to Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson shortly after the frigate’s return to Norfolk. An exhausted and perhaps traumatized Dr. Chase requested shore duty or an extended furlough. In this Dr. Chase describes the desperate conditions he experienced aboard the Macedonian, following the death of his colleague Dr. John Cadle and his own near fatal bout with yellow fever.34
34 NARA RG 45 "Officers Letters" Volume 76 -77 dated 7 August 1822.
New York August 7th, 1823
Sir,
I have received your orders of the 22nd of July & 2nd of August directing me to report myself to Captain Evans for duty on board the Cyrane & on board the schooner Shark, and from a sense of duty which I owe to myself & in justice to my own claims I am impelled to respectfully state that since my last cruise & illness on board the Macedonian for which my constitution has suffered materially my health is not sufficiently restored for sea service or ship duty… The last eight years of my life have been almost exclusively devoted to active duty in the public service and for the most part at sea & or on ship board.
When I was ordered to the Macedonian for the West Indies in which ship I was the only [surgeon’s] mate onboard & consequently had the duty of two mates to perform and a part of that time that of surgeon, as Dr. Cadle was twice on the sick list (once with the fever prior to his last attack of sickness). After being worn down & nearly exhausted by the fatigues & privations of the very arduous duties which devolved on me both by night & day without relief during the over whelming sickness and mortality that prevailed in the Macedonian while I was surgeon, the fever for which my recovery was very Providential, my life having been despaired of –
Even when confined to my cot, I continued till my strength failed I continued to give the anxious attendants such directions as was thought likely to relieve the distress of the numerous sick on board many of whom were brought to my bed hoping to obtain from me some assistance the surgeon still being ill to prescribe them. In short the melancholy & distress of the sickness & death together with the accumulated duties on board the Macedonian that fell to my lot were better imagined than described. …
I have now the honor to respectfully to submit this statement of my case that you will be pleased to excuse me from going out in the schooner Shark & grant me a continuance at Portsmouth Station or a furlough. I have the honor to be very respectfully Sir, your most obedient servant.
Charles Chase
To the Honorable Smith Thompson
Secretary of the Navy
Washington City* * * * * * * * * *
A Report to Secretary of the Navy dated 21 September 1823 on the Sickly Season, and Yellow Fever's Effect on Naval Operations on Thompson IslandThe following report from naval surgeons John A. Kearney,35 C.B. Hamilton36 and Elnathan Judson37 to the Secretary of the Navy was written to answer questions regarding the nature and extent of yellow fever in the Caribbean. Specifically the Secretary wanted confirmation of the so called sickly season, that is when the yellow fever, aka, malignant fever was thought to be at its most virulent. In addition he wanted their medical opinion as to if the officers and men stationed at Thompson's Island should be relocated at least temporarily to Norfolk, Virginia, or further North.
35 Surgeon John A. Kearney USN was born in Ireland on June 21, 1793. His parents immigrated to American around 1798. Father was an architect and land-owner in DC. He joined the US Navy as a surgeon's mate on March 3, 1809. He was promoted to surgeon on July 24, 1814 and served in the capacity with the Newport, RI gunboat flotilla under the command of Oliver Hazard Perry. In May 1814, Kearney exchanged stations with Dr. Cotton, surgeon of USS Constitution, and entered the ship on June 11. He was on board for the engagement with HMS Cyane and Levant. He stayed on board until September 10, 1815 and then took up the post of surgeon at the Charlestown Navy Yard in 1816. During the Seminole War, Kearney was sent to Fort Brooke in Florida, and remained during the spring of 1837. From 1841-1847 Kearney was president of the Board of Naval Surgeons, a post he gave up in 1847, when on the 7th of May of that year he was appointed Surgeon of the Fleet in the Gulf of Mexico. He was not long on the job before he contracted yellow fever and entered the Naval Hospital on the Island of Salmandina. It was there on August 27, 1847, that he died at age 53. His body was returned to Washington, DC and he was interred at the Congressional Cemetery on March 1, 1848.
36 Surgeon Charles B. Hamilton USN 2 April 1811 Surgeon’s Mate, Surgeon 15 April 1814 resigned 26 April 1826
37 Surgeon Elnathan Judson USN acting surgeon 5 September 1816, surgeon 27 March 1818 died 1829. Judson was first commissioned as a surgeon’s mate in the U.S. Army on 31 May 1814. His nomination was by President James Madison on 14 Oct., and confirmed by the Senate on 26 Oct. 1814 (Senate Exec. Proceedings, 2:534–35, 538, 576–77). Dr. Judson was made acting surgeon and "in charge of vaccination programs for all seamen and other attached to the United States Navy.’
Public anxiety about yellow fever was particularly high in the 1820's.38 In the course of that decade 1820's yellow fever appeared in Savannah, Georgia, New Orleans, Louisiana, and Pensacola, Florida, almost without fail every summer. In New Orleans, if one includes the mild outbreaks, which by this time mean those claiming from 100 to 400 victims, there were seven years of that decade that witnessed epidemics of varying degrees.39 In 1822 yellow fever hit Pensacola, Florida, hard, most residents of the Pensacola area either fled or died. According to one estimate, the population was reduced from about 4000 before the epidemic to about 1400. Commerce and industry were almost entirely destroyed.40 Writing in July 1826, Naval Constructor Samuel Keep informed his brother the frigate John Adams had arrived in Pensacola with yellow fever cases. He wrote, "I shall not remain here unless I am absolutely obliged to do so."41 In August 1822 the return of Commodore Biddle's squadron from the Caribbean with news of the horrendous losses suffered aboard the frigate Macedonian and sloop of war Peacock from the fever spread fast and many were frightened and alarmed.42 The following year events in the Caribbean brought no relief, for in August 1823 dispatches reached the Secretary of the Navy of similar yellow fever outbreaks at Thompson Island in the Florida Keys. The dispatch contained the alarming news that within a week over 30 Sailors and Marines were stricken with Yellow Fever. Even Commodore David Porter, commander of the naval station, was reported to be in a state of great debility."43
38 For example, nearly 700 people in Savannah, Georgia died from yellow fever in 1820, including two local physicians who lost their lives caring for the stricken. See William R. Warring "Report to the City Council of Savannah on the epidemic disease of 1820. Savannah: Henry P. Russell 1821" https://collections.nlm.nih.gov/catalog/nlm:nlmuid-101571946-bk Retrieved 13 December2019.
39 Jo Ann, Carrigan "The Saffron Scourge: a History of Yellow Fever in Louisiana, 1796-1905.", (1961), LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses, 666, p. 72 https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1665&context=gradschool_disstheses Retrieved 13 December 2019
40 Pensapedia, The Encyclopedia of Pensacola Florida "Yellow Fever" Retrieved 13 December 2019
https://www.pensapedia.com/wiki/Yellow_fever Retrieved 13 December 201941 John G. Sharp "Early Pensacola Navy Yard in Letters and Documents to the Secretary of the Navy and Board of Navy Commissioners 1826-1840" http://www.usgwarchives.net/va/portsmouth/shipyard/pensacola-sharp.html Retrieved 13 December 2019
42 John G.M. Sharp "The Disastrous Voyage: Yellow Fever Aboard the USS Macedonian
& USS Peacock, 1822" http://www.usgwarchives.net/va/portsmouth/shipyard/yf1822.html accessed 13 December 201943 André B. Sobocinski "The Mosquito Fighters: A Short History of Mosquitoes in the Navy – Part 2 Navy History Live Official Blog of the U.S. Navy Bureau of Medicine and Surgery" accessed 9 December 2019 https://navymedicine.navylive.dodlive.mil/archives/10667
On 21 September the new Secretary of the Navy, Samuel Southard, reported to President James Monroe that 11 Sailors had died on Thompson's Island and at least 21 others, including the station's surgeons, were sick. The situation had become so dire that President James Monroe in his State of the Union address specifically noted the fever and the predicament of surgeons and medical personnel on the island.
In the month of August a very malignant fever made its appearance at Thompsons Island, which threatened the destruction of our station there. Many perished, and the commanding officer was severely attacked. Uncertain as to his fate and knowing that most of the medical officers had been rendered incapable of discharging their duties, it was thought expedient to send to that post an officer of rank and experience with several skilled surgeons to ascertain the origin of the fever and the probability of its recurrence there in future seasons; to furnish every assistance to those who were suffering, and, if practicable, to avoid the necessity of abandoning so important a station.44
44 "State of the Union History, 1823 James Monroe - Yellow Fever at Thompson's Island" (Key West, Florida) http://www.stateoftheunionhistory.com/2017/09/1823-james-monroe-yellow-fever-at.html accessed 9 December 2019 2019
Despite the three surgeon's recommendation, the Department of the Navy was somewhat reluctant to move because of Thompson Island's close proximity to Cuba and the cost. Secretary of the Navy Southard ordered a special Navy mission to travel to Thompson's Island to investigate the causes of the fever. Commodore John Rodgers, USN, would oversee the medical task force comprising three of the Navy's most accomplished and senior physicians, Surgeons Thomas Harris, Richard K. Hoffman, and Bailey Washington. Their report of October 29 outlined six causes of Yellow Fever: sudden exposure to tropical climates, lack of comfortable quarters, intemperate habits, lack of fresh and wholesome provisions,"continued annoyance by mosquitoes and sand-flies, and so-called depressing passions arising from the prevailing epidemic."
The future of the naval station at Thompsons Island remained in question until another yellow fever epidemic lead to even more deaths. It was only on 24 May 1825 that Secretary Southard after yet another outbreak of yellow fever ordered Commodore Lewis Warrington, the new Commander of the West Indies Squadron, to relocate to a West Florida town called Pensacola. A year later in December 1826 the Navy officially disestablished its base on Thompson's Island.45
45 André B. Sobocinski, "The Mosquito Fighters: A Short History of Mosquitoes in the Navy" – Part 2 Navy Medicine Live, 2016 https://navymedicine.navylive.dodlive.mil/archives/10667 accessed 13 December 2019
Yellow fever remained a real threat to life and naval operations for much of the nineteenth century. The naval medical community could do little more than diagnose, for the medical treatment of the day consisted of doses of mercury, of diluted vinegar, of tartar to induce vomiting, and above all the pre-scientific medicine favorite treatment for everything, bleeding typically draining of twenty or thirty ounces of blood at a time. Even today treatment is symptomatic and supportive only. The first vaccine was not developed until 1937.46
46 Sharp, Early Pensacola
Transcription: This transcription was made from digital images of letters and documents received by the Secretary of the Navy, NARA, RG 45 M148 Officers Letters volume 76-77, 30 July 1823 to 21 October 1823 letter to Secretary of the Navy from Surgeons, Kearney, Hamilton, and Judson dated 21 September 1823. In transcribing I have striven to adhere as closely as possible to the original in spelling, capitalization, punctuation, and abbreviation, superscripts, etc., including the retention of dashes and underlining found in the original.
John G. Sharp 10 December 2019
* * * * * * * * * *
Washington September 21st 1823
To The Honorable the Secretary of the Navy
Sir,
The Surgeon to whom were referred the following question, having examined the papers, and considered the reports submitted to their inspection as well as the opinions and information imparted by Lieutenants Boarman and Newell most respectfully present the following result of their deliberations —
Question 1st Is not the sickly season in that climate from the 20th August to 25th September?
Answer We are not in the possession of any facts to warrant us stating at what particular periods the sickly season in that climate either commences or terminates, being governed, as it is by causes entirely dependent on the state of the atmosphere: we however are of the opinion that the season most productive of tropical fever is between the 1st of August and the last of October —
Question 2nd If an order were sent from the Department could it reach there so as to effect a removal to Norfolk or some Northern port in time to produce a salutatory effect on the health of the officers and men? Or will there be such a change in the season before the order could be obeyed as to render a removal unnecessary?
Answer The interrogatories proposed to us do not involve the question whether yellow fever is a contagious disease: we therefore state no opinion upon a point which has for so long a period been contested: nor do we feel it a duty to express an opinion on the origin of the disease at Thompson's Island whether imported or indigenous to that place; it is however an ascertained fact that causes do now exist at that island favorable to the production of a malignant disease and it is highly probable judging from experience and analogy that these causes will not cease to act until the last of October and that those remaining on that station are liable to become subjects of attack, we are therefore of the opinion that although an order for removal may not be efficient for the preservation of those now ill yet it might be the means of rescuing others from a fatality of which appears too true to be disregarded and we are further of the opinion that if an order for removal of the Forces were sent immediately it would arrive in time to arrest the present melancholy condition of the island, but we cannot answer for the consequences which may be the result of its further delay.
The undersigned have unanimously adopted the proceeding report respectfully submit the same to the consideration of the Honorable, the Secretary of the Navy —[Signed] Jno. A. Kearney
[Signed] C.B. Hamilton
[Signed] Elnathan Judson
USS Macedonian September 1818* * * * * * * * * *
Dr. Samuel Russell Trevett Jr Surgeon USN 20 August 1783 – 4 November 1822
Doctor Samuel Russell Trevett Jr., Surgeon USN was born on 20 August 1783 in Marblehead, Massachusetts. Trevett grew up close to the sea, Marblehead in his youth a thriving seaport with merchant ships and fishing vessels lining the harbor. His father Captain Samuel Russell Trevett and mother Sarah Wormsted were both from prominent families. His father had fought at Bunker Hill and later was appointed as captain in the United States Revenue Cutter Service, a precursor of the Coast Guard. At age ten Trevett was enrolled in Philips Exeter Academy. He later went on to Harvard University where he graduated in 1804 and choosing to study medicine gained his MD degree in 1808.47 After briefly practicing medicine in Boston, Massachusetts, he was commissioned in the United States Navy on 3 March 1809.48 He initially served as surgeon on the USS Constitution but in 1812 was assigned as surgeon on the frigate USS United States then under the command of Stephen Decatur. On 25 October 1812 the United States defeated the HMB Macedonian in a long sea battle. The British side suffered heavy casualties, 43 dead, 71 wounded. Dr. Trevett treated many of the wounded including Commodore Decatur. For his heroic actions Dr. Trevett was commended by the Navy Department.49 The American vessel and its crew was one of the first to defeat and capture a British frigate. As such she and her crew were lauded in the press for their victory. The Macedonian was the first British warship to ever be brought into an American harbor. The victory of the United States over the Macedonian meant the officers and crew were all eligible for prize. In his 18 November 1813 letter to the Secretary of the Navy, Dr. Trevett mentions giving his father (who had experienced financial difficulties due to the war) over $1,000 of his prize money.50
In 1815 Dr. Trevett again sailed with Commodore Stephen Decatur, this time as surgeon on the USS President. He was aboard when she encountered the HMS Endymion. In a particularly bloody action, the American frigate lost 35 killed and 70 wounded. Dr. Trevett courageously performed life-saving medicine and treated many of the wounded and dying for hours. Some idea of the type of wounds Trevett treated is found in his letter to the Secretary of the Navy dated 16 November 1816 regarding Quarter Gunner John Barrett. Barrett was badly wounded by shell fragments in the arm, leg and by a fragment striking him in the forehead resulting in copious blood loss and deafness.51 After hours of fighting, Commodore Decatur surrendered to the British and the Americans made prisoners. Now in possession of the Royal Navy, President and her crew were ordered to proceed to Bermuda with Endymion. During the journey, they encountered a dangerous gale. The storm destroyed President's masts and strained Endymion's timbers so badly that all the upper-deck guns were thrown overboard to prevent her from sinking. Decatur his officers and his crew were briefly held prisoner in Bermuda. However, the war unknown to all, peace was declared and all prisoners including Dr. Trevett released.
In 1819 while a passenger on the steamboat Phoenix traveling on Lake Champlain, Dr. Trevett again performed heroic actions. The Phoenix boiler blew up and in the resulting fire many passengers were burned to death or drowned. Dr. Trevett was at great risk to his own life while rescuing numerous women and children and providing medical aide.52
Dr. Trevett served briefly at Charlestown Navy Yard but volunteered for sea duty aboard the USS Peacock.53 While on deployment with the West India Squadron to seek out and destroy pirates operating in the Caribbean water, many of the crew came down with yellow fever. Dr. Trevett, although probably already afflicted, treated the officers and crew and did his best to relieve their suffering.54 His letter to Captain Stephen Cassin dated 22 October 1822 eloquently describes his analysis and reflections on the cause and nature of the disease. Dr. Trevett stayed with his patients when the vessel returned and was in quarantine at Craney Island. He continued working until his death of yellow fever on 4 November 1822 (#128 on 1822 USS Peacock Muster Roll extract). He remains rest in the Trinity Episcopal Churchyard, Portsmouth Virginia.55 In a life filled with distinguished medical and humanitarian service, he made a difference. His fellow officers concluded his epitaph with a heartfelt, "Peace to his ashes."
Trinity Episcopal Churchyard, Portsmouth, VA
Erected in the memory of Samuel Russel Trevett, M.D., late a surgeon in the U.S. Navy. Born in Marblehead, Massachusetts, August 20, 1783, died November 4, 1822, on this island soon after his arrival from a cruise in the West Indies. He graduated at Harvard University 1804, a man of eminence in his profession and of various and extensive literary attainments. Highly distinguished for his moral and social virture. Beloved and esteemed by his brother officers and all other who knew his worth. His premature death wrung with angjish the hearts of his surviving relatives and is cause of deep regret to a numerous circle of friends and a sympathizing public. Peace to his ashes.Sources:
47 Appleton's Cycolpedia Volume 6 (Appleton: New York 1889), pp.160 -161, James Grant Wilson and John Fisher editors
48 Naval History and Heritage Command Officers Continental and US Navy and Marine Corps 1775 -1900
https://www.history.navy.mil/research/library/online-reading-room/title-list-alphabetically/o/officers-continental-usnavy-mc-1775-1900.html49 The War of 1812 Commendations Awarded to Medical Personnel
Department of the Navy, Bureau Of Medicine "The Grog Ration" Summer 2012, p.27 accessed 27 October 2019
https://issuu.com/thegrogration/docs/the_grog_summer_201250 Samuel R. Trevett to Secretary of the Navy 13 November 1813 NARA RG45 M148 Officers Letters, Volume 23-24
51 Samuel R. Trevett to Secretary of the 16 November 1816 NARA RG45 M148 Officers Letters, Volume 32 - 33
52 New York Post 11 Sept 1819,p.3 describes Dr. Trevett's narrow escape from steamboat Phoenix fire
53 NARA RG 45, Miscellaneous Records of the Navy Department, roll no. 0086, 1822 muster roll of the USS Peacock, re Dr. Samuel R. Trevett USN (no. 128) states, states Dr. Trevett came aboard on 16 June 1822 at Charlestown Navy Yard and confirms his place of death as Craney Island and date of his death 4 Nov 1822.
54 Samuel R. Trevett to Captain Stephen Cassin 22 October 1822
55 See endnote number 7 for date of death as 4 November 1822
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John G. M."Jack" Sharp resides in Concord, California. He worked for the United States Navy for thirty years as a civilian personnel officer. Among his many assignments were positions in Berlin, Germany, where in 1989 he was in East Berlin, the day the infamous wall was opened. He later served as Human Resources Officer, South West Asia (Bahrain). He returned to the United States in 2001 and was on duty at the Naval District of Washington on 9/11. He has a lifelong interest in history and has written extensively on the Washington, Norfolk, and Pensacola Navy Yards, labor history and the history of African Americans. His previous books include African Americans in Slavery and Freedom on the Washington Navy Yard 1799-1865, Morgan Hannah Press 2011. History of the Washington Navy Yard Civilian Workforce 1799-1962, 2004.
https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/browse-by-topic/heritage/washington-navy-yard/pdfs/WNY_History.pdf
and the first complete transcription of the Diary of Michael Shiner Relating to the History of the Washington Navy Yard 1813-1869, 2007/2015 online:
https://www.history.navy.mil/research/library/online-reading-room/title-list-alphabetically/d/diary-of-michael-shiner.html
His most recent work includes Register of Patients at Naval Hospital Washington DC 1814 With The Names of American Wounded From The Battle of Bladensburg 2018,
https://www.history.navy.mil/research/library/online-reading-room/title-list-alphabetically/r/register-patients-naval-hospital-washington-dc-1814.html
The last three works were all published by the Naval History and Heritage Command. John served on active duty in the United States Navy, including Viet Nam service. He received his BA and MA in History from San Francisco State University. He can be reached at sharpjg@yahoo.com
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Norfolk Navy Yard Table of Contents
Birth of the Gosport Yard & into the 19th Century
Battle of the Hampton Roads Ironclads
