Part 9: REPORT OF THE COMMISSION TO LOCATE THE SITE OF THE
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FRONTIER FORTS OF PENNSYLVANIA
Vol.1, Thomas Lynch Montgomery, 1916, pg.184-224
Fort Allen
We turn now again, to the regular forts established by
the Provincial Government. The next in order, and the
most important of all those along the Blue range, was
Fort Allen, located where the town of Weissport now
stands, on the Lehigh river some ten miles above Lehigh
Gap.
The Moravian church, if not great in numbers, has ever
been great in its missionary work. Its early history and
that of the State of Pennsylvania are closely woven
together. Especially is this the case with Northampton
and Carbon counties. The first settlement in the latter
county was made by Moravian missionaries in the year
1746. From Loskiel's history we glean the following
interesting facts:
The converted Mohican Indians having been driven out of
Shekomeko, in New York, near the borders of Connecticut
and from Pachgatgoch in the latter state, found an
asylum for a short time at Friedenshutten, near
Bethlehem. Deeming it inconvenient to maintain a large
Indian congregation so near Bethlehem, the missionaries
purchased one hundred and twenty acres, in 1745, on the
north side of the Mahoning creek, about half a mile
above its junction with the Lehigh river, near the site
of the present town of Lehighton. Hence a town was laid
out, and called Gnadenhutten, meaning "Tents of Grace,"
or more literally "Mercy Huts." The congregation
numbered some five hundred, each Indian family being
allotted a portion of the land and each having its own
house. A log church was built in the valley, and the
house half surrounded it on one side, extending over the
higher ground in the form of a crescent; in the other
side stood the house of the missionary, and the burying
ground. All went well until the year 1754, when,
already, that dissatisfaction and spirit of enmity was
brewing amongst the Indians which finally culminated in
the outbreak of 1755. Efforts were made by the Shawanese
and Delawares, under the direction of their wily chief,
Teedyuscung, to alienate the Christian Mohicans at
Gnadenthutten, which finally resulted in a part of the
Indians deserting the mission and going to the Wyoming
Valley. The road to Wyoming and other Indian towns lay
through the settlement. This was the famous path over
Nescopee mountain, still known as the "Warrior's path."
The Indians who remained were joined by the Christian
Delawares from Meniolagomekah.
During this same year, 1754, the land on the Mahoning
being impoverished, the mission was removed to the
opposite side of the river, where Weissport now stands.
A new chapel was erected in June, and the buildings,
which had also been transferred, were put up to form a
street, on one side of which lived the Mohicans, and, on
the other, the Delawares.
The hostile Indians, who had been enlisted in the French
service, were so exasperated at the thought that the
others should remain true to their friends, they
determined to cut off the settlement. The defeat of
Braddock, in 1755, gave them the desired opportunity.
Soon the whole frontier was bathed in blood, and the
neighbors of the Brethren at Gnadenhutten forsook their
dwellings in terror and fled, but the Brethren made a
covenant together to remain undaunted in the place
allotted them by Providence.
God, however, had ordained otherwise than they had
hoped. Late in the evening of November 24th, the mission
house on the Mahoning creek was suddenly attacked by the
French Indians, burnt, and eleven of the inhabitants
murdered.
The family, being at supper, heard an uncommon barking
of dogs, upon which brother Senseman sent out at the
back door to see what was the matter. On the report of a
gun, several ran together to open the house-door. Here
the Indians stood with their pieces pointed towards the
door, and, firing immediately upon its being opened,
Martin Nitschman was instantly killed. His wife and some
others were wounded, but fled with the rest upstairs
into the garret, and barricaded the door with bedsteads.
Brother Partsch escaped by jumping out of a back window.
Brother Worbas, who was ill in bed in a house adjoining,
jumped likewise out of a back window and escaped, though
the enemies had placed a guard before his door.
Meanwhile the savages pursued those who had taken refuge
in the garret, and strove hard to burst the door open;
but, finding it too well secured, they set fire to the
house, which was soon in flames. A boy, called
Sturgeous, standing upon the flaming roof, ventured to
leap off, and escaped; though at first, upon opening the
back door, a ball had grazed his cheek, and one side of
his head was much burnt. Sister Partsch, seeing this,
took courage and leaped likewise from the burning roof.
She came down unhurt, and unobserved from the enemies;
and thus the fervent prayer of her husband was
fulfilled, who, in jumping out of the back window, cried
aloud to God to save his wife. Brother Fabricius then
leaped also off the roof, but before he could escape was
perceived by the Indians, and instantly wounded by two
balls. He was the only one whom they seized upon alive
and, having dispatched him with their hatchets, took his
scalp, and left him dead upon the ground. The rest were
all burnt alive, and brother Senseman, who first went
out at the back door, had the inexpressible grief to see
his wife, consumed by the flames. Sister Partsch could
not run far for fear and trembling, but hid herself
behind a tree, upon a hill near the house. From thence
she saw sister Senseman, already surrounded by the
flames, standing with folded hands and heard her
callout, "Tis all well, dear Saviour-I expect nothing
else." The house being consumed, the murderers set fire
to the barns and stables, by which all the corn, hay and
cattle were destroyed. Then they divided the spoils,
soaked some bread in milk, made a hearty meal, and
departed - sister Partsch looking on unperceived.
This melancholy event proved the deliverance of the
Indian congregation at New Gnadenhutten; for, upon
hearing the report of the guns, seeing the flames, and
soon learning the dreadful cause from those who had
escaped, the Indian brethren immediately went to the
missionary, and offered to attack the enemy without
delay. But, being advised to the contrary they all fled
into the woods, and New Gnadenhutten was cleared in a
few minutes; some who already were in bed having scarce
time to dress themselves. Brother Zeisberger, who had
just arrived in New Gnadenhutten from Bethlehem,
hastened back to give notice of this event to a body of
English militia, which had marched within five miles of
the spot; but they did not venture to pursue the enemy
in the dark.
The fugitive congregation arrived safely at Bethlehem.
After the Indians had retired the remains of those
killed on the Mahoning were carefully collected from the
ashes and ruins, and solemnly interred. A broad marble
slab, in the grave yard south of Lehighton, placed there
in 1788, and a small white obelisk on a sandstone base,
erected at a more recent date, tell in brief the story
of Gnadenhutten and preserve the names of those who fell
as victims to savage hate.
We have just noticed the timely arrival of brother David
Zeisberger at New Gnadenhutten. He hastened back to
Bethlehem and notified Timothy Horsfield of the
massacre, who, in turn, at once reported the fact to the
Governor, giving him a detailed account of the terrible
affair. At 8.00 A. M., November 24th, Col. Anderson, and
his company left Bethlehem for Gnadenhutten, accompanied
by a number of the settlers. On the 26th, Capt. Wilson
and his company, from Bucks county, started for the
mountains. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 521).
To this the Governor replies, November 29th, approving
of the steps that had been taken, expressing great
sorrow for the atrocities which had been perpetrated,
and promising pecuniary relief to the Moravian brethren
for their heavy losses. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 513).
By the middle of December the whole country was in a
state of alarm; the people were fleeing from their
homes; the Governor reported to the Council that, in
addition to what has been narrated, the Indians had
already burnt fifty houses in Northampton county,
murdered above one hundred persons, and were still
continuing their ravages. (Col. Rec., vi, p.767).
A thorough and systematic plan of defense was a matter
of immediate necessity. Benjamin Franklin and James
Hamilton were selected to execute such a plan and, on
December 18th, arranged to start for Easton. On December
29th, after their arrival at said place, they appointed
William Parsons to be Major of the troops raised in
Northampton county.
In the meantime Capt. Hays, with his company from the
Irish Settlement, in Northampton county, had been
ordered up to New Gnadenhutten. The troops were
stationed at the forsaken village to guard the
Brethren's mills, which were filled with grain, and to
keep the property of the Christian Indians from being
destroyed. They were also expected to protect the few
settlers who remained.
A temporary stockade was erected, and all would have
gone well had the soldiers been better versed in Indian
tactics. From lack of this experience disaster followed,
and on January 1st, 1756, a number of the men fell
victims to an Indian stratagem. Whilst amusing
themselves skating on the ice of the river, near the
stockade, they caught sight of two Indians farther up
the frozen stream. Thinking that it would be an easy
matter to capture or kill them the soldiers gave chase,
and rapidly gained upon the Indians, who proved to be
decoys skillfully manoeuvring to draw them into an
ambush. After they had gone some distance a party of
Indians rushed out behind them, cut off their retreat,
and falling upon them with great fury, as well as with
the advantage of surprise and superior numbers quickly
dispatched them. Some of the soldiers, remaining in the
stockade, filled with horror by this murder of comrades,
deserted, and the few remaining thinking themselves
incapable of defending the place, withdrew. The savages
then seized upon such property as they could use and
fired the stockade, the Indian houses and the mills.
Every one was filled with alarm and the whole country
became a scene of confusion. It is not to be wondered at
if in the midst of their excitement and terror, the
people made many unreasonable demands of the Government.
To such an extent does this seem to have been done that
Governor Morris, became somewhat discouraged. On January
5, 1756, he writes from Reading to the Council at
Philadelphia, saying:
"The Commissioners have done everything that was proper
in the County of Northampton, but the People are not
satisfied, nor, by what I can learn from the
Commissioner, would they be unless every Man's House was
protected by a Fort and a Company of Soldiers, and
themselves paid for staying at home and doing nothing.
There are in that County at this time three hundred Men
in Pay of the Government, and yet from Disposition of
the Inhabitants, the want of Conduct in the Officers and
of Courage and Discipline in the Men, I am fearful that
the whole County will fall into the Enemy Hands.
Yesterday and the Day before I received the melancholy
News of the Destruction of the Town of Gnadenhutten, and
of the greatest part of the Guard of forty Men placed
there in order to erect a Fort. The particulars you will
see by the inclosed Papers, so far as they are yet come
to hand, but I am in hourly Expectation of further
Intelligence by two Men that I dispatched for that
Purpose upon the first News of the Affair, whose long
stay makes me apprehend some mischief has befallen them.
Last night an Express brought me an acco't that seven
Farm Houses between Gnadenhutten and Nazareth were on
the First Instant burnt, about the same time that
Gnadenhutten was, and some of the People destroyed, and
the accounts are this date confirmed.
Upon this fresh alarm it is proposed that one of the
Commissioners return to Bethlehem and Easton, and there
give fresh Directions to the Troops and post them in the
best Manner for the Protection of the remaining
Inhabitants." (Col. Rec., vi, p. 771.)
Here then we have the inception of Fort Allen. It seems
that, in the middle of December, the erection of a fort
at New Gnadenhutten had been determined upon, partly
because of the valuable property remaining there after
the Moravians had deserted it, and partly because of its
commanding and central location. Messr's Franklin and
Hamilton, the Commissioners, had ordered Capt. Hays to
that point during the latter part of the month, not
alone to guard the material which was there, but, in
addition to build the fort. We have just read of his
unfortunate failure, and have also seen the Governor's
suggestion to send one of the Commissioners to the scene
of hostilities, to take in hand and give proper
direction to efforts for protection then making.
Benjamin Franklin was the Commissioner selected for that
duty, and, at once, entered upon it. He immediately
started for Bethlehem, from which place he writes,
January 14th, to the Governor, as follows:
Sir:
"As we drew near this Place we met a Number of Waggons,
and many People moving off with their effects and
families from the Irish Settlement and Lehi Township,
being terrified by the defeat of Hay's Company, and the
Burnings and Murders committed in the Township on New
Year's Day. We found this Place fill'd with Refugees,
the workmen's Shops and even Cellars being crowded with
Women & Children; and we learnt that Lehi Township is
almost entirely abandoned by the inhabitants. Soon after
my arrival here, the principal People of the Irish
Settlement, as Wilson, elder Craig&c came to me and
demanded an Addition of 30 men to Craig's Company, or
threat'ned they would immediately one and all leave that
Country to the Enemy. Hay's Company was reduc'd to 18
Men (and those without Shoes, Stockings, Blankets or
Arms) partly by the loss at Gnadenhutten, and partly by
Desertion. Trump and Aston had made but slow Progress in
building the First Fort, complaining for want of Tools,
which it was thought the People in those Parts might
have Supply'd them with. Wayne's Company we found posted
at Nazareth agreeable to your Honour's Orders. I
immediately directed Hays to compleat his Company, and
he went down to Bucks County with M'r Beatty, who
promised to assist him in Recruiting. His Lieutenant
lies here lame with frozen Feet, and unfit for Action;
But the Ensign, with the 18 men, is posted among the
present Frontier Inhabitants to give some Satisfaction
to the Settlement People, as I refus'd to increase
Craig's Company. In my turn, I have threatened to
disband or remove the Companies already posted for the
Security of particular Townships, if the People would
not stay on their Places, behave like Men, do something
for themselves, and assist the Province Soldiers. The
Day after my Arrival here, I sent off 2 Waggons loaded
with Bread, and some Axes, for Trump & Aston, to
Nazareth, escorted by Lieut. Davis, and the 20 men of
McLaughlin's that came with me; I ordered him to remain
at Nazareth to guard that place while Capt. Wayne, whose
Men were fresh, proceeded with the Convoy. To secure Lyn
and Heidelberg Township, whose Inhabitants were just on
the Wing, I took Trexler's Company into Pay, (he had
been before commission'd byM'r Hamilton), and I
Commission'd Wetterholt (Nicholas) who Commanded a Watch
of 44 Men before in the Pay of the Province, ordering
him to Compleat his Company. I have also allowed thirty
men to secure the township of Upper Smithfield and
commission'd Van Etten and Hindshaw as Captain and
Lieutenant. And in order to execute more speedily the
first Design of erecting a Fort near Gnadenhutten to
compleat the Line and get the Rangers in Motion, I have
rais'd another Company under Cap't Charles Foulk, to
join with Wayne in that Service; and as Hays I hear is
not likely soon to recruit his Company, I have ordered
Orndt to come up from Rockland in Bucks County to
Strengthen this Part of the Province, convoy Provisions,
&c. to the company, who are and will be at work over the
Mountains, and quiet the Inhabitants who seem terrified
out of their Senses." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 549.)
In addition to the official report made by Franklin,
showing how he was gradually bringing order out of
chaos, we have also his private account in his
autobiography of what took place at Bethlehem and how,
in person, he went to Gnadenhutten and superintended the
erection of Fort Allen. In his usual modest way he says:
"While the several companies in the city and country
were forming, and learning their exercise, the Governor
prevailed with me to take charge of our northwestern
frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide
for the defence of the inhabitants by raising troops,
and building a line of forts. I undertook this military
business, though I did not conceive myself well
qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full
powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers,
to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little
difficulty in raising men, having soon five hundred and
sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding
war been an officer in the army raised against Canada,
was my aid-de- camp and of great use to me. The Indians
had burned Gnadenhutten, a village settled by the
Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place
was thought a good situation for one of the forts. In
order to march thither, I assembled the companies at
Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I
was surprised to find it in so good a posture of
defence; the destruction of Gnadenhutten had made them
apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended
by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and
ammunition from New York, and had even placed quantities
of small paving stones between the windows of their high
stone houses for their women to throw them down upon the
heads of any Indians that should attempt to force their
way into them. The armed brethren too kept watch, and
relieved each other on guard methodically as in any
garrison town. In conversation with the bishop,
Spangenberg, I mentioned my surprise; for knowing they
had obtained an act of parliament exempting them from
military duties in the colonies, I had supposed they
were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He
answered me, "That it was not one of their established
principles; but at the time of their obtaining that act
it was thought to be a principle with many of their
people. On this occasion however, they, to their
surprise, found it adopted by but few." It seems they
were either deceived in themselves or deceived the
parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger,
will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.
[Image of location of Fort Allen - 1756]
It was the beginning of January, 1756, when we set out
upon this business of building forts. I sent one
detachment towards the Minisink, with instructions to
erect one for the security of that upper part of the
country; and another to lower part with similar
instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest
of my forces to Gnadenhutten, where a fort was thought
more immediately necessary. The Moravians procured me
five wagons for our tools, stores, baggage, &c. Just
before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been
driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me
requesting a supply of fire arms, that they might go
back and bring off their cattle. I gave them each a gun
with suitable ammunition. We had not marched many miles
before it began to rain, and it continued raining all
day. There were no habitations on the road to shelter
us, till we arrived near night at the house of a German,
where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together as
wet as water could make us. It was well we were not
attacked in our march for our arms were of the most
ordinary sort, and the men could not keep the locks of
their guns dry. The Indians are dextrous in their
contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They
met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned,
and killed ten of them; the one that escaped informed us
that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the
priming being wet with the rain. The next day being
fair, we continued our march, and arrived at the
desolate Gnadenhutten; there was a mill near, round
which were left several pine boards, with which we soon
hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at
that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our first
work was to bury more effectually the dead we found
there, who had been half interred by the country people;
the next morning our fort was planned and marked out,
the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five
feet, which would require as many palisades to be made,
one with another of a foot diameter each. Each pine made
three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one
end. When they were set up, our carpenters built a
platform of boards all round within, about six feet
high, for the men to stand on when to fire through the
loop holes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on
one of the angles, and fired it as soon as fixed, to let
the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we
had such pieces; and thus our fort (if that name may be
given to so miserable a stockade) was finished in a
week, though it rained so hard every other day that the
men could not well work.
This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient
defence against Indians who had no cannon. Finding
ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to
retreat to on occasion, we ventured out in parties to
scour the adjacent country.
Franklin's official report of January 26th, and personal
letter to Gov. Morris of January 25th, which give more
minute details of the fort, were as follows:
Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten, Jan. 25, 1756.
Dear Sir:
We got to Hays the same evening we left you, and
reviewed Craig's Company by the way. Much of the next
morning was spent in exchanging the bad arms for good -
Wayne's Company having joined us. We reached, however,
that night to Uplinger's [at Fort Lehigh, as we have
seen], where we got into good Quarters.
Saturday morning we began to march towards Gnadenhutten,
and proceeded near
two miles; but it seeming to set in for a rainy day, the
Men unprovided with great Coats, and many unable to
secure effectually their arms from the wet, we thought
it most advisable to face about and return to our former
Quarters, where the men might dry themselves and lie
warm; whereas, had they proceeded they would have come
in wet to Gnadenhutten where Shelter and Opportunity of
drying themselves that night was uncertain. In fact it
rain'd all day and we were all pleased that we had not
proceeded. The next Day, being Sunday, we march'd
hither, where we arrived about 2 in the afternoon, and
before 5 had inclosed our Camp with a Strong Breast
work, Musket Proof, and with the Boards brought here
before by my Order from Drucker's Mill [Wm. Kern's Mill
at Slatington, as we have seen], got ourselves under
some shelter from the Weather. Monday was so dark with
thick Fog all day, that we could'd neither look out for
a Place to build or see where Materials were to be had.
Tuesday morning we looked round us, Pitched on a Place,
mark'd out our Fort on the Ground, and by 10 o'clock
began to cut Timber for Stockades and to dig the Ground.
By 3 in the afternoon the Logs were all cut and many of
them halled to the Spot, the Ditch dug to Set them in 3
Feet deep, and that Evening many were pointed and set
up. The next Day we were hinder'd by Rain most of the
Day. Thursday we resum'd our Work and before night were
pretty well enclosed, and on Friday morning the Stockade
was finished and part of the Platform within erected,
which was compleated the next morning, when we dismissed
Foulk's and Wetterholt's Companies, and sent Hay's down
for a Convoy of Provisions. This Day we hoisted your
Flag, made a general Discharge of our Pieces, which had
been long loaded, and of our two Swivels, and Nam'd the
Place Fort Allen, in Honor of our old Friend [Judge
William Allen, father of James Allen who laid out
Allentown in 1762, and also Chief Justice of the
Province]. It is 125 Feet long, 50 wide, the Stocadoes
most of them a Foot thick; they are 3 Foot in the Ground
and 12 Feet out, pointed at the Top, the Figure nearly
as opposite.
This is an Account of our Week's work, which I thought
might give you some Satisfaction.
Foulk is gone to build another [Fort Franklin], between
this and Schuylkill Fort [Fort Lebanon], which I hope
will be finished (as Trexler is to Join him) in a Week
or 10 Days: As soon as Hays returns I shall detach
another Party to erect another at Surbas' [Fort Norris]
which I hope may be finished in the same Time, and then
I purpose to end my Campaign, God willing, and do myself
the Pleasure of seeing you in return. I can now add no
more than that I am, with great Esteem and affection,
D'r Friend,
Yours affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
[To] The Honourable Robert Hunter Morris, Esquire. (Col.
Rec., vii, p. 15.)
His official report was as follows:
Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten, Jan'y 26, 1756.
Sir:
We left Bethlehem, the 10th Instant, with Foulk's
Company, 46 men, the Detachment of McLaughlin's, 20; and
7 Waggons, laden with Stores and Provisions. We got that
night to Hay's Quarters, where Wayne's Company joined us
from Nazareth.
The next Day we marched cautiously thro' the Gap of the
Mountain, a very dangerous Pass, and got to Uplinger's,
but twenty-one Miles from Bethlehem, the Roads being bad
and the Waggons moving slowly.
[Here comes an account of the week's work, as previously given].
This present Monday we are erecting a third House in the
Fort to accommodate the Garrison.
As soon as Cap't Hays returns with the Convoy of Stores
and Provisions, which I hope may be tomorrow, I propose
to send Orndt and Hays to Join Cap't Trump in erecting
the middle Fort there, purposing to remain here between
them and Foulk; ready to assist and supply both as
occasion may require, and hope in a week or ten Days,
weather favouring, those two Forts may be finished and
the Line of Forts compleated and garrisoned, the rangers
in Motion, and the internal Guards and Watches
disbanded, as well as some other Companies, unless they
are permitted and encouraged to go after the Enemy to
Susquehannah.
At present the Expense in this County is prodigious. We
have on Foot, and in Pay, the Following Companies:
Trump, 50 men.
Aston, 50
Wayne, 55
Foulk, 46 --
Trexler, , 48 -- without the Forks.
Wetterholt, 44 --
Orndt, 50 ----
Craig, 30 ---- in the Irish Settlement
Martin, 30 ---
Van Etten, 30 -- Minisinks.
Hays, 45
Detachment of McLaughlin, 20
Parsons, 24 -- at Easton.
[Total men:] 522.
This, Sir, is a particular Account of our Transactions
and the present State of affairs in this County. I am
glad to learn by your Favour of the 21st Just received,
that you have Thoughts of coming to Bethlehem, as I may
hope for an Opportunity of waiting upon your Honour
there after our Works are finished, and communicating
everything more fully. I now only add that I am, with
dutiful Respect.
Sir, Your Honour's most obedient humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
To Gov'r Morris. (Col. Rec., vii, p.16).
A word more with regard to Franklin, and his connection
with Fort Allen. In his autobiography he adds to what
has already been given:
"I had hardly finished this business and got my fort
well stored with provisions, when I received a letter
from the Governor, acquainting me that he had called the
Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture
of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining
there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the
Assembly, pressing me by their letter to be if possible
at the meeting, and my three intended forts being now
completed, and the inhabitants contented to remain on
their farms under that protection, I resolved to return;
the more willingly as a New England Officer, Col.
Clapham, experienced in Indian War, being on a visit to
our establishment, consented to accept the Command. I
gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had
it read before them, and introduced him to them as an
officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was
much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving
them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted
as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to
recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first
night, lying in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was
so different from my hard lodging on the floor of a hut
at Gnaden-Huetten, with only a blanket or two."
Thus he returned to Bethlehem after an absence of but
nineteen days. His military experience was limited, it
is true, but he showed in it the same good judgment and
common sense which made him the great man he afterwards
became in civil life.
The very complete description which has been given of
Fort Allen, by those who took part in the tragic drama
enacting at that time, fixes so definitely the time of
its construction, and narrates so minutely its size,
shape and appearance, as to make even comment
unnecessary. It only remains to connect its past with
our present by pointing out the position where it stood
as compared with modern locations and buildings. I can
do this no better than by means of the map herewith
given.
(See Map of Present Site of Fort Allen.)
The site of Fort Allen, in Weissport, Carbon County, is
now occupied by the "Fort Allen Hotel," which stands on
the S.W. corner of Bridge street and Franklin street,
about 150 yards east of the bridge across the Lehigh
river to Lehighton. The old well is still in existence,
although unused, and may be seen in the yard back of the
hotel.
Col. Clapham, who relieved Mr. Franklin at Fort Allen,
in the supervision of matters in general, was only
appointed temporarily to that duty. The entire country
from the Sus- quehanna to the Delaware was under the
command of Col. Weiser, and under the care of his First
Battalion of the Penn'a Regiment. Col. Clapham was given
command of what was called the "Augusta Regiment" with
instructions to erect sundry forts along the
Susquehanna, more especially Fort Augusta at Shamokin
(Sunbury). The last of Col. Clapham's men left April
19th. Fort Allen then seems to have been left in care of
Captain Foulk. Major Parsons, in writing to the Governor
from Easton on June 15th, 1756, says, "I purpose to let
Capt. Foulk's Lieu't and Men remain in Fort Allen till
Capt. Reynolds comes to relieve them." (Col. Rec., vii,
p. 164).
It was at this time that Commissary James Young, on his
tour of inspection, reached Fort Allen. His diary reads
as follows:
Fort Allen. - At 8 A. M. June 22d We sett out for Fort
Allen, at Gnadenhutten (from Fort Franklin); it is ab't
15 miles from Alleminga; the first 7 miles of this Road
is very hilly, Barran, and Swampy, no Plantations; the
other part of the Road is, for the most part, thro' a
Rich Valley, Chiefly Meadow Ground. Several Settlements,
but all the houses Burnt and deserted; at Noon we came
to the Fort; for the last half hour before we came here,
had a very severe Gust of Thunder, Lightning, and
Prodigious heavy Rain.
This Fort stands on the River Leahy, in the Pass, thro'
Very high hills & in my Opinion, in a very important
Place, and may be of great Service, if the officer does
his Duty. It is very well Stoccaded with four Good
Bastions, on one is a Sweivle Gun; the Woods are Clear
all around it for a Considerable way, and is very
Defencable; within is three good Barracks and a Guard
Room; I found here 15 men without any officer or
Commander; they told me that Lieu't Jacob Meis and two
men from the Fort was gone this morning (22'd June),
with two Gentlemen from Bethlehem, and four Indians, 15
miles up the Country to bring down some friendly
Indians, and that the Serjant with 3 men were gone to
Cap'tn Foulks, late Commander here, to receive the Pay
that was due to them, and one was gone to Bethlehem with
the Serjant's Watch to Mend, which was the Reason I
could not muster those Present, nor have any acc't of
the Provisions, but saw a large Quantity of Beef very
ill Cured. I was inform'd that a Cap'tn with a New
Comp'y was Expected there in a Day or two to take Post
at this Fort. Being very uncertain when the Lieu'tn
would return, or the New Comp'y Come, I resolved to
Proceed to Leahy Gapp, where a Detachment of a Comp'y is
Posted. - 27 Muskets, 50 Cartooch Boxes, 10 lb Powder,
60 lb Lead; and 20 Rounds filled for 25 Men, 19 Axes, 4
broad Do., 26 Hatchets, 43 Tomhauks, 3 Iron Wages, 1
Sweivle Gun." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 678.)
It will be noticed that Lieu't Mies had gone up the
country to bring down, in safety, a party of friendly
Indians. In explanation of this it should be said that,
owing to the great pressure brought upon him, Gov'r
Morris, on April 14th, 1756, was obliged to issue a
proclamation offering bounties for Indian scalps. (Col.
Rec., vii, p. 88). As a consequence various parties were
formed to hunt up Indian scalps. Amongst them was one
numbering about one hundred men, from the Jerseys, which
started out in the early part of June. Unfortunately at
the same time Gov'r Morris had declared a cessation from
hostilities for thirty days, to see if he could not make
a treaty with the Susquehanna Indians, and desired to
send some friendly Indians, as messengers, to Diahoga,
at the mouth of the Cayhuga branch of that river, near
the present Owego, Tioga county, New York State, to
arrange a time and place for holding a conference
looking towards this end. These could not be sent if the
scalping party was out. An express was immediately
dispatched to Gov. Belcher; also one to Col. John
Anderson, to see if it could not be recalled. In the
meantime the friendly Indians, intended as messengers to
the hostiles, were obliged to remain at Bethlehem. At
this time, on June 21st, two Delaware Indians, whose
names were Nicodemus, and Christian, his son, former
residents of Gnadenhutten, reached Bethlehem from
Diahoga, and informed the authorities that they had left
Diahoga with a company of others, friendly to the
English, men, women and children, to the number of
fifteen. These now lay a day's journey from Fort Allen,
awaiting safe escort. It was to bring in these friendly
Indians that Lieut. Mies had gone away from the fort.
Further efforts finally effected a meeting between the
Governor and Teedyuscung, the Delaware Chief, at Easton,
about the middle of July, which resulted in an agreement
to bring about a treaty of peace, with the understanding
that all English prisoners held by the Indians should
first be released, to which the latter seemed to agree
quite readily. Having been given presents, the Chief
departed to arrange for the carrying out of his part of
the program. All his movements, however, were so
dilatory as to cause grave suspicion with regard to the
sincerity of his purpose. He loitered along the
frontiers, went away and came back again, until finally,
in the early part of August, we find him at Fort Allen,
where the Lieutenant in command kept plying him with
rum, until he was in no condition to move away, much to
the detriment of the Province, and to the disgrace of
said officer. This brings us to another chapter in the
history of the fort.
In the latter part of June, as we have already seen,
Capt. Foulk's command at Fort Allen was relieved by
Capt. Reynolds Company. This latter gentleman seems to
have been rather young and inexperienced to manage the
rough spirits about him. Amongst these was his
Lieutenant, whose name was Miller, a man apparently of
no principles, with no desire nor power to preserve
discipline, and ever ready to increase his own worldly
possessions at the expense of others, rather preferring
to do so by foul means than by fair. The first exploit
of this person, at Fort Allen, was in connection with
Teedyuscung, who was a typical Indian chief, brave,
shrewd and dignified under ordinary circumstances, but
cursed with the only civilization which the white man
seems to have been able to generally implant in the
Indian nature, the love of strong drink. As we know, it
was most important that the Delaware chief should
speedily get back to his people, which was the only hope
existing of a return to peace and a cessation of the
barbarous murders constantly occurring. Instead of
furthering the efforts of the Government, Lieut. Miller
deliberately detained Teedyuscung by keeping him
constantly drunk with rum which he sold him, and, in
addition, made him angry by cheating him out of various
articles in his possession. What effect this had in
delaying negotiations at this time, and how many lives
were sacrificed thereby, it is impossible to say.
We cannot relate the circumstances more clearly than
Major Parsons has done in his letter of August 14th,
1756, from Easton, to Gov. Morris. He says:
Honored Sir,
Yesterday afternoon the Detachment that escorted the
Indians from Bethlehem to Fort Allen returned, and with
them came Ben and another Indian Man of Teedyuscung's
Retinue, who intend to go to Philad'a and stay there.
I ask'd Ben after Teedyuscung, and the Reason of his
staying so long at the Fort, and what his Reason was for
leaving the King. He told me his Reason for returning
was that he saw nothing but want and Hunger before him
if he went to Diahogo, whereupon he told the King that
he was now going to a People whose Language he was
entirely unacquainted with, and therefore he could not
be of any Service to him with them; that he would stay
with the English till the King returned again, when he
would very cheerfully serve him as an Interpreter to the
English as he now had done.
This pass'd last Wednesday, when Ben waited upon the
King about 12 miles from the Fort, (on his way to
Diahogo) where Ben left him with the other Indians. So
that it seemed unnecessary for me to go up to the Fort,
the Indians being really gone from it.
As to the stay of the Indians at the Fort, Ben gives a
most villainous account of the Lieut. there, while the
Captain was at Philad'a. He says that Teedyuscung had
procured 16 Deer Skins, which he intended to have sent
as a present to the Governor to make him a pair of
Gloves, as he said; the Lieut. told the King that one
Skin was enough to make a pair of Gloves, and kept
teezing him and plying him with Rum till the old Man was
off his Guard. Ben told the King he hoped he would not
go from his Design of sending the Skins to the Governor,
and told the Lieut. that he did not understand Indian
affairs, that the King knew very well that the Governor
could not use 16 Skins in making a pair of Gloves but
that that was the Indlian way of speaking, But all was
to no purpose, and the Lieut. got the 16 Skins for three
pounds, which Money Ben counted himself, but does not
know what became of it. Ben says further, that as long
as the Indians had money, the Lieut. sold them Rum, so
that they were almost always drunk; and he believes that
if they had been refused Rum at their first coming to
the Fort, the King and his Company would not have stay'd
long there, but would have proceeded to Diahogo, and
would not have Stay'd and eaten all their Store of
Provisions before they left the Fort.
Ben informs further that they had discovered the Tracks
of about 20 strange Indians coming from Susquehannah and
going towards Minnisinks. That they suppose these
Indians are out upon some bad Design as they marched
mostly a Breast or aside of one another whereas the
Indian manner is, when they have no unfriendly or
hostile Intentions, always to march one after the other.
Your Honour will yourself hear things more particularly
from Ben. He was very free from Liquor and very clear
and intelligible when he gave me this acc't,
I am
Your Honour's
most obedient
humble servant,
WM. PARSONS. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 745.)
Not only did Lieut. Miller engage in the nefarious
business just narrated, but he seems to have dishonestly
taken the liquor furnished by the Government to sell to
the Indians. With such an example before them it is not
to be expected that the men under him would behave much
better. Neither did they, for in the beginning of
August, whilst the Indians were still there one of the
non-commissioned officers, Corporal Weyrick, committed a
disgraceful act of rank insubordination, indeed one of
actual mutiny.
Captain Nicholas Wetterholt, then at Fort Hamilton,
learning of the occurrance, immediately notified Major
Parsons, who replied. on Aug. 12th, from Easton, as
follows:
Sir:
I received your letter of the 6th Instant, relating to
the Mutiny at Fort Allen; excited by Christian Weyrick,
a Corporal.
I therefore desire you to go with a Detachment of your
own men, and take the said Christian Weyrick and bind
him fast & send him to the County Gaol at Easton, for
exciting a Mutiny on the 5th Day of August Instant, at
Fort Allen, be sure to secure him very well.
Also, I desire, you to put the Lieut. under Arrest for
not endeavoring to Suppress a Mutiny, excited by
Christian Weyrick, the 5th Instant, at Fort Allen. I
think it will be best to order the Lieut. to Fort
Norris, 'till further Orders. If these Mutinies are not
suppress'd in the Beginning, it will be impossible to
preserve Order among the Forces. If Capt. Reynolds is
not return'd to the Fort, I would have you take Care not
to leave the Fort without a Commissioned Officer to
command it, in his absence. I hope you will not lose any
time in doing what is above directed you.
I am, &c.,
W. P.
P. S.-I am also informed that the Lieut. has been guilty
of selling and embezelling the publick Stores, at Fort
Allen. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 741.)
Capt. Orndt also seems to have written to Major Parsons
on the subject, as we see by the reply of the latter, on
August 15th:
Sir:
This morning early I received your 3 Letters of the
12th, 13th & 14th Instant. That relating to Lieut.
Miller I shall transmit immediately to his Honour the
Governor, and in the mean time approve what you have
done with regard to the Lieut. Capt. Reynolds has Powder
& Lead, and can spare 6 lb of powder & 20 lb of Lead to
the Forces at Trucker's Mill, and if you order any Body
for it they may show him this Letter. I ordered Capt.
Wetterhold to go to Fort Allen and arrest the man that
had been so mutinous, for exciting a Mutiny, and to send
him bound to the prison at Easton. I ordered him also to
put the Lieut. under arrest for not endeavoring to
suppress a Mutiny lately raised at Fort Allen, and to
order him, the Lieut. to Fort Norris till further
Orders, but I have not heard one Word from Capt.
Wetterhold in answer to my Orders, and wonder very much
that he is so negligent. I desire you to let him know
that I expect he will pay immediate Obedience to his
Orders as above. I am very much concerned to hear the
Indians keep lurking about Swaratauro, and that they
can't be drove away from that place.
I am, &c. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 742.)
Captain Wetterholt was never neglectful of his duty, as
we can see from what Major Parsons says of him in the
following letter to the Governor, written August 15th,
the same day as that to Capt. Orndt, which I take the
liberty of quoting in full because of other matters of
interest contained in it:
Honoured Sir;
In my Letter to your Honour of the 8th I mentioned my
Design of going to Fort Allen to learn the Occasion of
King Teedyuscung's Stay there but was prevented by other
publick affairs from going as I intended, but I believe
by my letter of yesterday your Honour will see the
Reason of his stay at the Fort.
On the 10th I received a Letter from Mr. Horsfield,
informing me that four of the Indians that came with
Teedyuscung, and who had returned with him to the Fort,
came back to Bethlehem: He likewise informed me that two
of them desired to be escorted to Philad'a which he had
prevailed with the Brethren to do. The other two with a
Woman and Child wanted to go to Fort Allen, and desired
me to send a Detachment to escort them there; which I
did that Ev'ning and repeated my Orders to the
Commanding Officer to build a Shade for the Indians and
not to let them have more than a Gill of Rum a Man Per
Day. And I believe these orders were the Reason of the
King's resolving to go; and Ben is of the same Opinion.
I only wait for Capt. Wetterhold, from whom I expect to
hear (or to see him) this Day, and then shall pay them a
visit at the Fort, unless I can be satisfied otherways.
The occasion of my expecting Capt. Wetterhold soon, is
that on the 10th I heard there had been some Disorders
committed at Fort Allen, and that he had been there and
assisted in setting them right again, but received no
written Information from any Body. I thought it
necessary to send immediately to Capt. Wetterhold for an
account of what he had seen amiss at Fort Allen. And
early on the morning of the 12th I received the inclosed
German letter from him [already given the reader], the
substance of it I have put into English which also comes
inclosed. That same morning I wrote a Letter to
Wetterhold, a copy whereof comes also inclosed. And I
expect every minute to hear what he has done in the
Affair, I can't think it right to leave the Town till I
do hear from (or see) him. I have been inform'd by a
private Hand that saw him with his Detachment going to
Fort Allen, as he said, to execute the Orders he had
received from me. This morning Capt. Orndt's letter came
to Hand and am afraid that Lieut. Miller is faulty. It
gives me great Pain that I am obliged to give your
Honour all this Trouble at this time; but without your
Authority and Direction we are like to run into great
confusion. I am, however, determined that nothing shall
be wanting on my part to preserve good Order in the
several Companies. And I persuade myself that your
Honour will not think I have been idle.I am very
doubtful that Capt. Reynolds is rather too young for
that Station where the Indians are, and will be
continually passing and repassing, and may require the
Care and Conduct of a more experienced Officer. His
Lieut. I take to be that little impertinent Body which
your Honour saw at the Tavern on Quittopohela Spring,
where Reynolds was with his Recruits, when your Honour
returned from the Camp at Harris's Ferry. I am
Honoured Sir,
Your most obedient
humble Servant
WM. PARSONS.
August 16, 1756.
This Evening between 7 & 8 Capt. Wetterhold brought
Christian Weyrick Prisoner to this Town, and delivered
him to the keeper of Goal. Yesterday he met with Capt.
Orndt's Ensign returning to Fort Norris, who told him
that Lieut. Miller would not submit to his arrest,
Wetterhold told him he should "go back with him to the
Lieut. and he did, not doubting but he could bring him
to submit. When they came to the Lieut., Wetterhold
asked him why he was not obedient to his Captain's
Orders; The Lieut. told him that he had as good a
Commission as his Capt. and he would not submit to him
and he questioned if Wetterhold had Power to arrest him.
Wetterhold told him if he did not immediately submit to
his own Capt. he would soon convince him that he had
himself Authority to put him into arrest whereupon the
Lieut. desired one day to settle his affairs before he
went. I am fully of opinion if it were not for
Wetterhold there would not be one Officer found in those
Parts that dared execute orders of this kind, and he
appears to me to be a resolute discreet Man. By Lieut.
Allen's Letter to me of Yesterday, which comes with
this, Your Honour will observe that Capt. Reynolds is
gone again from the Fort with his Ensign, who, as far as
I can learn, is the best officer of the 3 at Fort Allen.
And that Teedyuscung is returned again to the Fort.
Tomorrow morning I will go and enquire into the reason
of his unaccountable Behaviour and endeavour to send him
away.
I am
Honoured Sir,
Your most Obedient,
humble Servant,
WM. PARSONS. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 747-749.)
Whilst much has been said with regard to a mutiny at
Fort Allen and the measures taken to suppress it, the
reader has, as yet, been left in the dark as to the
nature of the occurrence. Capt. Nicholas Wetterholt's
report to Major Parsons, which follows, supplies this
deficiency very fully. It is as follows:
Sir:
In the night of the 5th of August, Christian Weyrick, a
Corporal, began to quarrel with the Indians, and
threatened to drive them out of the Fort. The Lieut,
pursuaded him to forbear, but he siezed the Lieut. &
threw him on the Ground, and afterwards went to the
Indian Squaws and behaved very undecently with them the
whole night, and some of his Comrades; One John White
upbraiding him with it, he began to curse and attempted
to tear him to pieces, when Phillip Bortner stept out of
the Guard Room and ask'd him if he was not ashamed to
behave so, but he took him and threw him on the Bench,
who calling out for help, Dewalt Bossing sprung between
them, but he was not able to manage him; Then came
Michael Laury, he struck him several Blows upon the
Head, and thereupon they were parted; then he took a Gun
and drove about the Fort like a Beast and not like a
man, and struck down two of them, afterward he laid hold
of his Cutlass and went into the Captain's House and
pointed it out at the window; Then he took a Gun and
snapped it twice, but it would not go off; Then he took
another Gun, and that miss'd Fire also; then he laid
hold of a third Gun, which Capt. Foulk took from him;
Then he seized another Gun and went out of the House,
and said one of the 4 Reading town Soldiers, or John
White, should die, and shott at him; then he called to
his Comrades and told them they should not leave him,
they would storm the Fort, and no man should live that
Day; then he ran into the Captain's House and threw the
Benches about from Top to Bottom, but there was no Body
in the House but the Lieut., the Clerk and the Serjeant,
they warned him, but it all helped nothing; Then the
Serjeant Bossing went to the Guard and told them to take
him into arrest, but they would not; Then he went and
broke Stones from the Chymny Back and threw them in at
the window, and cursed furiously, and said he would kill
one of the 4 Reading town Soldiers, or would stab or
shoot Serjeant White; He behaved so violently that they
were obliged to leave the Fort; He broke several Guns to
pieces, and afterwards Michael Beltz, the Lieut.,
Christian Weyrick and Killian Lang, fetch'd water and
put Rum in it, and washed their private parts therein.
The 6th of Aug't the Ensign returned to the Fort and put
things in better order. This is the Information from me,
John Nicholas Widerhold, Captain.
N. B. I have already acquainted Coll'o Weiser with the
affair.
Copy or Translation of Capt. Wetterhold's German Letter.
N. B. The Capt. Dates his Letter the Day he was at the
Fort Allen but he must have wrote it since that time,
for it was the 10th I wrote him, reced his answer the
12'th, so that his Letter to me should bear Date the
11'th Instant.
W. P. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 754.)
So ends this disgraceful affair, the only one of its
character we have been obliged to record. What befell
this prisoner after Capt. Wetterholt had taken him to
Easton we do not know, but he doubtless received his
just punishment.
One result of the whole affair was the detachment of
Capt. Reynolds, and his command, from Fort Allen, who
was ordered to Fort Norris to replace Capt. Jacob Orndt
who, in turn, occupied Fort Allen.
The report of these two officers to Major Parsons shows
when the change was accomplished:
Fort Allin, Octo. 9th, ye 1756.
Honer'd Sir;
Yeasderday I arrifid here with my Whole Compa'y att the
fort, and Captin Reynolds hath Suply'd with his men my
Place, and these Day arrifid one fraindly Indins here
with one wite Presoner, his name is Henry Hess, the
Indin informs me that there is teen Indins more a Comen,
which are about a Coply mils of from here and that the
King with more Indins layes att Waywamok, and is afraid
to Come in fore they was Several Tims informid that the
Inglish would kill Them if they would come in now,
therefore the King hath Sent them to See wether it is
True or not, that Indin Desired me to Seand one qu'rt of
Rum and Sum bred by him to them teen Indins which are
now a little ways off, and I have Supply'd him with and
I have Seand my Seargind with one Soldir with him to
escord him, I have orderid emmadtly a Shealdr to be made
a Distance off from the Fort that they may lodge there,
the Indin was very glead that he was Recev'd kindly
there, Obinin was to go to Bethleham, but I Told him it
was beast to go Streat to Easton to your Worship, then
he Told me he would Consider of it, and I hope your
Worship will excuse me and Captin Raynolds, that wee Can
not Seand our Returns with these opertunyte, fore wee
have not quite Setelet, fore I Thought to Sent emitly
these Reports first fore I and Captin Raynolds, wee are
in good health att Present, and wee are Eesy to Setel
our besinis here att the fort.
Sir, wee Remain your Frainds and
Wery humble Servint,
JACOB ORNDT, GEORGE REYNOLDS. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 5.)
Major Parsons at once sent an express to Secretary
Richard Peters, informing him of the facts reported to
him, thus:
Sir:
By Capt. Orndt's inclosed Letter you will perceive that
a number of the Indians are actually come in and that
the Rest are on the Road, and I understand that besides
the white Prisoner brought in they have 10 more with
them, who no doubt will all want some kind of cloathing
especially Shirts & Shoes. When they come to Easton I
shall take Care to provide House Room & Provisions for
them, but shall want His Honour's Orders concerning
them. I imagine they are now all coming in, and it will
be very necessary for me to know how long they are to
stay here, and how I am to conduct myself in this
important Affair.
You will please to acquaint His Honour that Lieut's
Allen and Miller have made their Submissions agreeable
to His Honours Commands of the 22d last past. And Capt.
Orndt is just moved with his Company to Fort Allen, &
Capt. Reynolds is gone to Fort Norris &c. to supply his
Place. By your Favour of the 5th Instant, you inform me
that the Governor is gone to Harris's Ferry, I therefore
thought it would be best to direct this Letter to you in
his Absence. As I expect some of the Indians will be
here to-Day or to-Morrow, I have sent my Lad express
that no time may be lost.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient
humble Servant,
WM. PARSONS.
P. S.-Cap. Orndt's Letter came to Hand ab't 2 o'clock
before Day this Morning. I am very glad he is got to
Fort Allen. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 7.)
It will be seen from these letters that not only was a
change of officers made at Fort Allen, but that, still
more important, the efforts of Gov. Morris to bring
about a Conference with the Indians, looking towards a
Treaty of Peace, were at length bringing forth fruit.
Teedyuscung, the Chief, with various of his followers,
were already on their way to Easton, bringing with them
sundry white prisoners as agreed. Apprehending, however,
vengeance on the part of the whites, they had stopped
short at Wyoming and sent a messenger in advance to Fort
Allen, notifying the officers of their presence. We have
just seen how this fact was announced to the Provincial
Secretary, who in turn laid it before the Council.
Governor Morris had but recently been superseded by
Gov'r Denny who was then absent. The following letter
was accordingly dispatched to him, on October 11th, from
Philad'a:
Hon'd Sir:
The Council received by Express this afternoon the
inclosed letters from Major Parsons & Capt. Orndt &
advising that one Tediuskunk, a Delaware Chief, who,
with other Indians, In consequence of a late Treaty made
with them at Easton by Gov'r Morris, were Coming in with
a Number of English Prisoners, had on hearing a Report
that we intended to cout them off, stopt at Wyoming &
sent a Party forward to know the Truth of that Report.
The Council conceiving it of the utmost Consequence that
the Indians should be undeceived & their Fears removed
without Loss of time, have taken the Liberty to direct
Major Parsons to send an Express to them immediately, to
invite them down to Easton, there to remain till your
Hon'r shall be pleased to give further Orders about
them, and have directed the inclosed Copy of their
Letter to Major Parsons to be transmitted to you, that
you may supply by your further Orders what they have
omitted." (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 8.)
In due course the Indians reached Easton, when a new
alarm arose, this time on the part of the whites, who
were informed that there were some 40 Indians at and
about Fort Allen, also about 100 Minisink Indians at
Trout Creek, all averse to a peace with the English, and
who had laid a plot to attack Easton whilst the Governor
was there, and kill both him and Teedyuscung, the latter
for entering into even a Conference with their Enemy.
This was on Nov'r 5th. Reinforcements were immediately
obtained from Fort Franklin and the Town Guard
increased. In the meantime, however, Col. Weiser had a
private talk with those of the Six Nation Indians in
Easton and informed them of the rumor which was afloat.
They told him that two of their number who had been sent
to Fort Allen would be back that evening when they could
speak better with him. They assured him, however, that
the report was false, and were indignant that they
should be suspected of treachery. Upon the arrival of
the two from Fort Allen they confirmed the falsity of
the rumor, and all desired Col. Weiser to remind the
Governor that when they, the Indians, were on their way
to Easton they had heard similar plots on the part of
the English to exterminate them, but still, placing
confidence in the word of the white people, they had
come and now that such wicked rumors were out about them
they desired the Governor to place equal confidence in
their fidelity. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 32.)
Shortly after the arrival of the Governor at Easton the
Conference with the Indians began, on Nov'r 8th, and was
concluded on Nov'r 17th. At its conclusion the Indians
had all expressed themselves favorable to peace. The
next day Col. Weiser started with them back to Fort
Allen. With much trouble he got them away from Easton
and with still more difficulty he finally reached Fort
Allen. Their old enemy - rum - was too much for the poor
savages. They insisted upon having some, and finally it
became necessary to supply them. Capt. Orndt took a cask
to their camp. Col. Weiser warned them not to come near
the Fort, and their orgies began. In the midst of their
drunkenness one of them attempted to crawl over the
stockades but when the Colonel warned him that the
sentry would fire on him he ran off as fast as he could
shouting back, "Damn you all, I value you not!" (Penn.
Arch., iii, p. 67.)
At last the Indians were started off and disappeared for
the time being, but, notwithstanding the Conference, and
all their assurances, peace did not yet come. However,
in justice to Teedyuscung it must be said that he
apparently made efforts to induce the other Indians to
join with him in declaring peace, but it was many months
more before his efforts were crowned with any semblance
of success.
We have seen that the Indians brought back with them
sundry white prisoners. One of these, whose name has
been mentioned was Henry Hess. Another was Leonard
Weeser who made the following deposition during the
Conference:
The Examination of Leonard Weeser, aged twenty years,
taken before the Governor, 9th Nov'r, 1756.
This Examinant says that on the 31st Dec'r last he was
at his father's House, beyond the Mountains, in
Smithfield Township, Northampton County, w'th his
Father, his Bro'r William & Hans Adam Hess; That Thirty
Indians from Wyomink surrounded them as they were at
Work, killed his Father & Hans Adam Hess and took this
Examinant & his Brother William, aged 17, Prisoners. The
next day the same Indians went to Peter Hess's, Father
of the s'd Hans Adam Hess; they killed two young men,
one Nicholas Burman, ye others Name he knew not, & took
Peter Hess & his elder son, Henry Hess, and went off ye
next morning at the great Swamp, distant about 30 miles
from Weeser's Plantation, they killed Peter Hess,
sticking him with their knives, as this Examinant was
told by ye Indians, for he was not present. Before they
went off they burned the Houses & a Barrack of Wheat,
kill'd y'e Cattle & Horses & Sheep, & destroyed all they
could. Thro' ye Swamp they went directly to Wyomink,
where they stayed only two days & then went up the river
to Diahogo, where they stayed till the Planting Time, &
from thence they went to little Passeeca, an Indian
Town, up the Cayuga Branch, & there they stayed till
they brought him down. Among the Indians who made this
attack & took him Prisoner were Teedyuscung alias Gideon
alias Honest John, & three of his Sons, Amos & Jacob, ye
other's name he knew not. Jacobus & his Son, Samuel
Evans & Thomas Evans were present; Daniel was present,
one Yacomb, a Delaware, who used to live in his Father's
Neighborhood. They said that all the country was theirs
& they were never paid for it, and this they frequently
gave as a reason for their conduct. The King's Son Amos
took him, this Examinant, & immediately gave him over to
his Father. He says that they cou'd not carry all the
Goods, y't were given them when last here, & the King
sent to his wife to send him some Indians to assist him
to carry the Goods, & she ordered him to go with some
Indians to the old man & coming where the Goods lay,
ab't 18 miles on the other side of Fort Allen, he stayed
while Sam Evans went to the Fort to tell Teedyuscung
that said Indians were with ye Goods & this Examinant
w'th them, & this being told ye white people, Mr.
Parsons sent two soldiers to ye place where the Goods
were & brought him down with them, and he has stayed in
Northampton County ever since. This Examinant saw at
Diahogo a Boy of Henry Christmans, who lived near Fort
Norris, & one Daniel Williams Wife & five children, Ben
Feed's wife & three children; a woman, ye wife of a
Smith, who lived with Frederick Head, & three Children;
a woman taken at Cushictunk, a Boy of Hunt's who lived
in Jersey, near Canlin's Kiln & a negro man; a Boy taken
about 4 miles from Head's, called Nicholas Kainsein, all
of which were Prisoners with the Indians at Diahogo &
Passeeca, and were taken by the Delaware Indians; that
Teedyuscung did not go against the English after this
Examinant was taken, Tho' His sons did; That the King
called all the Indians together, & they made up ye
number of Eighty Five, viz: from Diahogo and Passeeca, &
another Indian Town; That Provisions were very scarce;
That they went frequently out in Parties ag't ye
English; That he never saw any French or other Indians
among them as he Knows of.
his "x" mark
LEONARD WEESER. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 45.)
We have been so accustomed to read of savage murders and
atrocities, that we have become, by this time, more or
less filled with a feeling of repugnance towards them,
and yet this history would neither be fair nor complete
did we neglect to say that the white men were not always
so honorable or merciful towards the Indian, on their
side. It was at the Conference just held, and also in
private explanation to Conrad Weiser, they claimed that
the war now in progress was owing to the fact that the
white settlers had defrauded them of their lands and
cheated them in other ways, notably, as they said, in
the case of the "Walking Purchase," the scene of which
was in that immediate vicinity. Even at the time when
the Government was endeavoring to bring about peace, and
were especially desirous of not molesting friendly
Indians, they were unwisely ill treated. The following
instance, reported by Timothy Horsfield to Gov. Denny
November 29th, 1756, is on record:
"I beg leave to mention to your Honour, that few Days
Since as one of our Indians was in the Woods a Small
distance from Bethlehem, with his Gun, hoping to meet
with a Deer, on his return home he met with two men, who
(as he Informs) he Saluted by takeing off his Hat; he
had not gone far before he heard a gun fired, and the
Bullet whistled near him, which terefied him very much,
and running thro' the thick Bushes his gun lock Catched
fast, and went off, he dropt it, his Hat, Blanket, &c.,
and came home much frighted. The Indians came to me
complaining of this Treatment, Saying they fled from
amongst the Murthering Indians, and come here to
Bethlehem, and Addresst his Honour the Late Governor,
and put themselves under His protection, which the
Governor Answered to their Satisfaction, Desireing them
to Sit Still amongst the Brethren, which they said they
had done, and given offence to none. I told them I would
do all in my Power to prevent such Treatment for the
future, and that I would write to the Governor and
Inform him of it, and that they might be Assured the
Governor would use proper measures to prevent any
mischief happening. I thought at first to write a few
Advertisements to warn wicked People for the future how
they Behave to the Indians, for if one or more of them
should be kill'd in such a manner, I fear it would be of
very bad consequence; but I have since considered it is
by no means proper for me to advertise, for as the Late
Governor's proclamation is Expired, the first
Proclamation of War against the Indians I conceive is
still in force. I thought it my Duty to Inform your
Honor of this Affair, and Doubt not you will take the
matter into your wise Consideration." (Penn. Arch., iii,
p.76.)
Following the late Conference at Easton, efforts to
accomplish a peace with the Indians were kept up
unremittingly. Much reliance was placed on Teedyuscung
to aid in this matter, and, whilst he was, as an Indian,
but human and by no means perfect, yet, to his credit,
it must be said that he did his part faithfully.
Unfortunately he was the Chief of the Delawares, a tribe
looked upon with more or less disdain by the Six
Nations, so that, whilst he may have been fairly able to
control his own people, yet he found it very difficult
to persuade the other tribes. Finally he met with some
success, so much so, in fact, that he felt able to bring
them to a Conference with the Governor, and in the
meantime sent a detachment of Delawares in advance to
Fort Allen. About them Capt. Orndt writes to Major
Parsons:
Fort Allen, March 31st, 1757
Honoured Sir:
The Bearer hereof, an Indian, named Samuel Evans,
desires to have an order from your Worship to get a New
Stock made for his gun in Bethlehem, and that the same
might be charged to the Province. Since my last letter
w'ch I have wrote to you, arrived here King
Teedyuscung's two Sons, Captain Harrison (his brother),
and several other Indians, in number 50, men and squaws,
and children; they behave very civil here, they have
made Cabbins about 60 perches from the Fort, where they
live, and intend to tarry here till the King comes.
I am, Sir, Your humble servant,
JACOB ORNDT. (Col. Rec., vii, p. 474.)
And again on April 5th, he writes:
"This is to acquaint your Worship that the day before
yesterday, arrived here Four Indians from the
Susquehanna, above Diahogo, and have brought one White
Prisoner, whose name is Nicholas Ramston; he was taken
at the same time that Christian Pember was killed. The
same Indians informed me that King Teeduscung can hardly
come down here till the latter End of this Month, for
the Mohock Indians were not quite ready to March. Those
four Indians will come with the bearer hereof, one of my
Soldiers, whom I shall send to escort them to Easton,
and I have also order'd the white Prisoner with them. I
desire your Worship wou'd be pleased to send an order to
Mr. Warner, who is order'd to entertain the Indians,
that he shall not give them too much Rum, as he has done
to those who were at Easton last week, for some of them
were so drunk that they Stay'd all Night in the Woods,
and the remainder went with my Men to Bethlehem, and by
so doing there might easily happen any Misbehaviour."
(Col. Rec., vii, p. 474.)
This captive, just restored, was a German by birth,
taken prisoner some fifteen months ago by Teedyuscung's
party and given by them to a Minisink Indian, whose
brother brought him to Fort Allen. He had but little to
say except that, at first, he had been treated pretty
roughly, but afterwards kindly. He thought that when the
Chief came he would bring other white prisoners with
him.
Teedyuscung was busy in persuading, not the Mohawks, as
stated, who were already at Fort Allen, but the Seneca
Indians to come to the Conference, and it was not until
July that, after accomplishing his object, he reached
Fort Allen. Capt. Orndt immediately wrote to Colonel
Weiser:
To the honorable Colonel Weiser:
Sir,
These are to inform you that Detiuscung is arrived here
Yesterday Ev'ing, and there be at present about 200
Indians with him, with young and old. Detiuscung is
intended to stay here about five or six days, and in
this time He expects one hundred of the Seneka Indians
here, and then he is intended to go to Easton, in hopes
to meet with his Honour the Governor.
I am inform'd that Lieut. M ____ is run away with
another man's wife and hope you will inform his Honour
the Governor how necessary it is that I might have
another Lieutenant. If you would be pleas'd to recommend
Ensign Conrad in his stead, who, I think, will be a man
very fit for a Lieutenant. I send with these the Muster
and Pay Roll of my Company. I hope you will excuse me,
as I have not sent my Journal, for I had not time to
draw a Copy of it.
I am, Sir, &c.,
JACOB ORNDT.
Fort Allen, July 5, 1757.
With Submission, I think Ensign Conrad worthy of a
Lieutenants Commission.
CONRAD WEISER. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 207.)
Ensign Conrad was duly given his Commission as
Lieutenant.
As the provisions were giving out, Captain Orndt found
it to be impossible to keep all these Indians at Fort
Allen, therefore on July 7th he marched with 150 of them
to Easton, leaving but 50 behind, where he arrived
safely with all except one, named William Dattame, who,
contrary to his orders, started for Bethlehem, and was
shot by a foolish white boy, 15 years old, who followed
him. He was wounded in the right thigh, but,
fortunately, the wound was not mortal.
On July 14th Colonel Weiser arrived at Easton, and,
later, detachments from various forts, forming a Guard
of 110 men. On July 20th and 21st Governor Denny and the
entire Council reached the same place, and shortly after
the Conference began which lasted until August 7th.
There were over 300 Indians present, Chiefs and
representatives of the Delawares, Shawanese, Mohicans,
Senecas, &c. On the last day a treaty of peace was
finally concluded with them, and all left under most
harmonious circumstances.
After all the Conferences held with the Indians and the
various treaties made with them it becomes a matter of
surprise to find that hostilities still continued. And
yet a little thought will make the reason very clear. We
must not forget that the savages were divided into many
tribes, each with their chiefs. At no time were all of
these various divisions represented at the Conferences,
and, even if those who entered into the treaty should
keep it, yet there were others who had not agreed to
bury the hatchet, and did not. Then, too, savage nature
delighted in blood and murder, and individually could
not always be controlled by their own chiefs. Peace was
an exceedingly difficult end to reach, requiring much
time, patience and wisdom to accomplish. Teedyuscung
still faithfully assisted the Governor, and had his
agents at work at different points. Capt. Orndt notifies
Mr. Horsfield, from Fort Allen, on March 7th, 1758, of
the arrival of five Indians from Diahogo and from Fort
Augusta, with a particular message to the Chief. (Penn.
Arch., iii, p. 359.) These were sent to Philad'a where
Teedyuscung joined them from Bethlehem. On March 25th
twenty more Indians came to Fort Allen from Diahogo,
with several strings of white wampum, in token of peace,
and a message that, as soon as they returned, a great
number of Indians of the Muncy and Mohican tribes would
come to make a treaty. In this same letter Capt. Orndt
says, "I have almost finished the Trench about the Fort,
and intend setting up Saplins to hinder the enemy from
breaking over the Trench." (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 367.)
Teedyuscung even entered into somewhat of an alliance
with the English and furnished spies for them to watch
the movements of the French. Having been requested to
send an Indian to the Allegheny River and see what was
going on there, he sent a Message, August 9th, 1758, to
the Governor saying he had not done so because it was
too dangerous, and adding:
"That a number of French Mohocks and a French Captain
came down as far as Diahogo to go to War against the
English, but the Indians there persuaded a Number of
them to return back, but a French Captain & ten of them
would not be restrained but proceeded, and I believe
they are going against the Minisink. I think proper to
give this Information that ye People on your Frontiers
may be put on their guard.
I consider the English our Brethren, and We have but one
Ear, one Mouth, one Eye, you may be sure I shall apprize
them of every motion of the Enemy."
Two Indians came to Wioming from Allegheny and informed
Teedyuscung that they had already struck the French and
destroyed six of their Forts. That Fort Duquesne was
very strong, but if their Brethren, the English, came to
attack it they would help them.
That the Intelligence of this French party of ten men
was given to the Captain at Fort Allen, who sent
Messengers immediately to alarm the People of the
Minisink.
That Lawrence Bush was come from the upper parts of the
Susquehannah River to Wioming and went to Shamokin
(Sunbury) as they (the messengers) sat out for Fort
Allen." (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 509.)
At last in October, 1758, a grand Conference was held at
Easton at which were present Gov. Denny, of
Pennsylvania, Gov. Bernard, of the Jerseys, and Chiefs
of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Onondagoes,
Senecas, Cayugas, Conoys, Nanticokes and other tribes,
and a final peace was effected which was lasting,
although even after that desultory forays were made at
various points, and sundry murders committed. I say
lasting, because I do not consider the outbreak of 1763
of short duration and confined to a limited district, as
worthy to be considered a part of the so-called Pontiac
War. It is doubtful whether, with all the efforts made,
diplomacy could have brought about this state of
affairs, even at this late hour, had it not been for the
success of the English arms and the gradual withdrawal
of the French, a fact their savage allies who had their
own interests especially at heart, were not slow to
notice.
I have dwelt somewhat at length on the several
Conferences held at Easton, and the many efforts made by
the Government to terminate the war, because of the
important connection of Fort Allen with them. In doing
so I have necessarily passed over some facts which may
be worthy of notice now.
Major Parsons reports to Sec'y Rich'd Peters that on
October 21st, 1756, there were in that place 49 lb
powder, 103 lb, lead and 50 flints. (Penn. Arch., iii,
p. 81.)
In April, 1757, it is proposed to reduce the forts
between the Susquehanna and Delaware to three only,-
Fort Henry, Allen and Hamilton - each to have a garrison
of 100 men. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 119.)
On February 5th, 1758, Adjutant Kern reports at Fort
Allen, Capt. Orndt and Lieut. Conrad, with 53 men, 63
Province arms, 3 private arms, 190 lbs powder, 200 lbs
lead, 4 months provisions, and Jacob Levan as their
Commissary. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 340.) On February 9th,
1758, Commissary James Young reports on duty there, one
and a half Companies, with 78 men. (Penn. Arch., iii, p.
341.)
Major James BURD, in his tour of inspection, visited
Fort Allen. He has this to say of it:
Monday, Feby 27th, 1758.
Arrived at Fort Allen at 1/2 after 2 P. M. (from Fort
Everett), a prodigious Hilly place and poor land, 15
miles from Mr. Everett's, ordered a review of this
Garrison tomorrow at 8A. M.
28, Tuesday.
At 8 A. M. reviewed this Garrison; doing duty, Capt.
Orndt, Lieu'ts Hays & Laughery, Ensigne Quixell & 75
men, this is a very good Garrison, Stores, 2 months'
Provisions, 225 pounds powder, 300 lb lead, 500 flints,
2 Sweevel Guns, 26 Province ,Arms bad, no Drum, kettles,
nor Blankets, 1 spade, 1 shovell, 1 Grubing how & 14 bad
axes.
This is a very poor Stockade, surrounded with Hills,
situated on a barren plain, through which the River
Leehy runs, distance ab't 70 yards from the Fort, there
is scarce room here for 40 men.
Ordered Cap't Orndt to Regulate his Ranging by his
Intelligence from time to time, as he informed me that 5
Indians from Bethlehem has promised faithfully to Cap't
Orndt to come here & reconnoitre the woods constantly
round & to furnish him with Intelligence, likewise to
put up a Targett 6 Inches thick to learn the Soldiers to
Shoot.
Sett off from hence at 10 A. M. for Lieu't Ingle's post
* * * * (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 355.)
It would seem from this report that Fort Allen had
fallen somewhat out of repair. It did not remain so
long, however, as we will recall that, in the following
March, Capt. Orndt had it thoroughly repaired and
renewed.
On June 30, 1758, Gen'l Forbes left Philadelphia on his
western Campaign. In the meantime Capt. Orndt had been
promoted to Major and given charge of the district about
Fort Allen. He was directed to notify the people of the
frontiers to assemble in large parties during their
harvesting and provide each party with sentrys for
protection. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 448.) He was also
directed to see that the friendly Indians wore a broad
yellow band around their head or arms to distinguish
them from the enemy, and requested the Governor to send
a supply of the same to Forts Augusta and Allen for
distribution. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 487.)
Unlike the history of the other forts, which we have
traced, that of Fort Allen is singularly free from a
long list of at least recorded murders. It has been
thought by some writers that this was owing to its
strength. From said opinion I am obliged to differ, as,
in the first place, whilst important it was not of
unusual strength, and, in the second place, its strength
or weakness would have mattered little to the savages
who never attempted to assault any garrison fort, but
skulked around it to perpetrate their cruelties,
unperceived, in its rear. I account for this immunity to
the fact, which we have seen, that the Indians were
constantly stopping at it on their way to and from the
many Conferences and lesser talks, which were held at.
Easton, Bethlehem and Philadelphia, and they were too
cunning to commit themselves by any untoward act in its
vicinity. Be that as it may, however, it is a source of
great rejoicing to know that the fact, at least,
existed.
On April 21st, 1756, John Mee and Joseph Leacock,
residing within 1-1/2 miles of Fort Allen, requested of
the Governor a detachment of men from said fort to
protect them whilst they put up their fences and burnt
the leaves around their fields. (Penn. Arch., ii, p.
638.)
During 1757 a couple petitions were sent the Governor
requesting protection and recommending certain
dispositions of troops.
On March, 1758, the following petition was sent to Gov.
Denny by the inhabitants on both sides of the Blue
Mountains, on the West Branch. in Towamensing and Lehigh
Townships:
"Wee, the Poor Inhabitants of the Said Townships, Come
to Lay this Humble Petition before your Honour, to Lat
you know that we are informed that Fort Allen Shall be
taken away from the Place where the Fort Stationed at
present, and Shall be Build another this Side the
Mountains, which would be verry Hartt for us them that
Leaves Behind and this Side the Mountain on the
Frontiers, if the Said Fort Allen Should be moved from
the Place; and if it Should be So, Wee Pray your Honour
might be plised to Order that said Fort might be Build
of the other Side the Mountain, on the Place Called the
Good Spring or well, which is a very Convinient Place;
But if the Fort Should be Build this Side the Mountains,
all the Inhabitants this and the Other Side near the
Mountains will be obliged to move off from their
Plantations, and the Enemies will get the Mountains in
to Do more mischief, and will be more Danger for the
Inhabitants; Wee Pray your Hon'r will be plised to take
all this in Consideration, and your Wisdom will order
the
Best for us, and We Shall Ever pray.
Your Honour
We are your most
humble and obedient Servants
[numerously signed, principally in German]. (Penn.
Arch., iii, p. 359.)
Captain Jacob Orndt having been promoted, was succeeded
at Fort Allen by Captain John Bull, who, on June 14th,
1758, notlfiee Sam'l Dupui of a party of 25 hostile
Indians on their way to the Minisinks. (Penn. Arch.,
iii, p. 423.)
How much longer Fort Allen was regularly garrisoned I
have been unable to find from the records. Matthews and
Hungerford, In their History of Carbon County, p. 579,
say until 1761, and after that time was occasionally
occupied by soldiers. We know that such at least was the
case in 1763, during that outbreak, when Captains
Nicholas and Jacob Wetterholt were there. As late as
June 1st, 1780, Lt. Col. Kern had 112 men stationed at
and near Fort Allen.
This latter event was owing to the capture, on April
25th, 1780, of the Gilbert family, living on the
Mahoning Creek, some 5 or 6 miles from Fort Allen, by a
party of eleven Indians. The Indians who made this
incursion were of different tribes, who, on the approach
of Gen'l Sullivan's Army to Wyoming, had abandoned their
country and fled within the British Lines in Canada.
From thence they made frequent inroads on the frontier
settlements. The account of the captivity of this
family, which extended over a period of two years and
five months, is most interesting and romantic. It does
not, however, belong to this work and must, therefore,
be omitted. It is sufficient to say that, after many
trials and hardships, they were all happily reunited.
After what has been said of Fort AlIen it seemed almost
unnecessary to add that a monument should certainly be
erected to mark its site. I would suggest, as a suitable
place the public square opposite the Fort Allen Hotel.
______