Vol II, Part 6: REPORT OF THE COMMISSION TO LOCATE THE SITE OF THE FRONTIER FORTS OF PENNSYLVANIA - FORT PITT.
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REPORT OF THE COMMISSION TO LOCATE THE SITE OF THE
FRONTIER FORTS OF PENNSYLVANIA.
VOLUME TWO.
CLARENCE M. BUSCH.
STATE PRINTER OF PENNSYLVANIA.
1896.
THE FRONTIER FORTS OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA.
FORT LIGONIER.
Part II.
Pages 236-290.
(See Historical Map of Southwestern Pennsylvania.)
Journal Kept at Ligonier During the Building of the Stockade
Fort of the Revolution, Called Fort Preservation.
Septr 28th. [1777] 12 o'clock an Express from Palmer's
Fort that George Findlay (69) come in wounded and some
more men missing. In the Evening Capt Shannon (70) with
16 Men was ready to March, but the Night's being very
dark thot it most advisable to wait till day break.
[Sept.] 29. When Day appeared the Men Marched to Palmers
Fort and were reinforc'd with 9 Men more then proceeded
for Findlays about Twenty Miles distance from Ligonier.
4 Miles from Palmers we met with Capt Hinkson (71) & 12
Men returning from burying a Boy that the Indians had
kill'd & scalp'd at Findlays (72.) We proceeded to
Rogers within a mile of the place that Night & next
Morning we examin'd the Woods‹coul'd find but 4 Tracks
leading into the Laurell Hill towards Bedford. As they
had so much start judg'd it more prudent to take the
Kittanning Path in order to meet with any partys that
might be coming into the Inhabitants. We cross'd over
the Chestnut Ridge, Brushy Valley, Blacklick Creek,
Yellow Creek, & Twolicks Creeks to James Wilkins without
discovering any Signs of Indians. We encampd before the
House & kindl'd Fires. The Inhabitants in all this part
of the County having fled some Weeks before.
[Sept.] 30. Before Day we left the Fires and march d
into the Woods in order to have an equal chance with the
Enemy shou'd they be on Watch. After Day Broke we took a
course across the Country to discover if any partys from
the Alleghenny had lately come into the Inhabitants.
About Nine O'clock we came on the Tracks of a large
party of our People steering a Course for the River. We
thot it needless to proceed any further, as that Party
was to range the course we were steering. We then took a
Road for Wallaces Fort & came there about 12 o'clock
from which place the Men Went the Day before to look for
Col. Campbell who was thot to be kill'd with 5 more Men.
We return'd that night to Ligonier.
Octr. 1st. This Day we were inform'd the Men who went
from Wallaces Fort to look for Col. Campbell (73) had
return'd. The Indians had taken him & the other Men
Prisoners by a Memorandum left along with five
proclamations from the Comn [Commandant] of Detroit
offering a continuance to all officers in their Stations
& Ranks in the King's Army if they wou'd repair to his
Standard at Detroit. * * * *
Memorand: On our return to Ligonier 4 Miles Distance we
were inform'd of Thomas Woods being kill'd about five
miles from the Town, which occasioned us to make a
forc'd March after Dark into the Town to have the
greater certainty. * * * *
Octr. 3. Capt Shannon & myself went up to Col. Lochry
(74) to know if he had adopted the Plan of Building a
Fort & Magazine at Ligonier for the Support of the
Country and to keep the Communication open to Fort Pitt.
He inform'd us that he approv'd of the same, & wrote a
letter of Instructions to Col. Pollock (75) to appoint
persons to superintend the Works & go on with them
immediately.
[Octr.] 4. Sent Col. Lochry's Letter to Col Pollock.
[Octr.] 5. Col. Pollock came to Town and appointed Capt.
Shannon & Myself to Superintend the Works. We
immediately collected the People & inform'd them of Col.
Lochry's Orders. They desir'd to know the Pay which we
cou'd not exactly ascertain. As an unwillingness seem'd
to prevail with some of working at an uncertainty, Col.
Pollock propos'd riding up to Col. Lochry and having
every thing done to their satisfaction.
[Octr.] 6th. Col. Pollock & Capt Shannon rode up to Col.
Lochry, who wrote to the People that he cou'd not
ascertain the Pay, but* assur'd them of pay equal to
those engag'd in the same Business in the Continental
Service.
[Octr.] 7th. We laid out the plan of the Fort & began
with Trench: Enter'd 2 Teams in the Service.
[Octr.] 8th. Continu'd digging the Trench, cutting &
haling Pickets‹ Enter'd three Teams.
[Octr.] 9th. Continu'd digging the Trench cutting &
haling pickets.‹ Began to set the Pickets.
[Octr.] 10th. Employ'd as the day before.
[Octr.] 11th. Employ'd as the day before.
[Octr.] 12th. Being Sunday the People refus'd to Work.
[Octr.] 13th. At Two O'clock, P. M., an Express from
Capt Lochry at (76) Stoney Creek that he had three
Brigades of Packhorses with Continental Stores under
escorte; that a Man had been kill'd & Scalp'd the day
before within half a Mile of that place; that he look'd
upon it unsafe to stir them without a further*
reinforcement, as he had only fifteen Guns to defend one
hundred & forty Packhorses with their Drivers. At Day
break Capt. Shannon with 24 Men march'd to Stoney Creek
to his Relief. The Works lay still for want of men‹there
being only a Guard for the Town left.
[Octr.] 14th. About 4 o'clock this afternoon the escorte
arriv'd safe at Ligonier without any Accident on the
Road;‹The Works lay still.
[Octr.] 15th. The Horse Masters apply'd to the militia
Capts., vis, Knox & McGuffey for a Guard of Twenty Men
to escorte them to Hanna's Town, which they refus'd.
Capt. Shannon with 20 Men then set off & convey'd them
to Capt. Lochry's, when he was reliev'd. Nothing done in
the Works this Day.
[Octr.] 16th. The Escorte return'd from Capt.
Lochry's.‹A few Pickets set & some work done in the
Trench.
[Octr.] 17th. Carried on the digging of the
Trench‹cutting, haling & setting up Pickets.
[Octr.] 18th. About sunrise James Clifford shot at an
Indian near the Mill Creek, about a Quarter of a Mile
from the Fort (77) A Party Immediately turn'd out. From
the Blood it appear'd he was shot through the Body‹a
large stream spouting out on each side of the path, as
he ran, for about 40 Rods when the Blood was stopp'd &
the Tracks of three or four making into a close thicket.
The Party examin'd the Thicket as narrowly as possibly
but cou'd make no discovery, impossible to discover any
Track. The remaining part of the day employ'd in the
Trench & setting up the Pickets.
*[Octr.] 19th. A party was order'd out to reconnoitre if
any sculking partys were near the Town or any Tracks.
About 10 o'clock return'd without making any discovery
Col. Pollock came & held a Conference with me & Capt
Shannon on the propriety of having a Militia Officer to
Command the Garrison & regulate the Militia‹as Capt
Shannon's Company consisted altogether of Volunteers,
the Militia look'd upon him with a Jealous Eye of
reaping all the Honour of erecting the Fort by the
Indefatigable labour of his Men, we inform'd him [that]
many of the Militia had come to the Works with a design
to draw provisions & look at others working that I told
them [that] unless they did Duty in the Works I shou'd
absolutely refuse to Issue provisions to any such
without an express order from the Lieut. of the County.
Col. Pollock inform'd us the whole Battalion was order'd
into pay & service. I told him when in actual service* I
would issue, but not otherwise. To remove all Jealousies
it was agreed upon, that a Commandant shou'd be
appoint'd to Issue the Orders of the Superintendants to
the Officers of the several Companys. The following is a
list of the Companys & the Number of their Men:‹
Captn Knox & 20 privates,
Captn Shannon‹27 privates.
A Lieut. of Capt McGuffey & 4 privates * * * * * * Captn
Knox was appointed Commandant of the Garrison & of the
Militia then in the Works.
[Octr.] 20th. Capt. Knox proceeded in the Orders of the
Supr. in dividing the Men into proper partys. The Works
went on well.
[Octr.] 21st. *The Works went forward briskly.
[Octr.] 22nd. The People began to grow tir'd of
Work‹disputed the Authority of the
Superintendts‹disallowed of Captn Knox & fell into
confusion.‹About five O'clock P. M, news was brot that
about two hours before the Indians had kill'd two
Children & scalp'd them, two more they scalp d alive
within 200 yards of Palmer's Fort. A party pursued them,
& in a short time the People of the Fort fired off their
Guns to give those persons notice who had gone to their
plantations, which the party in pursuit hearing,
imagin'd the Fort to be attack'd, immediately quit the
pursuit & return'd.
[Octr.] 23rd. The People fell to work again‹a few Loads
of Pickets cut & haul'd & some Men appointed to repair
the outhouses for the reception of the Inhabitants.
[Octr.] 24th. The People fell into confusion again‹many
of them went home; this morning Daniel Grafins House &
Grain was burnt* within a mile & a half of Palmers
Fort.‹The People return'd in again. James Clifford on
his Return saw an Indian on the opposite side of Mill
Creek‹he imagined him (the Indian) to be one of his own
Company & challenged him‹on which the Indian immediately
whipped on his Horse, & it being very Dark got into the
Woods. On receiving this news at the Town, Capts Shannon
& Knox with 19 Men about Midnight set off to examine the
Houses on Mill Creek between the Ford & Laurell Hill
before Day Break, which they accomplish'd before day
without discovering any appearances of Fire. On their
return in the Morning being rainy, they discoverred a
Track about a Mile from Ligonier which cou'd not be made
out any further than a few Rods, as the Leaves had
fallen much & the Weeds kill'd with the frost. Near to
where the Indian was kill'd they discoverd two more
tracks, but raining hard the tracks cou'd not be made
out with any degree of certainty.‹The Artificers wrought
at the Gates.‹Clifford's Team discharg'd.
[Octr.] 25th. Rain'd. McDowell & Johnston's Teams
hawling Fire wood for the Inhabitants.
[Octr.] 26th. Being Sunday the People went out in Partys
to their Plantations. In the afternoon an escorte came
from Bedford with two Brigades of Pack horses loaded
with Continental Stores. The Horse-masters made
application to the Military Officers for an escorte,
which was refused.
[Octr.] 27th. Rainy.‹Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox set off
this afternoon for Col. Lochry's. Before they set off
Capt Shannon & myself requir'd some Men to turn a run of
Water out of the Trenches which was washing & filling
them:‹He gave us for answer he [that is, Pollock] cou'd
do it himself in Fifteen minutes. Without doing it
himself or ordering Men to do it, we were obliged to
hire two Men to turn the Water & dig a Trench to carry
it off clear of the Works. This day the Sergeant of
Capt. Knox's Company & Lieut. Curry log'd a Complaint
with Capt. Knox against me as Commissary‹that I wou'd
not Issue their Provisions & was partial in favour of
Capt. Shannon. When he spoke to me on the Complaint, I
told him the Flour was not come in; that I had offer'd
the Beef yesterday but they wou'd not take a part
without the Whole. This Evening they received the Beef.
This Day we receiv'd an Acco'nt of Jno. Cunningham being
shot at & pursued by an Indian 10 miles below Ligonier.
Cunningham had shot a Turkey & as he went to pick it up
the Indian fired at him.
[Octr.] 28th. This Morning Lieut. Curry sent over his
Provision return. I had not Flour to spare, & told his
Man that I wou'd Issue d'uble Rations of Beef. The
Fellow insulted me, when Mr. George Reading (78) lent me
the Quantity‹Rain'd the whole day excessive hard.‹the
Loyalhanna overflowing the Banks.‹ Partys out for a
considerable Distance round the Town
Reconnoitering:‹made no discovery.‹2 Springs spouted out
in the Trenches, which keeps them full of Water.
[Octr.] 29th. This day snow'd & Rain'd excesive
hard‹Nothing done except a few reconnoitering‹Wm.
Halferty made a return of the Grain and Forage brot into
the Garrison. The Waters still continue high.‹Capt.
Ourrie (79) gave us agreeable news of the Enemy being
pent up near Philada. and a Defeat unavoidable: fresh
Courage & more Whiskey wou'd * make our People Fight the
English or the D: a Scout order'd for to-morrow to Range
the Chestnut Ridge and Laurell Hill between Palmers Fort
and Ligonier.
[Octr.] 30th. This, day Capt. Shannon & myself rode up
to Col. Lochry's. At Capt. Lochry's a complaint was made
to me by the former Magistrates that Col. Proctor, while
in the Assembly, had laid past for the use of the
Magistrates the Votes and the Different Asemblies from
1744, together with a complete set of the Laws, which
have not been sent to them. They desired the Copyes may
be Furnish'd them as their Properties, from an Ordinance
of Convention pass'd the 3rd Sept., 1776. The Scout
turn'd out this Morning consist'g of 18 Men return'd
without any Discovery of any Indians or Tracks.
[Octr.] 31st. This day Lt. Col. Pomroy came to take
Command of the Garrison. (80.) The Trenches continued
full of Water. The teams employ'd in haling Pickets‹the
Men in Cutting.
[Novr.] 1st. The People employ'd in Cutting, Hawling &
Setting of Pickets. & clearing the Trenches of
Water.‹Set up the North Gate 10 Feet Wide‹12 Feet High
in the clear.
[Novr.] 2nd. The People generally inclined to go Home.
Many Familys did go about 2 oclock, P. M.‹Mr. Woodruff
came and inform'd us that Wm. Richardson was found
kill'd & scalped about 3 miles from Ligonier‹3 Strokes
of a Tomhawk in his head & the upper part of his Scull
broke in.‹About 3 miles from Richardsons 2 men were
killd & Scalp'd & a Woman missing. 24 of our Men turn'd
out and bury'd Richardson. There appear'd only 4 tracks.
It was Dusk before we got him bury'd. ‹Return'd to
Ligonier.
[Novr.] 3rd. Employ'd in setting, cutting & hawling
Pickets‹The Forage Guard went to Richardsons to thrash
Oats and Wheat yesterday.‹As a party was returning to
Palmers Fort from a Scout about a mile from that, one of
the party being a small distance behind was call'd on to
stop‹first in a low voice, a second time louder, & a
third time very loud. The Person made up to the Party
but being dusk did not return to the place until the
next morning. * * * found the * * * (81.)
*[Novr.] 4th. Employ'd about the Pickets.‹digging the
Trench‹the Forage Guard continu'd at Richardson's.‹Col.
Pollock came down from Hanna's Town & inform'd us that
Gen. Hand had return'd to Fort Pitt‹that the expedition
was set aside for this season. (82.)‹Clifford began to
Hawl with his Team. * * * Yesterday Morning Capt.
Shannon with 5 Men sett off to meet the Scout from
Barr's Fort & Wallace's Fort to range the Chestnut Ridge
for fifteen miles, which they did without any discovery
of Indians except at the Places where the People were
kill'd. * * * * They likewise found a Mare belonging to
Saml. Craig who had been coming to Ligonier for Salt on
Saturday. * * * * he is suppos'd to be taken prisoner as
his body cou'd not be found. (83.)‹These Scouts fir'd
the Ridge in many places. * * * * Capt. Shannon
return'd. * * * * Col. Pomroy demanded from me the
Continental Salt to have it in his own keeping. * * * *
refus'd delivering it without an Order from a
Continental Officer. * *
Let him have half a Bush for Palmers Fort & 1/2 a bushl.
for Barrs Fort. (84.)‹Sent 2 Light Horse Men up to Col.
Lochry for an Order to detain some of the Arms &
Ammunition for this Fort. * * * * About one half a Mile
from Ligonier, being very dark, they heard some human
Voices, but cou'd not distinguish who they were.
[Novr.] 5th. The Light Horse Men return'd with the news
that Yesterday about 11 o'clock Wallace's Fort was
attacked by a number * of Indians on one Side while a
White Man on the Other Side came wading up the Tail Race
of his Mill with a Red Flag which seem'd to be intended
as a deception for the attack. When the Man appear'd
open to the Fort in the instant of the Attack 7 Balls
were fir'd thro him. * * * * 2 of the Balls went thro 2
Letters he had ty'd in a Bag which was hung round his
Neck down his Breast. * * * * From what cou'd be
discover'd by the Letters they were proclamations from
Detroit to the same amount of those found with Col.
Campbell.‹The same day the People about Palmers Fort
were fir'd on. * * * * Several Partys were discover'd
about there & Squirrell Hill. * * * * Tomorrow we expect
an Attack. * * * * This evening Capt. Shannon & 2 Men
set off for Col. Lochry's for Ammunition. * * * *
Return'd at Night with 41 lbs. Powder, 15 lbs. Lead. * *
* As the Light Horse return'd some of our working party
being near the place where they heard the Voices, they
went and examin'd the Ground. * * * * Found 5 Indians
Tracks. ‹At the same time the Indians fir d on the
People at Palmers Fort they fir d on the Forage Guard
about one and a fourth mites from the Fort without doing
any damage.
This day Capt. Williams brot seven Men part of 25
Order'd by Col. Pollock out of his Company into the
Works. * * * immediately on receiving the news they all
ran away, having first drawn their provisions. * * * *
25 Men more were order'd from Capt. McGufichs comp'y. *
* * He having only 6 Men & those in the Works, the Men
cou'd not be furnish'd. * * * Capt. Shannon having 27
Men constantly in the Works of his Volunteer Comp'y, he
sent orders for 27 Men to relieve.
[Novr.] 6th. This day Centries posted out & Guards. * *
* * Some Pickets set & hawl'd.‹I demanded an Escorte to
Bedford on public Business from Col. Pollock & Capt.
Knox, which* they refus'd.‹I apply d to Capt. Shannon of
the Volunteer Company who with 3 Men escorted me. We
left Ligonier at 8 o'clock P. M.‹Came over the Laurell
Hill to Jollys. (85.)‹ Very Dark.
[Nov.] 7th. We came safe to Bedford.‹The People on the
Road all Fled for 42 Miles from Ligonier.
[Novr.] 8th. I left Capt. Shannon on his Return to
Ligonier. As I came thro Bedford news had come that a
Man was kill'd directly after I pass'd the Mountain
(upon it).
It will be seen from the last entries in the foregoing
journal that on November 8th (1777), Thomas Galbraith,
or the writer thereof, was in Bedford. The information
which the Council of Safety obtained from "verbal
accounts," and which in a communication from Lancaster,
November 14th, 1777, they addressed to the Delegates of
Pennsylvania in Congress, was in all probability
obtained from him. They say (86):
"This Council is applied to by the people of the County
of Westmoreland in this Commonwealth with the most
alarming Complaints of Indian Depredations. The Letter,
of which the inclosed is a copy, will give you some Idea
of their present situation.
"We are further informed by verbal accounts, that an
Extent of 60 Miles has been evacuated to the Savages,
full of Stock, Corn, Hoggs & Poultry, that they have
attacked Palmer's Fort about 7 miles distant from Fort
Ligonier without success; and from the information of
White Eyes & other circumstances, it is feared Fort
Ligonier has, by this time, been attacked. There is
likewise reason to fear the ravages will extend to
Bedford, & along the frontier. We shall order out the
militia of Bedford County, & take such other steps as
may be immediately necessary for the relief of those
settlements, but we find they are greatly deficient in
the articles of arms, & especially ammunition & Flints.
In Fort Ligonier, when our Informants left it, there was
no more than 40 lb of powder & 15 LB of Lead‹Flints are
sold at a Dollar a piece.
"We must beg the assistance of Congress in these
articles‹ arms we dare hardly ask, but ammunition &
Flints we hope may be supplied by Congress both to
Westmoreland & Bedford; and we must also intreat the
attention of Congress to the general Defence of the
Frontier. We know not the situation of Gen. Hand, his
forces or his views; but we have reserved the militias
of Bedford & Westmoreland, for the purpose of
co-operating with him in those parts of the State, & the
neighborhood.
"Mr. Thomas Galbraith will call on you in a few Days on
his way to Ligonier, the supplies should be furnished to
him from Carlisle, to be carried from thence on Pack
horses. He will explain more at large their situation &
it might not be amiss to communicate to him what may be
expected from Gen. Hand, as well as what Congress shall
order."
Col. Lochry reports to Pres. Wharton, under date 6th of
December, 1777, the following (87):
"I Wrote to your Excellency by Col. Shields, giving a
State of the Ravages Committed by the Indians on the
Inhabitants of this County; they have still Continued to
Destroy and Burn Houses, Barns and Grain, as you will
see more Particular in a Patation from the People to the
Honnorable Assembly, Praying Relieff. My Situation Has
Been Critical; Genneral Hand required more Men than I
could Possibly furnish from Two Batalions, which is all
I can Pertend to have jurisdiction over, on acc't of the
unsettled Boundery between this State and Virginia. I
sent One Hundred men for the Remainder was Stopt by His
Order, at the same time the frontears of our County Lay
Expossed to the Marcy of the Savages, Not a Man on Our
fruntears from Logenear to the Alegenia River, Except a
few at fort Hand, on Continental Pay. I was Oblidged, by
the Advice of the sub-lieutenants & other Principal
People of the County, to adopt the Measures I Before
Laide Down to your Excellency, I Requested Genneral
Hands Approbation on the Plan, which he Declined, as you
May see His Letter of the 18th October, if our Measures
Had not been adopted, I am very Cartain there Would Not
been Many Persons on the North Side the Greate Roade
Now, if there is Not Stors Laide in this Winter, In
Spring they Must undoubtedly Leave the Countery; they
Have no Salt to lay up Meat, of which there is a greate
Plenty, their Grain is all Burn'd & Destroy'd on the
North of Connemoch, if there is no Store of Provision
for Next summer, and the People Hindred from Getting
Spring Crops the Countery is undoubtedly Broke up The
Plan we Have addopted Has Been Put in Execution at the
Expence of a few Individuals, which Cant Be Long
Continued without supported by the Publick. I Have sent
five Indian Scalps taken by One of our Scouting Party,
Commanded by Col'l Barr, Col'l Perry, Col'l Smith, &
Cap't Kingston [Hinkston?], Being Voluentears in the
Action. The Action Hapned Near Kittaning, they Retoock
Six Horses the Savages Had Taken from the suffering
fruntears, for Encouragement to other partys I Hoop your
Excellency Will make a Retaliation [compensation or
reward?] for these Scalps."
We have an account of the affairs about Ligonier towards
the middle of the next year, 1778, in a letter from
Thomas Galbraith, from Lancaster, May 20th, 1778, to
Col. Hambright. (88.)
"I left Ligonier the 2d May, the people had entered into
an association to defend the place while their
provisions would last or ammunition; their store
amounted to one month's provisions & about 1 lb powder &
1 LB of lead per man. The Time will soon elapse that
necessity will compell the inhabitants to seek for
assistance elsewhere in the more interior parts of the
Country. There are now two Brigades of Pack-horses in
Canicocheague, to go with loading for Fort Pitt. The
Pennsylvania Road for some time hath been shut by the
Enemy, & prevents the necessary supplies being left on
the line; if two Companies of Militia would be sent to
guard the supplies of ammunition & Provisions up to
Ligonier & Hanna's Town, the Inhabitants will be
encouraged to defend the Posts more stoutly. The
attention of the State to the Frontier will revive their
drooping spirits; their situation will not permit those
to move who can have supplies, to act on the Defensive,
& their necessitys at present requires an immediate
exertion."
Col. George Reading addressed the following letter from
Fort Ligonier, April 26th, 1779, to President Reed (89):
"From our former acquaintance I am the more emboldened,
to make free with you. Your letter of the 27th ult. I
rec'd per Col. Jno. Shields. I accordingly communicated
it [to] the inhabitants and used [m]y best influence
with them to stand their Ground, in consequence of which
several staid here which otherwise would have gone in
hopes of speedy relief, which is yet delayed. This day
the Enemy made a breach upon us, killed one man, taken
one prisoner, another man missing, two families living
some distance from the Fort, not known what is become of
them, we not having men sufficient at this post to send
out, being reduced to a very few inhabitants, and but
eight men and boys as a guard to the Fort. I am sorry to
say that unless we have some speedy support, and
protection we shall be obliged to abandon this important
Post, several of the families being entirely out of
bread, must go 40 or 50 miles for what is got, and pay a
most exorbitant price for. We dread being blocked up in
a few days, the Enemy appearing numerous, and of course
our creatures all destroyed, if that should be the case
our situation will be most distressing, our case is not
agrivated but rather mitigated."
Col. Lochry was notified by Gen. McIntosh in a letter
from Fort Pitt January 29th, 1779, that he (Mcintosh)
was just informed that a large party had just then set
out to strike the inhabitants about Ligonier and
Blackleg Creek. This information to Lochry was sent by
an express so that the neighborhood might be acquainted
of it and be upon their guard. (90.)
By orders from the Commander-in-Chief, General
Washington, from headquarters at Morristown, April 12th,
1780, the supplies which were to be furnished by the
State for the Continental service in these parts were
directed to be deposited at Fort Pitt and Ligonier. To
Ligonier was apportioned three hundred barrels of flour,
eight hundred and fifty gallons of rum, forty tons of
hay, and two thousand bushels of corn. (91.)
Owing to the difficulty of transportation, and from
other causes, it is probable, however, that these
supplies never came up to this quantity at any one time.
(92.)
On June the first, 1780, Col. Lochry writes to President
Reed that "Since Mr. Sloan, our representative, left
this county, we have had three parties of the savages
amongst us‹they have killed and taken five persons two
miles from Ligonier, and burned a mill belonging to one
Laughlin." (93.)
In speaking of the ravages of the Indians in the county
during the summer of 1781, Col. James Perry writes to
President Reed July 2d, of that year, that on the last
Friday two young women were killed in Ligonier Valley.
(94.)
After the destruction of Hannastown in 1782 there was,
during that fall, a ranging company, consisting of about
twenty-two privates and two officers, stationed at
Ligonier for the defense of that quarter. When these
disbanded there was probably no force kept at this point
after that, as the war of the Revolution was now over.
(95.)
(See Plan of Fort Ligonier with Part of the Retranchment.)
The original fort erected at the Loyalhanna was called
Fort Ligonier after the name of the head of the British
army at that time. In October, 1757, Sir John Ligonier
was made Commander-in-Chief of the land forces in Great
Britain, and raised to the peerage by the title of
Viscount Ligonier, of Enniskillen. He had greatly
distinguished himself as a soldier, under the Duke of
Marlborough, and afterward in Germany. In 1763 he was
created an English Baron, and in 1766 an English Earl.
He died in 1770, aged ninety-one years. He was born in
France, his father was a Huguenot of a noble family. He
fought in the battles of Blenheim, Oudenarde, Ramilies,
and at Malplaquet twenty-two balls passed through his
clothes without injuring him. (96.)
The old Fort Ligonier, as is evident from the plan here
annexed, which was copied from the original in the
British war office, was a work of strength and of some
magnitude. It was intended to be such a place of defense
as would meet all emergencies, and was especially
constructed in conformity with the requirements of
warfare peculiar to the time. It was designed and
constructed to answer for more than a shelter against
the Indians, and was made to resist the artillery and
the appliances of civilized warfare. As it was on the
direct line of communication with Fort Pitt, and from
its location would necessarily be a relay station for
convoys and a depository for war munitions, provisions
and material, it was arranged with barracks and ample
accommodations for a permanent garrison. As such a post
it served its purpose throughout the French and Indian
War, and the perilous time when the English held the
line between the colonists and their enemies. In
Pontiac's War, we have seen, it was one of the four
posts which withstood the siege of the barbarians with
much honor and to good purpose.
The Fort proper was but a part of the poet, which with
its outward retrenchments, fascine batteries and
redoubts, was really the harborage for a small army. The
situation of the Fort, with its appurtenances, was, from
a military point of view, excellent. It stood on an
elevated ground within easy distance of the Loyalhanna
Creek, being on the north or eastern bank, the stream
here flowing northward. Eastward the ground was nearly
level, but on all other sides it declined rapidly. At
its highest point it was probably more than forty feet
above the level of the creek, but where the passage way
was made for access to the stream, the bank was such as
to make the approach easy. A deep ravine extended along
the side marked by the small stream as indicated in the
plan. There is some traditional evidence, supported by
circumstances of a probable character, that on the bank
opposite this ravine, which is now partly built upon by
the town, was the burying-ground used by the garrison
and by the first settlers near the Fort. On the side of
this sloping land within range of the guns of the Fort
were the cabins of the settlers and those who had
business at the post. The buildings which are referred
to in the accounts of the siege during Pontiac's War
were likely in this quarter. Many relics have been
gathered about the ground, such as bayonets,
gun-barrels, hatchets, knives, pieces of wagon-tire,
flints and arrow-heads.
The fort which St. Clair speaks of in 1774, into which
the people of the valley gathered during that Summer,
was probably the old fort rehabilitated by St. Clair
himself; for during this time this was the center from
which he directed operations as the agent of the Penns.
It is also probable that a part of the fort‹the magazine
and storehousehad been kept up for the accommodation of
the property belonging to the Province, down to at least
1772 or 1773. These structures from the nature of the
material used in their construction logs and earth
embankments and exposed as they were to the inclemency
of the weather, could not last long without constant
reparation. While the material of Fort Ligonier was of
this perishable character, yet the earth-works, the
bastions, the store-house, and the magazine were
originally intended, as we have said, to be more
permanent and substantial than was usual in the ordinary
forts of that period.
The stockade of the Revolutionary period was an entirely
different affair. The place which it occupied cannot be
pointed out, but it is altogether probable that it was
built near the site of the old fort, some remains of
which, such as the ditch, were then utilized. The new
structure was probably nearer the creek, and lower than
the site of the old fort, as the circumstance of the
water flowing into the ditch, mentioned in the
"Journal," when it was building, would indicate.
Doubtless , however, it embraced within its limits the
magazine of the old fort, and was within proximity to
the spring of the ravine.
It is proper to observe, without any motive of
adulation, that the people of Ligonier Valley have ever
manifested a spirit of patriotic interest in the
historic events which are connected inseparably with old
Fort Ligonier. Nor is there any place within the
Commonwealth more deserving of remembrance or better
calculated to arouse sentiments of filial gratitude and
patriotic reverence.
Its history begins with the earliest appearance of
civilization in these wilds. Its record antedates every
other point west of the mountains secured by the
English-Americans. The British historian in narrating
the story of the conflicts of England with those nations
of Europe which her valor and diplomacy conquered, and
especially with France, with whom struggled for life or
death for the supremacy, must mention the campaign of
Forbes and the fort on the Loyalhanna; the annalist of
the Province which the Penns founded, cannot help
dwelling on the names of Ligonier and St. Clair; the
history of the Commonwealth would be incomplete without
allusion to it. Nor could the student of history whose
attention is directed to the frontier wars, avoid, if he
would, a recurrence to this place; for it is peculiarly
identified with the history and traditions of a long and
bloody savage warfare waged about her fields and round
her stockade walls. The ground on all sides was wetted
with innocent blood; families were torn asunder,
captives were carried off, and widowed women and
orphaned children left shelterless to the compassion of
their neighbors. The unwritten events far outnumber
those of authentic narration. For all the region of the
Ligonier Valley between the mountain ridges extending to
the limits of the occupancy of the whites, Fort Ligonier
was the citadel, the place of refuge, the harbor of
safety.
In two things particularly is the place notable. The one
is in the interest that attaches to the circumstantial
account Washington's great peril, and the other is in
the association of the career of St. Clair with its
early history. Of the memory of St. Clair, this whole
region partakes. A character singular and unique, a life
checkered and of many experiences, a career remarkably
unfortunate‹there is no personage more marked in its
individuality during the Revolutionary period than his.
He was a patriot, a soldier and a statesman, but
unfortunate in a degree to arouse commiseration. This is
not the place to do justice to his services or his
character, and only a reference to him can be made. It
may well be, however, that for no thing that he did will
his memory be more likely to endure in the gratitude and
respect of his countrymen than for the part he took in
directing these people in the early days of the
Revolution, particularly in their sentiments and
attitude as manifested in the Resolutions passed at
Hannastown, May 16th, 1775. (97.)
Notes to Fort Ligonier.
(1.) This regiment was authorized by Act of Parliament.
It was to consist of four battalions of one thousand men
each, and intended to be raised chiefly of the Germans
and Swiss, who, for many years past, had come into
America, where waste land had been assigned them on the
frontiers. They were generally strong, hardy men,
accustomed to the climate. It was necessary to appoint
some officers, especially subalterns who understood
military discipline and could speak the German language;
and as a sufficient number could not be found among the
English officers, it was further necessary to bring over
and grant commissions to several German and Swiss
officers and engineers. [Smollett's History of England,
111-475.]
The Royal American regiment is now the Sixtieth Rifles.
* * * * Its ranks at the time of Pontiac's War were
filled by provincials of English as well as of German
descent [Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. 18, n.]
(2.) The Virginians wanted the expedition to advance on
the road made by Braddock. Washington had an interview
with Bouquet midway between Fort Cumberland, where his
regiment lay, and Bedford, and spared no effort to bring
him to his opinion. The final decision was not made
until Forbes came to Raystown; for even then the very
strongest efforts were put forth by those who favored
the lower route. Washington gave many reasons why it
should be preferred. Col. John Armstrong, of the
Pennsylvanians, in a letter to Richard Peters from
"Ray's Town, October 3d, 1758," says that Col.
Washington was "sanguine and obstinate" as to the
opening of the road through Pennsylvania, and adds, "The
presence of the General has been of great use in this as
well as other accounts."‹Arch. iii, 551.
(3.) Some reports says 1,700 men. * * * * Col. Jos.
Shippen in a letter to Richard Peters from the camp at
Rays' Town, 16th of August, 1758: "The army here
consists now of about 2,500 men, exclusive of about
1,400 employed in cutting and clearing the road between
this and Loyal Hanning, a great part of which I suppose
by this time is finished, so that I am in hopes we shall
be able to move forward soon after the General comes up,
who we hear is at Shippensburg on his way up. * * * *
Col. Washington and 400 of his regiment have not yet
joined us, nor has any of Col. Byrd's (of Virginia)
except two companies."‹Arch. iii, 510.
The number reported as so engaged, August 1st,in Sparks
Washington, Vol. ii, p. 289, is 1,700. The numbers in
all occasions vary, from obvious reasons, and
particularly for the reason that the position of the
troops was constantly changing.
(4.) Parkman‹Montcalm and Wolfe, et seq. This authority
is followed wherever necessary, and given literally.
(5.) The Pennsylvania Regiment consisted of three
battalions. The Hon. Wm. Denny, Esq., Lieut.-Gov. of the
Province of Penna., Colonel-in-Chief.
First Battalion‹Colonel Commandant, John Armstrong.
Second Battalion‹Colonel Commandant, James Burd.
Third Battalion‹Colonel Commandant, Hugh Mercer.
(6.) We have no present information as to the date when
Bouquet first came to Loyalhanna. He says, in a letter
reporting Grant's defeat dated at Loyalhanna, Sept.
17th, 1758. * * * "The day on which I arrived at the
camp, which was the 7th [of Sept.,] it was reported to
me that we were surrounded by parties of Indians,
several soldiers having been scalped or made prisoners."
See Fort Pitt, by W. M. Darlington, Esq., p. 75.
From the side of the French we have some account of this
period. Vaudreuil to Massiac, from Montreal, 28th of
Sept., 1758, says: "M. de Ligneris has written to me
from Fort Duquesne on the 30th of last month; he
continues to have parties out, who brought him two
prisoners on the 30th, [August] from whom he learned
that Gen. Forbus [Gen. Forbes?] was immediately expected
at Royal Amnon; where there were not more than 2,000
men, under the command of Col. Bouquet, with eight
pieces of cannon or field carriages and several mortars;
that a fort had been built there of piece upon piece,
and one sawmill; as for the rest, they are ignorant
whether Fort Duquesne is to be attacked this fall; that
the Provincials had orders to go into winter quarters;
that they had been since countermanded, but that people
still spoke of dismissing them; that there are no more
horned cattle at Royal Amnon, but plenty of provisions
of flour and salt meats." Arch. vi, 2d ser. p. 553.
(7.) An early mention of the place, Loyalhanna, is in
connection with the points on the Old Trading Path.
(Records v, 747-750.) March 2, 1750, the Governor laid
before the Council Mr. John Patten's Map of the Distance
to the Ohio, together with the account given of the same
by Mr. Weiser and the Traders in former examinations. He
desired them to peruse the map carefully, and to examine
a witness on the subject, who had accompanied Col. Fry
to Loggs Town to a treaty held there in the year 1752.
The following distances are given as computed by the
Indian Traders from Carlisle to Shanoppin's Town:
"From Ray's Town to the Shawonese Cabbin 8 miles * * *
To the Top of Allegheny Mountains 8 m * * * * to
Edmund's Swamp 8 m * * * * to Cowamahony Creek 6 m * * *
* to Kackanapaulins 5 m * * * * to Loyal Hannin 18 m * *
* * from Loyal Hannin to Shanoppin's town 50 m.
The Courses of the Road by Compass.
From Kackanapaulin's House N. 64 W., 12 miles to Loyal
Hannin Old Town.
From Kackanapaulin's House N. 20 W., 10 miles to the
Forks of the Road.
From Kackanapaulin's House West 10 miles to ____.
From Kackanapaulin's House N. 80 W., 15 miles to
Shanoppin's Town.
Mention of the place in C. Gist's Journal:
Christopher Gist, as the agent of the Ohio Company, set
out from Col. Thomas Cresap's at the Old Town on the
Potomac River in Maryland, Oct. 31, 1750, on a journey
of exploration. He was required to keep full notes for
an official report. The Journal of the tour is found in
Pownall's "Topographical Description of North America,"
published in London in 1776, but later reprinted in
Christopher Gist's Journals, &c., by Wm. M. Darlington,
Esq., Pittsburgh, 1893.
Following is an extract: "Monday, 12th Nov., 1750, set
out from Stoney Creek N. 45, W. 8 N crossed a great
Laurel Mountain [Laurel Hill] * * * * Tuesday 13.‹Rain
and Snow * * * * Wednesday 14.‹set out in 45 W. 6 M. to
Loyalhannan an old Town on a Creek of Ohio called
Kiscominatis, "then N. 1 M., NW. 1 M. to an Indian s
camp on the said Creek * * * * Thursday, 15, the Weather
bad and I unwell I staid here all Day: the Indian to
whom this Camp belonged spoke good English and directed
Me the Way to this Town, which is called Shannopins
Town: He said it was about 60 M. and a pretty good Way."
Observe here the place is called an old town, and the
creek the Kiskiminetas.
In the map accompanying the Report of Gist, called "Fry
and Jefferson's Map, 1755." Loyalhanna is marked as an
Indian place, not as the name of the "stream" which is
called the Kishkeminetas. * * * * See infra.
George Croghan, the Indian trader in a letter to R.
Peters, March 23d, 1754, giving the distance to the
points on the trading paths westward, says: * * * * "The
road we now travel * * * * from Laurel Hill to Shanopens
[near the forks of the Ohio], is but 46 miles, as the
road now goes, which I suppose may be 30 odd miles on a
straight line." Arch. ii, 132.) Croghan, it must be
remembered, was very zealous for action on the part of
the province, and consequently did not magnify the
distances.
In the "Account of the Road to Loggs Town on Allegheny
River, taken by John Harris, 1754" (Arch. ii, 135) the
following distances are noted from the points designated
* * * * From Ray's Town to the Shawana Cabbins 8 M. * *
* * to Allegheny Hill 6 M * * * * to Edmond's Swamp 8 M
* * * * to Stoney Creek 6 M * * * * to Kickener Paulin's
House, (Indian) 6 M * * * * to the Clear Fields 7 M. * *
* * to the other side of the Lawrel Hill 5 M. to Loyal
Haning 6 M. * * * * to the Big Bottom 8 M. * * * * to
the Chestnut Ridge 8 M. * * * * to the parting of the
Road 4 M. * * * thence one Road leads to Shannopin's
Town the other to Kisscomenettes, old Town."
On Lewis Evans' Map, 1755, it is called "Loyalhanning,"
and it is marked as an Indian town, or camp, and is
located on the south or western side of the creek.
From an "Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British
Colonies"‹from which this information is derived‹"The
greatest part of Virginia is composed with Assistance of
Messieurs Fry and Jefferson's Map of it. * * * * The Map
in the Ohio, and its Branches, as well as the Passes
through the Mountains Westward, is laid down by the
Information of Traders and others, who have resided
there, and travelled them for many years together.
Hitherto there have not been any Surveys made of them,
except the Road which goes from Shippenburg which goes
round Parnell's Knob and by Ray's Town over the
Allegheny Mountains." * * * * This Map and Analysis were
printed in Phila. by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1755. The
Maps of the Ohio Company Surveys of 1750-51-52, were
copied from the original in the Public Record Office
London, by J. A. Burt, 1882 for Wm. M. Darlington, Esq.,
to whose work "Christopher Gist's Journals, with notes,
etc." Pittsburgh, 1893, we are indebted for this, and
other relevant data.
According to John Heckewelder‹Names which the Lenni
Lennape or Delaware Indians gave to Rivers, Streams and
Localities, within the State of Pennsylvania, etc.,
Moravian Society's Publications," the word Loyalhanna is
corrupted from Laweellhanne, signifying, the middle
stream.
Other words in which time root of these two words are
found, are Le-la-wi, the middle * * * * Lawi-lo-wan,
mid-winter * * * * La-wit-pi-cat, mid-night * * * *
La-wu-linsch-gan, the middle finger. (From the vocables
to above on authority of David Zeisberger.)
Han-ne, signifies stream, and is applicable to river or
creek. It appears in many names and in different forms.
Kittanning from Kit-hanne, in Minsi Delaware,
Gicht-hanne, signifying, the main stream, i. e., in its
region of country. Tobyhanna, corrupted from Topi-hanne,
signifying alder stream, i. e. a stream whose banks are
fringed with alders. Youghiogheny, corrupted from
Jud-wiah-hanna, signifying a stream flowing in a
contrary direction, or in a circuitous course. * * * *
Cawanshannock, corrupted from Gawunsch-hanne, signifying
green-brier stream. The stream called Stony Creek in
Somerset county is the English of the Indian name:
Sinne-hanne, or Achsin-hanne.
A large creek on the eastern side of Laurel Hill is
called by Frederick Post, Rekenpalin. Vide Journal.
The designation, Middle Creek as given to the Loyalhanna
was applicable probably from the fact that it was about
midway between the Allegheny or Ohio and the Raystown
Branch of the Juniata. It was direct on the Indian
trail, as we have seen, between these two points. There
was a Shawanese town on the site of Bedford, it is
said.‹(See Note to Juniata, in Heckewelder, supra.)
Heckewelder says that Hanne means a stream of flowing
water. Mr. Russell Errett says, however, (Magazine of
Western History, May, 1885, page 53), that the word in
common use among the Algonkin tribes for river is sipu,
and this includes the idea of "a stream of flowing
water." But in the mountainous parts of Pennsylvania,
Maryland and Virginia, sipu does not sufficiently convey
the idea of a rapid stream, roaring down the mountain
gorges, and Hanne takes its place to designate not a
mere sipu, or flowing river, but a rapid mountain
stream.
Proper Indian names, we have seen, were written
phonetically, so that the least deviation was liable to
convey a different impression. Thus some of
Heckewelder's names, it is said, do not exactly give the
correct pronunciations to the English, for the reason
that he naturally gave his vowels and diphthongs German
sound.
We have preserved a remarkable incident of the
correctness of this observation in this particular word
. * * * * The Hon. Wm. Findley, member of Congress for
many years from the Westmoreland district, an intimate
friend of Washington, in reporting a conversation which
they had touching Fort Ligonier, says (in part):
"The Fort, which is conversant with me, he [Washington
and many others called Layalhana, after the name of the
creek, was also named Ligoniers, [Ligonier's] near which
there is now a town of that name." Wm. Findley to editor
of Niles' Register for May 9th, 1818, p. 180. Letter
dated Youngstown, Pa.; March 27th, 1818.
From the examination of a Delaware Prisoner [about] May,
1757, Arch. iii, 147 "they reported (while yet the
French were at Duquesne), that 135 Indians had set off
from Fort Duquesne, not designed against any Particular
Place, but divide and fall separately in different
places on the frontier: A party divided at Lawelpanning,
&c."
In the French official report it is called Royal Hannon.
The Indians it is known, could not pronounce "r." The
only explanation of the French form is that they made it
an English name. The vulgar conception of the name is
that which gives it an English derivation. * * * * "The
absence of the r, f, and v, the accumulation of the k
sounds (all from the depths of the throat), * * * * are
marked peculiarities of their [the Delawares] dialect."
Trans. Mor. His. Soc. Introduction to Names,
Heckewelder.
It is known that the Indians generally could not say
rum, called it lum. Heckewelder says, in one place, an
Indian called him Quackel, taking him for a Quaker
(Indian Nations, p. 144.)
John McCullough's narrative of his captivity, written by
himself is among the best productions of the kind, on
account of its being accurate as well as entertaining.
He is quoted frequently by Mr. Parkman‹(See the
Conspiracy of Pontiac, Chap. xviii, et seq.) * * * The
author of the Narrative says, as part of his
introduction, that "his endeavour throughout the whole
is to make it intelligible to the meanest capacity;
wherever he had deemed it necessary to retain Indian
words, he has divided them into syllables, in order to
give the reader an idea of the pronunciation." * * * *
He was captured on the 25th day of July, 1756 from the
Conococheague settlement, now Franklin county, near Fort
Loudoun. He says: "I must pass over many occurrances
that happened on our way to Pittsburgh, excepting one or
two. The morning before we came to
Kee-ak-kshee-man-nit-toos, which signifies Cut Spirit,
an old town at the junction of La-el-han-neck, or Middle
Creek, and Quin-nim-mough-koong, or Can-na-maugh, or
Otter Creek, as the word signifies."
(8.) Western Penna., page 136‹note.
As evidence of this see Post's Journal for 9th Nov.,
1758. On this day he left Forbes and the army at the
Loyalhanna, and proceeded with his friendly Indians on
his journey to persuade the tribes about the Ohio to
take part with the English. He says: "We waited till
almost noon for the writing of the General. We were
escorted by an hundred men, rank and file, commanded by
Capt. Hazlet; we passed through a tract of good land,
about six miles on the old trading path, and came to the
creek again, where there is a large fine bottom, well
timbered; from thence we came upon a hill, to an
advanced breast-work, about ten miles from camp, well
situated for strength, facing a small branch of the
aforesaid creek; the hill is steep down, perpendicular
about twenty feet, on the south side; which is a great
defence on the west side the breastwork, about seven
feet high, where we encamped that night." * * *
Note‹This was before the advance of the army under
Forbes.
This place is easily located now. It is on the Nine Mile
Run, a stream which flows into the Loyalhanna about a
mile east of Latrobe. The land belongs to the heirs of
John Rumbach, dec'd., and is situated in Unity township,
Westmoreland county, about a mile and a half from
Latrobe. The hill has always been known as the
breastwork Hill. The breastwork running across the
plateau, is within the memory of many persons still
living. There can be no doubt that it marked the old
Indian trail or trading path to Shannopin's Town from
Loyalhanna: as to which see Post's Journal, same date.
Also Col. Bouquet's letter from Loyal Hanna, Sept 17th,
1758, to Gen. Amherst, (Fort Pitt by Wm. M. Darlington,
p. 75), in which he explains the part he had in Grant's
Expedition, contains the following : "I begged them to
give me their opinion upon a project, of which I had
spoken several times to Maj. Grant at Raystown, which
was to attack during the night the Indians camped round
the Fort in huts, and that the disposition could be made
thus: Lieut.-Col. Dagworthy should march with 900 men to
the post which was known to be 10 miles distance, there
construct an entrenchment and remain with 200 men. The
Major should march with 300 Highlanders, etc." * * * *
By this "post" he probably meant the Nine-Mile Run
position.
He says further: "On the 9th he departed, and I joined
him on the 10th at the post, where Lieut-Col. Dagworthy
should have stopped. I remained here all night, and saw
him depart on the 11th with his detachment in good
order. This post being nearly ready for defence, I
returned to the camp." Id.
Also Gen. Forbes in a letter dated Raystown, Sept 23,
1758, (referred to in the text hereafter) to Col.
Bouquet at Loyalhanna, says:
"I understand by these officers that you have withdrawn
the troops from your advanced post, which I attribute to
its being too small for what you intended it, or that it
did not answer the strength that you at first described
it to me. I shall be glad to hear all your people are in
spirits, and keep so, and that Loyal Hannon will be soon
past any insult without cannon." * * * * From Bouquet
Papers, British Museum; quoted in Fort Pitt, supra, p
71.
Quaere. Whether Col. John Armstrong in letter to R.
Peters, from Raystown, Oct. 3, 1758, Arch iii, 551 does
not mean this when he says: "The Road to be opened from
our advanced Post is not yet fully determined, and must
be further reconnoitred." * * * * This letter to be
compared with Forbes letter above, as to the order for
examining the country for a road from this point * * * *
See also the letter of Forbes first quoted. * * * At no
place in the correspondence of this period have we seen
the distance from the Loyalhanna post to Fort Duquesne
fixed at 40 miles, and it is not likely that Forbes
alluded to the Loyalhanna post in that letter.
(9) James Grant was born in the Parish of Inveravon,
Banffshire, Highlands of Scotland, and after studying
law entered the army in 1741, at Ensign, at the age of
twenty-two, and became captain in the 1st Battalion, 1st
Royal Scots, October 24, 1744. In 1747 he was appointed
aid to Gen. James St. Clair, ambassador to the Courts of
Vienna and Turin. Captain Grant served in the wars in
the Netherlands.
In January, 1757, he was commissioned Major of the new
77th Regiment, 1st Battalion, known as Montgomery
Highlanders, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald
Montgomery, afterwards Earl of Eglintown. They were
ordered to America, and sailed from Cork, Ireland, and
arriving at Halifax, America, in August. Sailed from
Charleston, South Carolina, arriving there September
29th, having been ordered there with a portion of the
Royal Americans, in apprehension of an attack by the
French, from the West Indies. In 1758 the regiment
arrived at Philadelphia from Charleston, South Carolina,
and became part of Genl. Forbes army in his campaign of
that year.
Grant and nineteen officers were captured. He was soon
exchanged, and became Lieutenant Colonel of the 40th
Foot in 1760, and was appointed Governor of East Florida
In 1761 he was despatched by General Amherst, with a
force of thirteen hundred Regulars, against the Indians
of Carolina.
Grant succeeded to the family estate on the death of his
nephew, Major William Grant. In 1772 he became
Brevet-Colonel; in 1773 he was returned to Parliament
for Wickboroughs, and at the general election of the
year after for Sutherlandshire. In December, 1775, he
was appointed Colonel of the 55th Foot. In 1776 Grant
went as a Brigadier to America, with the reinforcement
under General Howe. He commanded two British brigades at
the battle of Long Island, was employed by Lord Howe on
special services in New Jersey, accompanied the army to
Phila., and commanded the 1st and 2d Brigades of British
at the battles of Brandywine. And Germantown.
In May, 1778, he was sent with a strong force to cut off
Lafayette, but was unsuccessful. He commanded the force
sent from New York to the West Indies, which captured
St. Lucia in December, 1778, and defended the island
against an attempt to recapture it, made by a French
force under the Count d'Estaing.
Grant became a Major-General in 1777, Lieutenant-General
in 1782, General, in 1796. He was transferred from the
55th to the 11th Foot, in 1791, and was Governor, in
succession, of Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. He was
noted for his love of good living and became immensely
corpulent.
He died at Ballindalloch, April 13, 1806, in his
eighty-sixth year. Having no descendants his estate went
to his grandnephew, George Macpherson, who assumed the
surname of Grant. [Wm. M. Darlington in C. Gist's
Journals, p. 207.]
Maj. Grant having been severely criticized on all sides
for his rashness and what was regarded, his imprudence,
it may be interesting to note the comments of an Indian
chief, which have been preserved in the Narrative of
Captain James Smith. He says: "When Tecaughretango had
heard the particulars of Grant's defeat, he said he
could not well account for his contradictory and
inconsistent conduct. He said, as the art of war
consists in ambushing and surprising our enemies, and in
preventing them from ambushing and surprising us, Grant,
in the first place, acted like a wise and experienced
officer, in artfully approaching in the night without
being discovered; but when he came to the place, and the
Indians were lying asleep outside the fort, between him
and the Allegheny river, in place of slipping up
quietly, and falling upon them with their broad swords,
they beat the drums and played upon the bagpipes. He
said he could account for this inconsistent conduct in
no other way than by supposing that he had made too free
with spiritous liquors during the night, and became
intoxicated about daylight.
Montcalm reports to Marshall De Belle Isle of an
engagement as follows: "Montreal, 15th of Nov., 1758. We
have just received news from Fort Duquesne of the 23d of
Oct., Capt. Aubray of the Louisiana troops, has gained a
tolerably considerable advantage there on the 15th. (?)
The enemy lost on the occasion 150 men, killed, wounded
and missing; they were pursued as far as a new fort
called Royal Hannon, which they built at the head of the
river d'Attique. We had only two men killed and seven
wounded." (Arch. vi, 2d Series, 426.) The River Attique,
is the name which is set down in early French maps for
the Kiskiminetas. * * * * It is hardly enough
exaggerated to answer for the French report of Grant's
Defeat, but that is doubtless the one alluded to. * * *
* Bougainville to Cremille reporting (Arch. 2d Series,
vi, 425) the affair with Grant says: "Five hundred of
them have been killed or taken, and almost all the
officers. On our side, only eight men have been killed
or wounded."
(10.) Quoted in Arch. xii, 392. Also History Western
Penna., p. 139, n.
The following is a list of killed, wounded and missing:
Highlanders, 1 killed; First Virginia Regt., 4 killed,
and 6 wounded; Md. Companies, 2 killed, 6 wounded, 11
missing; First Penna. Regt., 4 killed, 5 wounded, 12
missing; Second Penna. Regt., 1 killed,4 wounded; Lower
Country Company, 1 missing. Total‹12 killed, 17 wounded,
31 missing."
(11.) See letter quoted in Fort Pitt, by Wm. M.
Darlington, p. 81.
(12.) This engagement is mentioned in the Journal of
Col. Samuel Miles, who says: "When the army lay at
Ligonier [1758], we were attacked by a body of French
and Indians, and I was wounded in the foot by a spent
ball." * * * * Miles was then a lieutenant in the second
battalion in the Penna. regiment. * * * * Mile's
Journal, Arch. ii, 2d ser., p. 560.
* * * * * *
That Col. Burd was recognized as the hero of this
engagement is very evident from a letter of a domestic
character, recently made public in a biographical paper,
entitled "Col. James Burd, of Tinian," by Mr. A. Boyd
Hamilton, published in the Historical Register for
September, 1884, Vol. ii, No. 3, the following letter is
produced. The importance of this engagement would have
been more generally recognized had it stood out alone,
and had not the magnitude of succeeding operations
somewhat obscured it. The letter is from Edward Shippen,
Esq., the father-in-law of Col. Burd. It is of a private
nature, and was not, of course, intended originally for
the public. In this case, however, it serves the purpose
of establishing the facts narrated. The preface is from
the article.
"Colonel Bouquet writes Burd, on the 16th of October,
that "General Forbes had fired a feu de joie for your
affair" [meaning the engagement and repulse at the
Loyalhanna]. That Burd actively participated in the
victorious engagement at Loyal Hannon there can be no
question, and the following from his father-in-law,
Shippen, never hitherto published‹ the original is among
the papers of the Dauphin County Historical Society‹is
interesting. It presents his conduct as it was
understood by the public authorities and his
fellow-soldiers. The neat self-glorification on the part
of the writer gives a pleasant glimpse of the pride of a
family circle over this "feat in arms" of a favorite
son-in-law. The superscription bears an elaborate
address [indicated by the lines of separation]. The
bearer was Colonel George Gibson, father of the late
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of this State, John
Bannister Gibson, whose mother was Fanny West, a niece
of Hermanus Airicks;
"To Coll. James Burd, commander of the Second Battalion
of the Pennsylvania Regiment at Loyal Hanning Per Favour
of Mr. George Gibson, Q. D.:
"Lancaster, 6th Nov., 1758.
"Dear Mr. Burd: About the 15th or 16th ultimo, Johnny
Gibson, Messrs. Hans Barr, & Levi Andrew Levi, wrote us
from Raystown, that an acc't was just arrived there from
Loyal Hanning, of your being attackt by a very large
party of French & Indians from Fort du Quesne, & that
you had killed two or three hundred and taken as many
prisoners & beat off the rest. This now, you may be
sure, gave us great cause of rejoicing, as it did the
people of Philada., to whom Mr. Barnabas Hughes carryed
copy's of these letters. Nay, I sent down two or three
copies of them to cousin Allen & Neddy, [his son, the
Judge]. In two days afterwards we had the pleasure to
see your letter to Sally [Mrs. Burd], of the 14th ulto.,
with a confirmation of the repulse you had given the
enemy; and tho you were quite silent as to the number
killed, &c., yet our joy was greatly increased. I make
no doubt you have slain a considerable number of the
enemy, and I don t care a farthing whether I ever know
the quantity, nor do I care whether you have killed more
than half a dozen of them; it is enough for me to be
convinced that you have driven off the enemy, & have
bravely maintained the Post you were sent to sustain; &
were you certain you had killed two or three hundred,
out of 12 or fourteen hundred before their retreat, yet
you could not be sure of success had you sallyed out and
pursued them. Indeed, by taking such a greedy step, you
might have been drawn into an ambuscade, & by that means
been defeated, which might have put an end to the
present expedition. You happily called to mind, that a
Bird in hand was worth two in the Bush; & tho you don't
pretend to equal skill with an experienced officer, yet
I think you may lay claim to some share of Bravery, as
you have so well defended your post, & I make no
question but y'r General will pronounce you a good &
faithful servant & will entrust you another time. I
suppose he is with you by this time, considering the
season of the year, the badness (now) of the road and
the quantity of Provisions now at Raystown and Loyal
Hanning, and the difficulty, or rather, (if ye winter
should shut in immediately,) the impossibility of
getting ye any more before the spring; I say he is
without doubt considering all things; and so am I. And I
am almost ready to conclude it will be impracticable,
not to say imprudent, to attempt to march a step further
this fall. But let the glorious attempt be made now, or
at any other time, I pray God to give Him success, &
return you all home in peace and safety."
Extract from French Archives: On the side of the French
there is a letter reporting their movements about this
time. Vaudreuil to Massiac, in the letter above referred
to (Arch. vi, 2d Ser., p. 553), adds: "The English
suppose us to be very numerous at Fort Duquesne. I am
not sure whether the enemy will organize an expedition
this fall, or wait until spring; the advanced season and
the two advantages we have gained in succession over
them would lead me to hope that they will adopt the
latter course. [Does he here allude to the defeat of
Grant and the attack on the camp at Loyalhanna as the
two victories?]ŒTis much to be desired, for Œtwould not
be profitable for M. de Ligneris to resist the
superiority of the enemy's forces. Meanwhile, he will
use all means in his power to annoy them; embarrass
their communications and intercept their convoys. It is
a great pity that be has been absolutely obliged, by the
scarcity of provisions, to reduce his garrison to 200
men."
* * * * * *
(13.) Fort Pitt, p. 82.
(14.) Technically, a tenth part of a legion‹about five
or six hundred soldiers‹sometimes applied to about that
number of fort soldiers. Here used probably in a sense
other than literal.
(15.) Letter before referred to in Fort Pitt, p. 75.
(16.) Fort Pitt, p. 71.
(17.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.
(18.) Olden Time, Vol. ii, p. 545. In a report by George
Croghan and the rest of the gentlemen who had been
appointed by Mr. Morris, Governor of Pennsylvania, to
lay out a road from Carlisle to Fort Cumberland, etc.,
they say: "He [Sir John Sinclair] is extremely warm and
angry at our province; he would not look at our
draughts, nor suffer any representations to be made to
him in regard to the province, but stormed like a lion
rampant."
To be fair with Sir John, he had no better opinion of
the provincials or of those with whom he was
associated,‹Indians included. He wrote at the tail of a
letter to the Swiss colonel: "Adieu my dear Bouquet. The
greatest curse that our Lord can pronounce against the
worst of sinners is to give them business to do with
provincial commissioners and friendly Indians."
Parkman‹Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii. * * * * See
mention of Sir John Sinclair at note to Col. Adam
Stephen, below.
(19.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.
(20.) All of the army had not yet come up on the 7th of
Nov., as on that date Post sets forth in the Journal:
"We rose early, and made all the haste we could on our
journey; we crossed the large creek, Rekempalin, near
the Lawrel Hill. Upon this hill we overtook the
artillery; and came, before sun set, to Loyal Hanning.
We were gladly received in the camp by the general, and
most of the people. We made our fire near the other
Indian camps, which pleased our people." * * * * It
appears by a return quoted in Provincial Letters, p.
142, of Oct. 21st, (1758), that Col. Washington,
commanding the Virginia regiment, was then encamped at
Loyal Hannon with 461 rank and file. On the 25th of Oct.
the companies of the Royal American regiment, under Col.
Bouquet, Captains Ralph Harding, Francis Lander, and
Thomas Jocelyn, were there in want of numerous articles
of clothing, as were also the Maryland troops under
Lieut. Col. Dagworthy. * * * * As to Captn. Jocelyn, see
quotation from Arthur Lee's Journal, infra.
(21.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii, et seq.
Washington desired to show his zeal and patriotism for a
common cause, actuated as he invariably was, by motives
the most noble. He was accused of being obstinate to an
unwarranted degree in opposing this route. He had
insisted with unusual warmth that the Braddock route was
the one the expedition should pursue. It has been
observed that the chances were against the success of
Forbes, at least until the summer of the next year, but
for Washington and his men and their ways. That these
were large elements in the success in that campaign, is
certain. See Bancroft's History U. S., Vol. iii, p. 204,
Cent Ed.: "Vast as were the preparations, Forbes would
never, but for Washington, have seen the Ohio." See
Sparks' Washington, Vol. ii, p, 315, etc.
(22.) Wm. Findley to the editor of Niles' Register, for
May, 1818, p. 180, Vol. ii, new series.‹Extract: "Since
I am in the way about writing about Washington, I will
add one serious scene through which he passed, which is
little known and with which he concluded this
conversation. He asked me how near I lived to Layalhana
Old Fort, and if I knew a run from the Laurel Hill that
fell into the creek near it. I told him the distance of
my residence, and that I knew the run. He told me that
at a considerable distance up that run his life was in
as great hazard as ever it had been in war. That he had
been ordered to march some troops to reênforce a
bullock-guard on their way to the camp‹that he marched
his party in single file with trailed arms, and sent a
runner to inform the British officer in what manner he
would meet him. The runner arrived and delivered his
message, but he did not know how it was that the British
officer paid no attention to it, and the parties met in
the dark and fired on each other till they killed thirty
(30) of their own men, nor could they be stopped till he
had to go in between the fires and threw up the muzzles
of their guns with his sword." Letter dated at
Youngstown, March 27th, 1818. * * * A charitable
allowance, which is no apology for the integrity of Mr.
Findley, may be made from the fact that this incident
depended largely on his memory His veracity is not to be
questioned.
By Gordon's account, a lieutenant and 13 or 14
Virginians were killed.
The following, from the Gazette, "is said to be the best
account that can be given at Philadelphia, November 30,"
[1758]:
"On the 12, Col. Washington being out with a scouting
party, fell in with a number of the enemy about 3 miles
from our camp, whom he attacked, killed one, took 3
prisoners (an Indian man and woman, and one Johnson, an
Englishman, who, it is said, was carried off by the
Indians some time ago from Lancaster county), and
obliged the rest to fly. On hearing the firing at Loyal
Hanning, Colonel Mercer, with a party of Virginians, was
sent to the assistance of Colonel Washington, who
arriving in sight of our people in the dusk of the
evening, and seeing them about a fire the enemy had been
drove from, and the two Indians with them, imagined them
to be French; and Colonel Washington being under the
same mistake, unhappily a few shots were exchanged, by
which a lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians were killed.
That Johnson being examined, was told he had forfeited
his life by being found in arms against his king and
country, and the only way to save it and make atonement,
was to give as full an information of the condition of
Fort Du Quesne, and of the enemy, as he could, which
being found to be true, his life should be spared, and
in case of success he should be well rewarded; but if he
should give any false intelligence, or not so full as be
had it in his power then to do, he should certainly be
put to death in an extraordinary manner. That upon this
threatening and promise Johnson said, that the Canadians
who had been with Mons. Vetri at Loyal Hanning were all
gone home; that the Ohio Indians had also returned to
their several towns; that the attempt made by Vetri at
Loyal Hanning was only to make us apprehend their
strength at Fort Du Quesne to be very great, whereas
they were very weak there, and added that our army would
certainly succeed. That the Indian man being likewise
examined, his relation, we are told, agreed with that of
Johnson; and they both said the French were very scarce
of provisions, as well as weak in men, and that upon
this information Colonel Armstrong, with 1,000 men and
part of the train, was ordered to march next day, and
the General designed to have followed the next day after
with the whole army, but was necessarily detained till
the 17th, when he certainly marched, and we hope is now
in possession of Fort du Quesne."
"The General marched from Loyal Hanning 4,300 effective
men, all well and in good spirits, besides Indians, and
left a strong garrison there and at Ray's Town," &c.
"It is said Vetri and his people on their return from
Loyal Hanning, were obliged to kill and eat several of
our horses, whose skins and bones were afterwards found
by some of our men."
Extract of a letter from Loyal Hanning, dated November
18:
"This day the General marched with the rear division of
the army. The front division, under the command of
Colonel John Armstrong, is now about 16 miles from Fort
Du Quesne, and they have made a good road to their camp
from this garrison."
"The party of the enemy mentioned in last week's paper
to be attacked by our people near Loyal Hanning, we hear
consisted of above 200 French and Indians, and it is
said that had before taken and sent off Lieutenant James
Hayes, of our Provincials, and another man."
(23.) Western Penna. Appx., p. 300.
(24.) Records, Vol. viii, 224.
(25.) In his Journal for December 2d, 1758, Post
mentions Pittsburgh." On the 4th he speaks as having
drawn provisions for "Fort Ligonier" on his return. From
Post's Journal December 27th, 1758: "Towards noon the
general set out. * * * * It snowed the whole day. We
encamped by Beaver Dam under Laurel Hill. 28th‹We came
to Stoney Creek, where Mr. Quicksell is stationed. The
general sent Mr. Hayes, express, to Fort Bedford and
commanded him to see if the place for encampment, under
the Allegheny Mountains, was prepared; as also to take
care that refreshments should be at hand at his coming."
These places for the convenience of the General had to
be prepared in advance for him. In a letter to Bouquet,
from Raystown (Bedford), Septr. 23d, 1758, on his way
out, Forbes writes: "Pray make a hovell or hutt for me
at L. Hannon or any of the other posts, with a fire
place if possible."
(26.) Arch., iii, 571.
(27.) Arch., iii, 510. Mr. Shippen was Brigade Major in
Gen. Forbes' army. Olden Time, Vol. II, 465.
(28.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 428.
(29.) Arch.. 2d series, vi, 553.
(30.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 564.
(31.) Arch., iii, 685.
(32.) Arch., iii, 669.
Samuel Jones, a captain who served in the Penn'a
regiment, in 1758 and Œ59, is marked dead, in a list
made out in 1760. Pa. Arch. ii, 2d Ser., 609.
Col. Adam Stephen, mentioned above, was one of the
foremost soldiers of his day, and but for a single
failing would have been classed with the greatest of the
Revolutionary Generals. He was a Virginian, and was with
Washington in his first campaign, at the Jumonville
affair and at Fort Necessity, and fought with him again
on that terrible day at Braddock's Field. At the attack
on Jumonville's camp, he with his own hands, made the
first prisoner, capturing the Ensign, M. Drouillon, "a
pert fellow." (Sargent's Braddock s Expedition.) * * * *
In the Forbes' campaign, he and Sir John Sinclair could
not get along together; and they had some hot words at
Ligonier, when Sir John ordered him under arrest. Part
of his regiment went with Major Grant‹ (Grant's defeat);
and, under the circumstances, Major Lewis had to
command. It is probable that Stephen, who was of a fiery
nature, would not brook the Quarter-master's ways. "From
this cause or some other, Lieut.-Col. Stephen, of the
Virginians, told him he would break his sword rather
than be longer under his orders. ŒAs I had not
sufficient strength,' says Sinclair, Œto take him by the
neck from among his own men, I was obliged to let him
have his own way, that I might not be the occasion of
bloodshed.' He succeeded at last in arresting him."
[Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.]
The following extract from a letter from Gen. Arthur St.
Clair (not to be mistaken for Sir John Sinclair, as they
were in no way related), refers to this circumstance.
The letter is to Gen. Greene, who desired St. Clair's
opinion upon some questions of military precedence; it
is dated at West Point, August 10th, 1779, and is found
among the St. Clair papers, Vol. i, page 482. He says:
"Some time in the campaign of 1758, the late Gen.
Stephens (then, I think, a major of Provincials),
commanded at Fort Ligonier, upon the Loyalhanning, when
Sir John St. Clair [so he writes it],
Quartermaster-General, with the rank of colonel, arrived
at that fort. He immediately assumed the command, and
ordered Major Stephens to make returns of his garrison
and stores to him. The major insisted on his command,
and refused to make the returns. Sir John put him in
arrest. The major complained to General Forbes, and
demanded a court-martial. Whether a court-martial sat
upon the matter I do not recollect, but this is certain,
the major was released, restored to his command, and Sir
John censured."
Gen. Stephen served in the Revolution. In 1776 he was
Colonel of a Virginia regiment, and shortly thereafter
was made Brigadier-General and then Major-General. He
fought at Trenton, at Princeton, and at the Battle of
Brandywine, and won the praise of his commander. "But at
Germantown, where he led a division, the sins of his
youth lay triumphantly in wait for him. That which
neither the red skins of the Indians nor the red coats
of the British had accomplished, was wrought by an enemy
less honorable than either. The army was defeated; Gen.
Stephen was dismissed. * * * * He was the founder of
Martinsburg, Va., and called it after his friend Martin,
a relative of Lord Fairfax." Near this place, in a
corner of the beautiful estate of 'Boydville,'
(Stephen's home), close by the road, is a heap of stone,
some rough and some hewn as if in preparation for a
monument, and under these lie all that was mortal of a
pioneer, a patriot, and a general." [Rev. Geo. Hodges,
in Pittsburgh Dispatch, Sept. 24th, 1894.]
(33.) Arch., iii, 674.
(34.) Arch., iii, p. Records, viii, 379.
(35.) Records, viii, 379.
(36.) Gen. Stanwix to Gov. Hamilton from Pittsburgh,
Dec. 4th, 1759.
Arch., iii, 696. * * * * "The old battalions were last
winter greatly distressed on the communication for want
of pay, clothing and provisions. Numbers of them paid
the debt of nature in the way of scalping, and many more
died of the diseases arising from cold and hunger." * *
* * Col. John Armstrong to Gov. Denny, from Fort
Ligonier, Oct. 9th, 1759. Arch., iii, 688.
(37.) Arch., iv, p. 39.
A good idea of the movement of the troops and munitions
from Ligonier in the summer of 1760 may be had from the
journal of Col. James Burd, Arch. vii, 2d Ser., p. 419.
Col. Samuel Miles says that, "In the year 1759, I was
stationed at Ligonier, and had 25 men picked out of the
two battalions, Penna. regt., under my command," etc.
Arch. ii, 2d Ser., p. 560.
In Arthur Lee's Journal there is mention of Fort
Ligonier. Lee passed here in 1784, as one of the
Commissioners appointed by Congress to hold treaties
with the Indians. Extracts are printed in The Olden
Time, p. 334. He says: "On. the 29th Nov. we traversed a
part of the Allegheny called Laurel Hill, from an
abundance of what is called in Virginia, ivy, growing
upon it. On this mountain St. Joselin (this is the first
time we have seen any allusion to this person, or to
this attack, says the editor in a note, but Capt. Thos.
Jocelyn was in the Royal American Regt. there) was
attacked and killed by the Indians; but his convoy was
saved. On this mountain Capt. Bullet was attacked and
put to flight by a party of Indians within two miles of
Ligonier, (Query: Does he here allude to the attack on
Grant's Hill ?)‹and at another time the savages attacked
the hospital, and that was going from the fort and
massacred the sick. At night we reached Fort Ligonier,
built in 1758, by Gen. Forbes, as a station, in his
progress against Fort Pitt‹Duquesne. It was frequently
attacked by the French and Indians, and many of its
troops killed. A very good and capacious stockade fort
was raised there during the late war [the Revolution] as
a defense against the Indian incursions. But they
massacred the inhabitants as far as Bedford, having
passed the fort, through the woods and over the
mountains."
(38.) Pontiac, Chap. xviii.‹Parkman.
(39.) Pontiac, Chap. xix.‹Parkman. Express Riders.
(40.) Archives, iv, 109.
Mr. Parkman has told in a graphic manner of the perils
which beset the express-riders, whose desperate duties
it was to be the bearers of the correspondence of the
officers of the forest out-posts with their commander.
"They were usually," he says," soldiers, sometimes
backwoodsmen, and occasionally a friendly Indian, who,
disguising his attachment to the whites, could pass when
others would infallibly have perished. If white men,
they were always mounted; and it may well be supposed
that their horses did not lag by the way. The profound
solitude; the silence, broken only by the moaning of the
wind, the caw of the crow, or the cry of some prowling
tenant of the waste; the mystery of the verdant
labyrinth, which the anxious wayfarer strained his eyes
in vain to penetrate; the consciousness that in every
thicket, behind every rock might lurk a foe more fierce
and subtle than the cougar or the lynx; and the long
hours of darkness, when, stretched on the cold ground,
his excited fancy roamed in nightmare visions of a
horror but too real and imminent, such was the
experience of many an unfortunate who never lived to
tell it. If the messenger was an Indian, his greatest
danger was from those who should have been his friends.
Friendly Indians were told, whenever they approached a
fort, to make themselves known by carrying green
branches thrust into the muzzles of their guns; and an
order was issued that the token should be respected.
This gave them tolerable security as regarded soldiers,
but not as regarded the enraged backwoodsmen, who would
shoot without distinction at any thing with a red skin"
(41.) Pontiac, Parkman, Chap. xix.
(42) Gen. Amherst, the Commander-in-Chief, although an
able officer, did not understand the Indians or Indian
warfare. He could not see how the posts which had not
fallen could not hold out. He was constantly finding
fault with his officers. "His correspondence," says
Parkman, "breathes a certain thick-headed blustering
arrogancy worthy the successor of Braddock. In his
contempt for the Indians, he finds fault with Capt.
Ecuyer at Fort Pitt for condescending to fire cannon at
them, and with Lieutenant Blane at Fort Ligonier for
burning some out houses, probably those referred to by
Blane in the above letter, under cover of which 'so
despicable an enemy' were firing at his garrison."
Amherst could not speak of the savages with reason. In a
postscript to this letter he made the suggestion to
Bouquet, which has been much commented upon. He says:
"Could it not be contrived to send the Small-Pox among
those disaffected tribes of Indians? We must on this
occasion use every stratagem in our power to reduce
them." (Signed) J. A.
Bouquet was evidently somewhat chary about this method
of proceeding, being afraid of catching the disease
himself. Nevertheless in seeming to comply with the
invitation to experiment in the manner suggested by his
superior, he replies also in postscript: "I will try to
inoculate them with some blankets, and take care not to
get the disease myself. As it is a pity to expose good
men against them, I wish we could use the Spanish
method, to hunt them with English dogs, supported by
rangers and some light horse, who would, I think,
effectually extirpate or remove that vermin." * * *
Amherst rejoined: "You will do well to try to inoculate
the Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try
every other method that can serve to extirpate this
execrable race. I should be very glad your scheme for
hunting them down by dogs to take effect, but England is
at too great a distance to think of that at present.
(Signed) J. A."
"There is no direct evidence that Bouquet carried into
effect the shameful plan of infecting the Indian, though
a few months after the small-pox was known to have made
havoc among the tribes of the Ohio. Certain it is, that
he was perfectly capable of dealing with them by other
means, worthy of a man and a soldier; and it is equally
certain, that in relations with civilized men he was in
a high degree honorable, humane and kind."
[Parkman‹Pontiac, Chap. xix.]
It is not impossible, indeed, that Bouquet had a special
horror of that disease, which might have been known.
Surgeon J. Stevenson, in a letter preserved in Arch.,
iii, page 82, dated Phila., Dec. 13th, writes to Col.
Bouquet: "The reason of my not paying my respects to you
upon your arrival here, was owing to my being informed
by Capt. Tullikins that you have never had the smallpox,
and as I imagined from my being so often among the
soldiers sick of that, disease, that my coming near you
might make you uneasy, I on purpose avoided you."
(43.) Col. Bouquet wrote to Gov. Hamilton, from
Carlisle, July 3d, 1763: "Fort Ligonier has likewise
stood a vigorous attack, by means of some men who
reinforced that small garrison from the militia at
Bedford. The Indians expect a strong reinforcement to
make new attempts on these two posts."
(44.) An Historical Account of the Expedition,
&c.‹Parkman's Pontiac.
The last reënforcement reached Fort Ligonier probably
about the beginning of July.
(45.) Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. xxvi.
(46.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, p. 121.
(47.) Vol. ii, No. 6, Magazine of Western History,
Cleveland, O.
(48.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, 138.
(49.) Arch., iv, 591.
(50.) Isaac Stimble's son Isaac conveyed, Feb. 18th,
1775 (Deed Book A, p. 66, Westmoreland County Records),
the land which Isaac Stimble had "improved," joining the
garrison lands at Ligonier.
(51.) See biographical sketch in St. Clair Papers.
(52.) Arch., iv, 514.
(53.) It is probable that the fort he alludes to here
was Wallace's Fort and the Indian was Wipey, an account
of whose killing is given further on.
(54.) Consult his correspondence in Fourth Archives, and
the St. Clair Papers.
(55.) Arch., iv, 519.
(56.) Arch., iv, 503.
"May, 1774.‹A meeting was held at Colonel Croghan's
house, Ligonier, at which were present Guyasutha, White
Mingo and the Six Nation Deputies. Guyasutha was one of
the orators." * * * Christopher Gist's Journal, 212.
(57.) He doubtless means as evidence at the trial to
convict these offenders.
(58.) Arch., iv, 543.
(59.) Records, x, 198.
The proclamation was made in pursuance of a resolution
of the Assembly passed July 20, 1774, as follows:
"Resolved, That this House will make Provision for
Paying the reward of One Hundred Pounds to any Person
who shall apprehend James Cooper and John Hinkson, who,
it is said, have barbarously murdered an Indian on the
Frontiers of this Province, and deliver them into the
Custody of the Keeper of the Gaol, within either of the
Counties of Lancaster, York or Cumberland, or the sum of
Fifty Pounds for either of them." Arch., iv, 549.
When the proclamation was published printed copies were
ordered to be sent into Westmoreland.
There is not a harmony of agreement as to the exact
place, or the stream, at which Wipey was killed. It is
altogether probable that he was killed at or near the
mouth of Hinckston's Run, a stream which is a confluent
of Conemaugh river, having its source in Blacklick and
Jackson townships, Cambria county, flowing in a westerly
direction and emptying into the Conemaugh in the
Fourteenth ward of the city of Johnstown, which
stream‹Hinckston's Run‹takes its name from Hinckston,
one of the men who killed Wipey.
It is likely that Wipey hunted and fished along the
Conemaugh; and while the tradition is very direct of his
being killed at the place we have mentioned, the fact
would not be inconsistent with his having lived and
abided at the place referred to in Wheatfield township,
Indiana county.
On this subject I am privileged to quote from a letter
of the Hon. W. Horace Rose, of Johnstown, Pa., a
gentleman who has given the subject of the early local
history of his part of the country some attention. He
says:
"In reference to the killing of John [Joseph] Wipey, St.
Clair's statement is in entire accord with the fact of
the Indian being killed as I have stated. It is not
above eighteen miles, perhaps but fifteen by the old
Mountain road, from the mouth of Laurel Run, which is
located about a mile and a half from Hinckston's Run [to
Ligonier]. The old road, known as the Fairfield road,
left the Conemaugh river about midway between the two
runs. The statement I make about him having been shot
below or near the mouth of Hinckston's Run is based upon
the statement of the original settlers in this
neighborhood made to my informants. The Adamses were
well acquainted with Wipey, and from them directly those
who informed me had the statement of his death, and the
fact that he was killed while fishing, from a canoe or
boat just below the mouth of Hinkston's Run. Their
statement was that he was hidden in Laurel Run, to which
point he floated in the canoe; and that the canoe was
turned upside down and attracted the attention of some
Indians who lived in the vicinity of what is now New
Florence. They recognized the boat, which led to a
search for Wipey. Hinckston and Cooper fled but were
subsequently arrested. It was not claimed that Wipey
made his permanent home at this point, but that he
frequently came here and was associated with the
Adamses. The information I have comes but second-handed
from the Adamses who were interested in the Indian, he
having at one time given them warning of a foray. It is
hardly possible that the story could have been invented
with such circumstantial particulars as were given in
the tradition here. George Beam was well acquainted with
the Adamses, and from them directly he obtained the
statement. I knew Beam very well. He died at an advanced
age, and resided in this locality from the close of the
last century. He was thoroughly posted in the
land-marks, and the history of the Valley.
"Hinckston, like Cooper, was a renegade, and tramped
about the country, subsisting principally on game. Such
is the account I have of the men who murdered the last
of the Delawares.
"I wish to call your attention to the fact that if Wipey
was killed about eighteen miles from Ligonier,
Hinckston's Run would more nearly fill the distance than
West Wheatfield."
The statement to which Mr. Rose alludes in the first
sentence above was one made by him in the History of
Johnstown (The Johnstown Daily Democrat, souvenir
edition, autumn, 1894), viz: "In May, 1774, [Joseph]
John Wipey, a Delaware Indian, the last of his race who
lived in the valley, was shot while sitting in his canoe
fishing, at the mouth of Hinckston's Run, by one of two
renegade white men‹John Hinckston and James Cooper."
Of the Adamses it is there said: "The Adamses were among
the first to make a location in the vicinity of the
Indian town (Conemaugh Old Town), and two of the
streams, confluents of the Stony creek‹Ben's creek and
Solomon's run‹take their names from them. They were
located here before they made application for warrants."
* Π* * We shall hear of Capt. Hinckston later on in
connection with Fort Ligonier.
John Hinckston, about this time‹29th of August, 1774‹
conveyed "all his right, title and interest, &c., in a
certain location by and for me obtained out of the
Proprietary's Land Office for the Province of Penna.,
bearing date 3d April, 1769, for the quantity of 270
acres lying on the river Conemaugh, bounded on the E. by
land of Wm. McCune and on the W. by land of John Wood,
being the Squirrel Hill Old Town, with the
improvements."‹Deed Book A, p. 65, conveyed to Thomas
Galbraith, Innkeeper of Ligonier. Consideration, Four
hundred pounds.
Hinckston was undoubtedly a deadly foe of the Indians.
In the narrative of Col. James Smith, before referred
to, we have mention of this person. Col. Smith was,
during part of the Revolution, a resident of
Westmoreland county; and an office-holder here. He
conducted an expedition, under commission from Brodhead,
against the Indians on the upper Allegheny, which has
been described very entertainingly by him. The following
extract bears on the subject of Capt. Hinckston:
From Col. James Smith's Narrative: "In the year 1778, I
received a colonel's commission, and after my return to
Weatmoreland, the Indians made an attack upon our
frontiers. I then raised men and pursued them, and the
second day we overtook and defeated them. We likewise
took four scalps, and recovered the horses and plunder
which they were carrying off. At the time of this
attack, Capt. John Hinckston pursued an Indian, both
their guns being empty, and after the fray was over, he
was missing. While we were inquiring about him, he came
walking up, seemingly, unconcerned, with a bloody scalp
in his hand‹he had pursued the Indian about a quarter of
a mile, and tomahawked him."
Col. Smith had some land in this county, situated on the
headwaters of Sewickley creek. He is identified with the
Sewickley settlement. In the summer and fall of 1778
most of the Indian fighters were on the line from
Ligonier or Laurel Hill westward to the Allegheny river,
along or to the north of the Forbes Road; while some
inroads were made on the Sewickley settlement towards
the Allegheny.
It might be that Smith's mention of this adventure
refers to an account given by Col. Lochry to Thomas
Wharton, President of the Council, December 6th, 1777,
Arch., vi, 68, of the state of affairs here, in which he
mentions that he has sent five Indian scalps, taken by
one of the scalping parties which he had sent out,
commanded by Col. Barr, Col. Perry, Col. Smith and Capt.
Kingston [Hinckston], who were volunteers in the action
which occurred near Kittanning.
As Col. Smith in his Narrative drew largely from his
recollection, he might readily have been inaccurate in
fixing the year 1778 as the time of his coming into
Westmoreland county, or rather of this action, if it be
the one he alludes to.
"An order was drawn in favor of Col. A. Lochry,
Lieutenant of the county of Westmoreland, for the sum of
twelve pounds, ten shillings, State money, to be paid to
Capt. Samuel Brady, as a reward for an Indian scalp,
agreeable to a late proclamation of this Board." In
Council, Feb. 19th, 1781. Records, xii, 632. For rewards
for scalps, see Records, xii, 328.
(60.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 347.
(61.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p 14.
(62.) Arch., v, 741.
(63.) Records, xvi, 170.
(64.) Records, xvi, 176.
(65.) Thomas Galbraith once had title to the land upon
which the town of Ligonier now stands. The chain of
title is as follows: David Espy, of Bedford, Pa.,
attorney-in-fact of Arthur St. Clair, conveyed to Thomas
Galbraith, of Fairfield township, Westmoreland county
(Book A, p. 156)‹13th of June, 1777, three plantations
and tracts of land situate at Ligonier, in the county
aforesaid, one of them including the town of Ligonier
and containing 584 acres, and allowance.
Jasper Moylan, assignee of Francis and John West, who
were the assignees of Arthur St. Clair, Esq., per John
Brandon, Sheriff, sold to James Ramsey, of Franklin
county, Pa., six hundred and sixty acres of land, more
or less, known by the name of the Ligonier Tract; also
about 10 acres, adjoining said tract, known as the
Indian Field and Mill Creek, as the property of Thomas
Galbraith, late of Fairfield township, in the county
aforesaid, in the hands of Wm. Jamison and Buchanan, his
administrators. Sold on the 22d of Sept., 1793. Book 4,
p. 297, Recorder's Office of Westmoreland county.
From James Ramsey the title passed to his son, John
Ramsey, who laid out the plan and founded the town of
Ligonier.
We may remember here, as a place pertinent to recall it,
that the only title that existed in those who had
settled around the old fort was one of sufferance. Those
who had property destroyed here by the Indians in
Pontiac's War when the post was besieged and who wanted
compensation therefor from the King, were reminded that
they had no title whatever to the property, but were
permitted to occupy the premises only by courtesy. St.
Clair appears to have secured a warrant at the opening
of the land office for this particular tract.
One of Thomas Galbraith's daughters is supposed to have
been the wife of William Jamison, above mentioned, who
had two children, Thomas Jamison and Ann Jamison,
married to Robert McConnaughey, the father of Mr. J. C.
McConnaughey, of Ligonier township, in whose possession
the memorandum book referred to above was found. Mr.
McConnaughey writes under date of Nov. 22, 1894: "In
regard to the book. My grandfather Jamison used to keep
store in Ligonier many years ago, when he died my father
settled his estate, he had all his books, and among them
was this memorandum book."
(66.) Records, xi, 329.
(67.) Second Arch., iii, 777, et. seq.
(68.) Records, xi, 373.
(69.) George Findley is said to have been the first
white settler of Indiana county, in what then, of
course, was Westmoreland. He migrated from the
settlement made by John Pomroy and James Wilson in what
is now Derry township, Westmoreland county. The date of
his leaving and "tomahawking" a tract and making an
improvement is given as 1764-5. He selected the tract
occupied (now or lately) by his grandson, George Findley
Matthews, in East Wheatfield township, Indiana county,
where his daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Matthews, born 28th
of Jan., 1784 (lately), resided. When the Revolution
began he had a clearing of about 10 acres, and a rude
cabin for his bride, whom he had married in Maryland,
not far from Hagerstown, in 1776. In 1784, he again
returned to his improvement, and continued his residence
there. He was repeatedly forced to seek shelter at Fort
Ligonier, or Palmer's Fort. Biographical sketch in Hist.
Ind. Co., 120.
East Wheatfield township lies on the Conemaugh adjoining
Westmoreland county at the northern end of Ligonier
Valley.
His home is spoken of, May 29th, 1769, in an application
for a warrant, as the "Findley's cabbins." * * * * It is
said that Findley's cabin was fitted for defense. * * *
* His clearing or location was next to Whipey's‹See
before for an account of Wipey, the Delaware Indian
murdered by the whites.
Robert Rodgers was a settler near George Findley's. The
two came out together from Conococheague Valley. Findley
then had an improvement of several years. Rodgers is
said to have located about 1771 or 2. [Hist. Ind. Co.,
422.]
There was also an Isaac Rodgers, a neighbor of
Findley's.
(70.) Captain Samuel Shannon is frequently mentioned in
the public records, and he had something more than a
local reputation. He must have been very popular, as the
name "Shannon" as a Christian name is so common
throughout the valley as to be noticeable. He had a
command under Col. Lochry in his expedition of 1781, and
was taken by the Indians, and succeeded in command by
Lieut. Isaac Anderson. (2d Arch., xiv, 685.) He,
presumably, was exchanged or made his escape, as letters
of administration on the estate of Samuel Shannon were
granted April 3d, 1785, to Elizabeth Shannon and Mary
Slaughter, by the Register of Westmoreland county. There
was a Captain Robert Shannon, who is said to have been a
brother of Samuel. * * * * Capt. Robert Knox, Col.
William McDowell, James and Charles Clifford, and others
named here, were long remembered on account of being
conspicuous figures in the history of the fort. Families
of the same stock and name still live in the valley.
(71.) Capt. Hinkson (otherwise Hinkston) is spoken of
before. It is altogether probable that this is the same
person who was connected with the murder of the friendly
Delaware, Wipey. Some of the whites of the neighborhood
condoned the murder in their suspicions and distrust of
all red men. Hinkston, Hinckston or Hinkson, as the name
is variously spelled, was from that neighborhood. To the
conveyance of a location he had made on the Conemaugh‹he
spells his name Hinkson.
(72.) The fact of this boy's killing is corroborated in
a letter to Jeff W. Taylor, Esq., of Greensburg, Pa.,
from William Reynolds, Esq., of Bolivar, Pa., Nov. 15th,
1894, and given for reference here. Mr. Reynolds is a
grandson of George Findley, spoken of, and is now
seventy-six years of age. His account is from direct
report. He says that George Findley and his bound boy,
fourteen or fifteen years of age, but large and strong,
started back from Palmer's Fort, whither they had fled,
in hopes of recovering a mare that had left them and
which they supposed had returned home. They kept in the
woods, not venturing into the clearings, but
notwithstanding this they were fired upon by some
Indians, the boy falling. Findley, shot through the arm
and bleeding much, effected his escape, and returned to
Fort Palmer, bringing back with him, however, a girl who
had remained about the Rogers settlement. This girl
subsequently became the mother of the Hills, of near
Ninevah. "The next morning a squad of men went back and
found the boy scalped, his brains knocked out, and
stripped naked. They buried him."
Fort Palmer was about six miles from Ligonier, on the
line of the flight of the settlers from the Conemaugh
and Upper Ligonier Valley.
(73.) See Wallace's Fort. * * * * Also Arch., v, 741. *
** * Col. Charles Campbell was taken Sept. 25th, 1777. A
copy of the proclamation referred to is found in Arch.,
v, 402. It is as follows:
"A Proclamation.
"By virtue of the power and authority to me given by his
Excellency Sir Guy Carlton, Knight of the Bath, Governor
of the Province of Quebec, General and Commander in
chief, &c., &c., &c.
"I assure all such as are inclined to withdraw
themselves from the Tyranny and oppression of the rebel
committees and take refuge in this Settlement or any of
the posts commanded by his Majest' s Officers shall be
humanely treated, shall be lodged and victualled, and
such as are off in arms and shall use them in defense of
his majesty against rebels and Traitors till the
Extinction of this rebellion, shall receive pay adequate
to their former stations in the rebel service, and all
common men who shall serve during that period, shall
receive his majesty's bounty of two hundred Acres of
Land. Given under my hand and seal, Henry Hamilton (L.
S.), Lieut. Gov. & Superintendent."
"Eleven other persons killed and scalped at Palmer's
Fort, near Ligonier, amongst which is Ensign Woods."
Col. Lochry to President Wharton Nov. 4th, 1777.
Archives, v, 741.
(74.) Col. Lochry, County Lieutenant, who had absolute
control of the militia and arms of the county, lived on
the Twelve Mile Run, in Unity township, between the
turnpike and St. Vincent's Monastery. Lochry was a
neighbor of Col. John Proctor. This was on the southern
side of the Forbes Road. * * * * It will be remembered
that Lochry recommended the erection of this fort.
(75.) Col. James Pollock was then a sub-lieutenant of
the county. He was superceded in his office by George
Reading, Esq., April 1st, 1778, Rec., xi, 455, where the
reason is given. In the light of this journal the
Council might have had some suggestion from Thomas
Galbraith. Col. Pollock lived toward West Fairfield,
eight or nine miles from Fort Ligonier. He held civil
offices much later; and was a candidate, unsuccessfully,
against William Findley, for Congress.
(76.) This was not Archibald Lochry. Stony Creek was a
station on the Forbes Road, where it crossed that
stream, now Stoystown, in Somerset county. Guards and
relays were kept here. There was a kind of stockade
erected here when the road was cut by Bouquet and a
small garrison stayed there. It was deserted for a time
in Pontiac's War, 1763.
(77.) Charles Clifford, brother to James Clifford, was
taken prisoner on the 22d of April, 1779, from their
place on Mill creek, about two miles from Ligonier. It
does not appear that he was treated with unusual
severity or with any cruelty. He was taken to Canada,
turned over to the British, and remained there somewhat
above two years, then he was exchanged and returned
home.
(78.) George Reading, not long after this, was appointed
a sub-Lieutenant of the county in place of James
Pollock.
(79.) The manuscript is sufficiently distinct to make it
certain that Captain Ourrie is not the same person as
Lieut. Curry, a reading that casually might make it
appear otherwise.
(80.) Col. John Pomroy, of the Fort Barr and Fort
Wallace (Derry) settlement; a prominent man in Indian
affairs during all these times. * * * * William
Richardson was a settler of some standing several years
prior to this time.
(81.) The manuscript here is illegible. The meaning
probably is, that the one who was behind the others, on
being called upon, hurried up to the rest of the party,
but it being dusk the party did not return to the place
whence the voice proceeded until the next morning, and
found the (tracks of Indians.)
(82.) The expedition here referred to had been planned
by Gen. Hand, the Commandant at Fort Pitt, against the
Indians at Sandusky, but it failed for the lack of men
and supplies, which he expected from the western
frontier of the State. "One reason for the failure was a
want of concert between Gen. Hand and the lieutenants of
the border counties of Virginia and Pennsylvania."
Wash.-Irv. Cor., 12.
(83.) Samuel Craig, Sr., who came from New Jersey,
settled on the Loyalhanna in Derry township, near (now)
New Alexandria, shortly after the opening of the land
office. He and his sons were all actively engaged in
frontier service. "The duties of Samuel Craig's
appointments calling him to Fort Ligonier, he had to go
there frequently; and on the last occasion he was taken
on the road. A beautiful mare which he used for riding,
was found on the Chestnut Ridge between his home and
that post. The mare had eight bullets in, her; but all
efforts of the family to ascertain the fate of Capt.
Craig were unavailing." Mrs. Margaret Craig, MS.
(84.) The writer (Thomas Galbraith) was, as stated
before, evidently a Commissioner for the distribution of
salt and other supplies, and was in the service of the
Continental Congress as well as of the State.
The following entry is found in the book from which this
journal is taken:
1777, March 15th, provisions left at Ligonier in care of
James McDowell, for use of the Continent:
1625" Bacon.
532" Pork, salted.
300" Heads.
400" Beef.
(85.) Jollys‹The station at Stonycreek (Stoystown).
(86.) Arch., vi, 3.
(87.) Arch., vi, 68.
(88.) Arch., vi, 532.
(89.) Archives, vii, 345.
(90.) Archives, vii, 173.
(91.) Archives, viii, 180.
(92.) Arch, viii, 485.
(93.) Arch., viii, 282.
(94.) Arch., ix, 240.
(95.) Washington-Irvine Correspondence, 254.
(96.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 200.
It was customary to name the forts erected about this
time after some person prominent in military or civil
affairs, for instance, of Loudoun, Bedford, Ligonier,
Pitt.
For services of Sir John Ligonier, see Knight's History
of England, Chapter clix.
At what time the name Ligonier was first applied has not
at present been definitely ascertained. Forbes mentions
"the fort of Loyalhannon, October 22d, 1758," (Records,
viii, 224), and as late as November 9th, 1758, he dates
his letter to the Indian chiefs "From my camp at Loyal
Hannon." In his Journal for December 4th, 1758, Post
says he drew provision (at Pittsburgh) "for our journey
to Fort Ligonier."
(97.) A Chronological Table of Events in the career of
Gen. St. Clair. Born at Thurso, in the County of
Caithness, Scotland, March 23, 1736; Ensign in the
Sixtieth Regiment of Foot (the Royal Americans, he being
in the second battalion commanded by Lawrence), May
13th, 1757; with Amherst at Louisburg, Canada, May 28th,
1758; Lieutenant, April 17th, 1759; capture of Quebec,
Sept. 13th, 1759; married at Boston to Miss Phoebe
Bayard, a half sister of Gov. James Bowdoin, of
Massachusetts Bay, May 14th, 1760; resigned his
commission, April 16th, 1762; on special service in a
civil capacity as agent of the Penns in Western
Pennsylvania, having charge of Fort Ligonier, 1767- 69;
appointed Surveyor for the District of Cumberland by
Gov. Penn, April 5th, 1770; appointed County Justice and
Member of the Proprietary Council for Cumberland county,
May 23d, 1770; appointed Justice of the court (by
special commission), Prothonotary, Register and Recorder
for Bedford county, March 11th-12, 1771; appointed to
same offices for Westmoreland county, February 27th,
1773; actively engaged as Penn's chief representative in
Westmoreland county throughout 1774; Resolutions at
Hannastown, May 16th, 1775; Colonel under Council of
Safety, 1775; Colonel in the Continental service,
January 3d, 1776; before Quebec, May 11th, 1776,
Brigadier General, August 9th, 1776, Major-General,
February 19th, 1777; detailed as Adjutant-General,
March, 1777; member of Council of Censors, 1783;
Auctioneer of Philadelphia, February 24th, 1784; Member
of Congress (elected), November 11th, 1785; took his
seat, February 26th, 1786; President of Congress,
February 2d. 1787; Governor of the Northwestern
Territory, chosen by Congress, October 5th, 1787;
candidate for Governor for Penna., 1790;
Commander-in-Chief of the army, 1791; Battle of the
Wabash, November 4th, 1791; resigns his Generalship,
1792; removed from Governorship of Northwestern
Territory by Jefferson. November 22d, 1802; died, August
31st. 1818, and buried in the Presbyterian graveyard, at
present called the St. Clair cemetery, at Greensburg,
Westmoreland county, Pa.
Remarks.
(See Copy from Official Map of the Borough of Erie Made in 1837.)
The location of old Fort Ligonier, with respect to the
landmarks as they at present exist, is indicated with
accuracy on the plan prepared with that object, which
plan is hereto attached. It will be seen that most of
the ground which was covered by the Fort and the
garrison land adjacent is now the property of R. M.
Graham, Esq, a gentleman who is a native of the valley,
and who has taken much interest in all matters relating
to the Fort.
Mr. Graham has made a statement in which he has
authorized the writer to say that he will grant in
perpetuity a plot of ground within these boundary lines,
or contiguous thereto, for the purpose of erecting
thereon a suitable memorial of a substantial character,
commemorative of old Fort Ligonier. The people of
Ligonier Valley may be congratulated on the circumstance
that the ownership of such a historic and interesting
spot is in a gentleman of such liberal and enlarged
views.
The writer is here constrained to make mention of the
commendable efforts of I. M. Graham, Esq, editor and
publisher of the Ligonier Echo newspaper, in
perpetuating the memorials of the Fort and Valley and in
encouraging an active interest in their early history.
He has thus been instrumental in bringing out from
obscurity and making public much information,
interesting, and, from a local point of view, valuable;
and he has in every possible way assisted the writer in
the duties incident to this report.
______