THE
BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
1602-1658.
BY HENRY S. BURRAGE, D.D.
State Historian.
To re-create any period of the past for our own minds, to understand it
as it was, unlike what went before it, unlike what came after it - this
is the chief aim of history - and for this purpose one must study not
only the masses of men, but also individual men, their ideas and beliefs,
their enjoyments and their aspirations. James Bryce, University & Hist-
orical Addresses, p.362.
Printed for the State
1914.
By Henry S. Burrage, D.D.
Marks Printing House, Portland, Maine.
Chapter. Page.
I. Early English Voyages to the American Coast 1
II. Gosnold and Pring 17
III. The De Monts Colony 29
IV. Waymouth's Voyage of 1605 37
V. Hanham and Pring 52
VI. The Popham Colony 63
VII. The French Colony at Mount Desert 100
VIII. Voyages by Captain John Smith and Others 118
IX. The Fight for Free Fishing 144
X. Various Schemes and Levett's Explorations 160
XI. Beginnings Here and Reawakenings in England 176
XIII. Some Settlement Clashings 221
XIV. Added Settlements and General Conditions 241
XV. The French at Castine 264
XVII. Some Unrelated Matters 300
XVIII. Agamenticus Becomes Gorgeana 313
XIX. Cleeve Secures an Ally in Colonel Rigby 325
XX. Robert Jordan as Winter's Successor 342
XXI. Massachusetts Claims Maine Territory 356
XXII. The Jurisdiction of Massachusetts Accepted 370
XXIII. Review of the Period 383
PREFACE.
In the following pages an attempt is made to record the promin-
ent facts with reference to the beginnings of colonial Maine. To
the earlier part of these beginnings, neither Sullivan in his Hist-
ory of the District of Maine (1795), nor Williamson in his History
of the State of Maine (1832), devoted much space. When they wrote,
the known and accessible sources of information concern those earl-
ier undertakings were exceedingly scanty. Careful research, how-
ever, especially in the last century, has brought to light valuable
materials for the history of that earlier period, and the discovery
of these materials has greatly enlarged our knowledge with references
both to facts and persons.
Among these new sources of information is a manuscript which was dis-
covered in 1876 in the library of Lambeth Palace, London, by the late
Reverend Dr. B. F. De Costa of New York. Its great value arises from
the fact that it is the original record both of the voyage of the Pop-
ham colonists in making their way to our coast, and of the earlier un-
dertakings connected with the planting of the colony at the mouth of
the Kennebec. The manuscript is entitled, The Relation of a Voyage un-
to New England, Began from the Lizard, the first of June, 1607, by Capt.
Popham in the ship, the Gift, and Captain Gilbert in the ship, Mary and
John: Written by _______ and found amongst the papers of the truly wor-
shipful Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, by me, William Griffith.
But especially important, in this addition to the sources, was the dis-
covery of the manuscript material now known as the Tre-
X PREFACE.
lawny Papers. These constitute a treasure-house of information with
reference to business interests and other matters at Richmond's island
and vicinity for quite a number of years beginning with 1631. In the
grant of land on Cape Elizabeth obtained in that year by Robert Tre-
lawny and Moses Goodyear, merchants of Plymouth, England, Richmond's
island was included; and on it, not long after the grant was made, John
Winter, as the agent of Trelawny and Goodyear, established a large fish-
ing and trading station. Goodyear died March 26, 1637, and Robert Tre-
lawny became the sole proprietor of the patent. Fortunately the corre-
spondence between Winter and Trelawny was continued about ten years,
and their letters, with other valuable papers, accounts, etc., conn-
ected with Robert Trelawny's business affairs on this side of the sea
were, until about the year 1872, carefully preserved at Ham, Robert
Trelawny's residence in the vicinity of Plymouth.
JOHN WINGATE THORNTON.
The discovery of this manuscript material by the late John Wingate
Thornton, Esquire of Boston, Mass., its presentation to the Maine Histori-
cal Society and its arrangement and publication by the Honorable James P.
Baxter of Portland, Maine, in a volume of more than five hundred pages,
with many valuable notes, supply us with much information not only con-
cerning life and transactions at Richmond's Island in that early period
of our colonial history, but also with reference to other places and
events upon the coast of Maine.
Mr. Baxter's own painstaking researches in England, with reference to
this same period, begun about the same time, were also richly rewarded.
The results we have in three works of very great interest and value.
The first of these is his George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 1630-1667, with
collateral documents, a volume that gives us an admirable portraiture
of the founder of Portland, bases upon such manuscript materials and
early records as Mr. Baxter was able to obtain at home and abroad. The
volume was published
(1) An account of the discovery of these papers by Mr. Thornton, and
of their subsequent history, will be found in a note on pp. 211 & 212
of this volume
XI PREFACE.
published in 1885 by the Gorges Society, Portland - a first sheaf of
Mr. Baxter's historical gleanings in widely scattered fields. It was
followed by his "Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Hist Province of Maine" in
three volumes, published in 1890 by the Prince Society, Boston. The 1st
volume contains a valuable biography of Gorges, and is in fact, the only
extended biography of Sir Ferdinando that has yet appeared, either in
this country or in England. The 2nd & 3rd volumes contain Gorges' Brief
Narrative, his Brief Answer to Certain False, Slanderous and Idle Object-
ions made against Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight - the Charter of Georges'
Gorges family, etc., the two volumes comprising many hitherto unpublish-
ed materials found in the Public Records Office, London, the library of
the British Museum, various other public collections like the Bodleian
Library, Oxford, also great private collections including that of Sir
Robert Cecil, the chief secretary of Queen Elizabeth and of King James I.
Still another work by Mr. Baxter relating to colonial beginnings in Maine,
and one likewise prepared from original sources, is his "Christopher Lev-
ett of York, the Pioneer of Casco Bay. In addition to the interesting
biography of Levett, the volume contains Levett's own narrative of "A
Voyage into New England begun in 1623 and ended in 1624. This work
was published by the Gorges Society, Portland, in 1893.
In his research work in England, Mr. Baxter discovered a manuscript
volume of three hundred and twenty pages entitled The Jewell of the
Arts. It is in the King's Library in London, and on examination was
found to be the work of Captain George Waymouth, who commmanded the
ship Archangel in her now well-known voyage to the coast of Maine in
1605. Before Mr. Baxter's discovery of this manuscript, it was supp-
osed that Captain Waymouth was a competent English shipmaster only.
But the Jewell of Artes disclosed the fact that he was also an accomp-
lished engineer and draughtsman, and proficient in the art of ship and
fortification building. Very generously, Mr. Baxter placed this manu-
script in my hands for use in my preparation of Rosier's Relation
XII PREFACE.
of Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of Maine in 1605, published by the
Gorges Society, Portland, 1887. My estimate of Waymouth was enlarg-
ed by this manuscript at that time, and its influence I have felt in
my references to him in the present volume.
In matters pertaining to the Popham colony, I have derived much assist-
ance from the Reverend Henry O. Thayer's excellent work entitled The
Sagadahoc Colony, Comprising the Relation of a Voyage into New England,
(Lambeth Manuscript), and published by the Gorges Society, Portland,
1892. Mr. Thayer's introduction and notes leave nothing to be desired,
while in the appendix, covering one hundred pages, there is a full and
satisfactory discussion of many points of interest with reference to
the colony. Mr. Thayer's valuable contributions to the Collections of
the Maine Historical Society with reference to the same period, have
also been found very helpful.
Piscataqua and Agamenticus.
Edward Godfrey.
Colonel Alexander Rigby.
Dr. Charles E. Banks, who has made a special study of Edward Godfrey's
life and services in connection with the development of colonization
efforts, first at Piscataqua and afterward Agamenticus (later Gorgeana
and York), has a biographical sketch of Edward Godfrey in the Collect-
ions of the Maine Historical Society (First Series, IX, 297-384) to
which is added an appendix containing letters and various papers by
Godfrey, from which I have derived valuable aid; also from his extend-
ed papers on Colonel Alexander Rigby in the second volume of the Maine
Historical and Genealogical Recorder.
Much assistance also I have received from the Farnham Papers, a coll-
ection of documents pertaining to Maine history, compiled in two vol-
umes by Miss Mary Frances Farnham, and published by the Maine Histori-
cal Society. To bring these many documents together in this way, mak-
ing them easily accessible, was an achievement worthy of recognition
and generous appreciation.
In connection with the preparation of Rosier's Relation of Waymouth's
Voyage, my interest in the beginnings of colonial Maine was greatly
quickened. Study of the original sources of information
XIII PREFACE.
concerning these beginnings not only revealed but emphasized the im-
portance of a restatement of our earlier history in a connected narra-
tive, based upon authoritative records and documents of various kinds
critically used. In subsequent years, as opportunities for added re-
search opened from time to time, my interest was deepened, and espi-
ally in 1912, when I had the pleasure of visiting Bristol and Ply-
mouth, England, places in which Gorges and Aldworth and Elbridge and
Jennings and Trelawny were such prominent figures, and from which, be-
cause of these men, proceeded influences so closely connected with the
beginnings of our colonial history.
In modern forms, throughout these pages, I have made much use of the
words of the original writings on which the narrative is so largely
made to rest. During the first half of the seventeenth century, not
only the great masters of the English language were at their best,
but the people of the middle classes, including tradesmen and offic-
ials in the humbler places, exhibited a directness and vigor of ex-
pression of which we do well not to lose sight.
Also in my work I have endeavored to keep in mind contemporaneous
events in England during the period under review. Indeed, events
then in progress on this side of the sea cannot be rightly under-
stood unless one gives attention to movements in England at the
same time, which had as their aim better social and political con-
ditions than had obtained hitherto in the mother country.
In my visit to Bristol, England, the librarian of the Central Muni-
cipal Library opened to me freely the large and very valuable coll-
ection of books relating to the history and antiquities of the city.
This collection, brought together in a most attractive room in Brist-
ol's beautiful library building, is under the charge of Miss Ethel E.
Sims, who not only gave to me intelligent assistance whil I was in
Bristol, England, but also after my departure, continued her efforts
in my behalf with such painstaking interest that at length she was
able to furnish me with the proof that the Thomas Hanham who accom-
panied Pring to the coast of Maine in 1606, was not the Thomas Han-
ham who married Penelope, a daughter of Sir John Popham, as some have
XIV. PREFACE.
supposed, but his son, Thomas Hanham, and therefore a grandson of Sir
John. Mr. John Tremayne Lane, treasurer of Bristol, place in my hands
the priceless early records of the city; and I was greatly assisted in
my examination of them by Dr. Edward G. Cuthbert Atchley.
Abraham Jennings, of Monhegan.
At Ashton Court, by the courtesy of Lady Smith, Mr. Lewis Upton Way
showed me to the Gorges papers still in the possession of the Smyth
family, to which Sir Ferdinando was related by marriage. At Plymouth
the public library is one of great excellence, and I found it help-
ful. The town clerk extended to me, generous courtesies, and Mr. A. C.
Simmonds, assistant conveyancing clerk in the town clerk's office, was
of great help to me in my examination of the town records, especially
with reference to Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan. In
this connection, also, I desire to make mention of my indebtedness to
the great library of the British Museum and to the collections of the
Public Records Office, London, where my researches were continued and
ended.
The Maine State Library and the Maine Historical Society.
The Boston Anthenaeum, State Library, NEHGS & Boston Library.
The writing of these pages was commenced at Cambridge, Massachusetts,
in November, 1912. Until June 1913, I was generously supplied with
books by the Maine State Library at Augusta, and the library of the
Maine Historical Society in Portland. At the same time, the libraries
in Cambridge - that of Harvard University and the Cambridge Public
Library - opened wide their doors to me, as also did the great librar-
ies at Boston, namely, that of the Massachusetts Historical Society and
the Boston Anthenaeum, the State Library, the library of the City of
Boston and the library of the New England Historical and Genealogical
Society.
THE JOHN HAY LIBRARY & JOHN CARTER BROWN LIBRARY OF BROWN UNIVERSITY.
Valuable assistance also was received from the John Hay Library and
the John Carter Brown Library of Brown University, Providence, R.I.
In the summer of 1913, in Camden, Maine, where the work of writing
was continued, and in the fall and winter of that year at Portland,
Maine, where it was completed and the book was printed, the Maine
libraries already mentioned,
iv. PREFACE.
THE PORTLAND, MAINE PUBLIC LIBRARY.
still rendered valuable assistance, as also did the Portland Public
Library. For that part of the Simancas map of 1610 which includes the
coast line of what is now the State of Maine, I am indebted to the
Houghton, Mifflin Company, Boston, publishers of Alexander Brown's
"Genesis of the United States," in which the whole map is found.
The John Carter Brown Library, Brown University, courteously re-
sponded to my request for a fac simile of the title page of its
valuable copy of Rosier's True Relation of Waymouth's voyage to
the coast of Maine in 1605. For the photograph of the Popham monu-
ment in the parish church, Wellington, Somerset, I am indebted to
the Reverend W. W. Pulman, vicar of the parish. For illustrations
connected with recent tercentenary celebrations, that in 1904 of
the de Monts colony at St. Croix Island, that in 1905 of Way-
mouth's discoveries on the Maine Coast and that in 1907 of the
landing of the Popham colonists at the mouth of the Kennebec, I
am indebted to the Maine Historical Society; also for the use of
its copy of Johnston's map of the Pilgrim Grant on the Kennebec
in securing a photographic copy of the same; and also for a like
use of original letters and other writings from the Society's
invaluable collection known as the Trelawny Papers. The other
illustrations are from originals in the author's possession.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CHAPTER I.
EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE AMERICAN COAST.
Between the close of the fifteenth century and the first part of
the seventeenth, events are recorded that were more or less clear-
ly connected with the beginnings of colonial Maine. The influenc-
es that were operative in these beginnings were largely of English
origin. Primarily, the basis of England's claim to territory on the
American coast is to be found in John Cabot's discovery of the North
American continent in 1497. But other navigators and explorers, sail-
ing from English ports, followed Cabot in the sixteenth century, and
all are worthy of mention in aiding in opening the way to English col-
onization on the Atlantic coast of that continent.
The sources of information concerning Cabot's voyage are scanty. From
these we learn that Cabot, a native of Genoa1 but for some time a resi-
dent of Venice, made his home in Bristol, England, about the year 1490.
Then, as now, Bristol was an important English seaport, and among its
merchants and fishermen, Cabot found eager listeners to his urgen pleas
for English participation in further discoveries upon the American coast;
and because of these pleas, and those of other interested parties, King
Henry VII, March 5, 1496, granted letters patent to his "well-beloved
John Cabot, citizen of Venice - and to Lewis, Sebastian and Sanctus, sons
of the said John Cabot.....upon their own proper costs and charges, to
seek out, discover and find whatsoever islands, countries, regions or
provinces of the heathens or infidels, in whatever part of the world they
be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians."
footnotes: 1. The date of Cabot's birth cannot be placed later than
1451.
2. Although the sons of John Cabot are here mentioned, there
is no evidence of any value that even one of them accom-
panied the first expedition. The career of Sebastian Cabot
belongs to a leter period. Harrisse says: "Cabot had a son
named Sebastion, born in Venice, who lived in England not
less than sixteen years, and then removed to Spain, where
in 1518, King Charles V appointed him Pilot-Major. This
office he held for 30 years. In 1526, Sebastion Cabot was
authorized to take command of a Spanish expedition intend-
ed for "Tharsis and Ophir', but which instead went to La
Plata and proved disastrous. After his return to Seville,
he was invited in 1547, by the counsellors of King Edward
VI to England, and again settled in that country. Seven
years afterward, he prepared the expeditions of Willoughby
and Chancelor and of Stephen Burroughs in search of a north-
east passage to Cathay. He finally died in London, after
1557, at a very advanced age, in complete obscurity." John
Cabot, the Discoverer of North America and Sebastian, his
son. A chapter in the Maritime History of England under the
Tudors, 1496-1557. By Henry Harrisse, 1896.
2. THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CABOT REACHED THE AMERICAN COAST.
Busy preparations for the expedition followed and in May, 1497, prob-
ably early in the month, a small vessel1 with eighteen seamen,2 Cabot
sailed from Bristol, England, animated with high hopes and undaunted
courage. Skirting the southern coast of Ireland, he turned the prow of
his little bark first northward, then westward; and after sailing seven
hundred leagues, he reached the American coast. No words have come down
to us, either from Cabot or any of the eighteen seamen, narrating the
circumstances under which the voyagers approached the land. We have no
mention of any thrilling spectacle as they landed and planted the Royal
standard on the North American continent, in token of English possess-
ion. It is not likely that there was much delay upon the coast, follow-
ing the discovery. The purpose of the expedition had been accomplished,
and Cabot naturally would desire to make the story of his achievement
known in England at as early a date as was possible.
The first report we have with reference to Cabot's return is found in
a letter from Lorenzo Pasqualigo to his brothers, Alvise
p.3 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Main Land
and Francesco, dated London, England, August 23, 1497. In it he says:
"The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship from Bristol (Eng-
land) to search for new islands, is returned and says that seven hun-
dred leagues from here he discovered main land (terra firma), the terri-
tory of the Grand Khan. He coasted for three hundred leagues and land-
ed; saw no human beings, but he has brought here to the King, certain
snares which had been set to catch game, and a needle for making nets;
he also found some felled trees, by which he judged there were inhabi-
tants, and returned to his ship in alarm. He was three months on the
voyage." That Pasqualigo's information was early, the date of his
letter shows; and his narrative is confirmed as to its main points by
two dispatches sent by Milanese embassadore in London to the Duke of
Milan, one dated August 24, 1497, and the other, December 18, 1497.
In one of these dispatches - that of December 18th - mention is made
of the newly discovered country and its products. "And they say that
the land is fertile and the climate temperate and think that the red
wood (el brasilio) grows there and the silks."
THE FISHERIES ON THE AMERICAN COAST.
"THE SEA IF FULL OF FISH"
Of course this is the language of glowing enthusiasm, abundant illus-
trations of which are to be found in the reports of other discoverers
of that time. An allusion to the importance of the fisheries on the
American coast in the same report, however, indicates slight emotional
restraint. "They affirm that there the sea is full of fish that can be
taken not only with nets, but with fishing baskets, a stone being placed
in the basket to sink it in the water." They say "that they can bring
so many fish that this
footnote. "There resided in London at that time a most intelligent
Italian, Raimondo di Soncino, envoy of the Duke of Milan, Ludovico
Sforza, one of the those despots of the Renaissance who almost atoned
for their treachery and cruelty by their thirst for knowledge and the
love of arts. Him Soncino kept informed of all matters going on in
London and especially concerning matters of cosmography to which the
Duke was much devoted." Dr. S. E. Dawson, "The Discovery of America
by John Cabot in 1497, 59,60.
p.4 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE CODFISH - "Stoch-fissi"
kingdom will have no more business with Islanda (Iceland), and that
from that country there will be a very great trade in the fish which
call stock fish (stoch-fissi)", the codfish of our language.
In these and other early reports concerning Cabot's voyage, we have
no positive information with reference to the landfall. It is, there-
fore, only a matter of conjecture. General agreement, accordingly, even
on the part of those who have given to the problem, the most careful
attention, is not to be expected. A cautious statement is that of a
recent writer, who affirms that it was "somewhere on the eastern sea-
coast of British North America, between Halifax and southern Labrador."
It should be said, however, that Harrisse, whose monumental work on
John Cabot is the chief authority concerning the voyage of 1497, while
admitting that in the absence of documentary evidence we must resort
to presumption, finds himself warranted in saying that "with great
probability" the landfall "was on some point of the northeast coast of
Labrador". From his discussion, however, it is evident that Harrisse
was wholly unacquainted with the conditions that Cabot would have met
on reaching the American coast at that point. On the approach of the
four hundredth anniversary of Cabot's voyage, the most careful attent-
ion was called to these conditions by a commission of the Royal society
of Canada; and at present, after all that has been said, the probabili-
ties plainly
THE LANDFALL WAS AT SOME PART OF THE ISLAND OF CAPE BRETON.
p.5 lead to the conclusion that the landfall was at some part of the island
of Cape Breton.
CABOT, THE EARLIEST ENGLISH VOYAGER ALONG THE COAST OF MAINE.
Cabot's discovery awakened very wide interest in England, especially
however, in Bristol, to which port the discover returned, and also in
London, whither it is believed Cabot soon proceeded in order to make
his report in person to the King. Forthwith, doubtless in various
quarters, a second expedition was proposed. The King gave to the en-
terprise enthusiastic support. So, too, did the merchant adventurers
of Bristol, Plymouth and other seaport towns. Information concern-
ing its preparation and departure, however, is scanty. The Spanish
envoy in London, writing to his sovereign, July 25, 1498, communic-
ates what he had heard concerning the expedition. It consisted, he
said, of five ships, "victualled for a year", but was expected to
return in September. It left Bristol, England in the early Spring
probably, and doubtless followed the same course across the Atlantic
as that taken by Cabot in the preceding year. One of the vessels of
the fleet, the envoy wrote, "has returned to Ireland in great dis-
tress, the ship being much damaged. The Genoese has continued his
voyage." Beyond this, we have no contemporaneous information con-
cerning the second expedition. It is naturally conjectured, that on
reaching the coast, Cabot extended his discoveries southward before
returning to England. Indeed, basing his conclusion chiefly on the
celebrated planisphere of Juan de la Cosa, 1500, Harrisse is of the
opinion that Cabot, in this second voyage, sailed south of the Caro-
linas. If, from his first landfall, he made his way thus far down the
coast, we may think of him as the earliest English voyager who sailed
the coast of Maine.
p.6 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
A LAND OF UNTOLD RICHES AND PLENTY.
Cabot's discoveries upon his second voyage must have made a far deep-
er impression in England than was made by the reports that were scat-
tered abroad upon the return of the first expedition. In proceeding
down the American coast, the adventurers must have been attracted both
by the climate and the more favorable appearance of the country as they
advanced. They could not have failed to notice here and there commod-
ious harbors, and wide rivers extending up into the main, awakening
visions of a land of untold riches and plenty. These stories, exten-
sively circulated in various ways, added to Cabot's fame, and his
great services as a discoverer, have found increasing recognition in
the centuries that have followed.1
footnote 1. A tower on Brandon Hill, Bristol, England, commemorates
Cabot's discovery of North America. It is a square buttressed struct-
ure of the late Tudor Gothic style, 75 feet high to the upper balcony
floor and 105 feet to the apex of the truncated spire, on which is
placed a gilded figure representing commerce, mounted on a globe,
a symbol of the world. It is built of red sandstone, with dressings
of Bath freestone and cost £3,300. In panels on the four sides of
the tower are carved the arms of Henry VII, Cabot, the City of Brist-
ol, England and the Society of Merchant Venturers. Three bronze tab-
lets contain the following inscriptions:
The foundation of this tower
was laid by
The Marquess of Dufferin and Ava
on the 24th of June 1897
and the completed tower was opened
by the same nobleman
on the 6th of September, 1898.
THE CABOT TOWER, BRISTOL, ENGLAND.
This tablet is placed here by the Bristol Branch of the Peace Society
in the earnest hope that peace and friendship may ever continue between
the kindred peoples of this country (England) and America.
"Glory to God in the highest, and on
earth peace, goodwill toward men." Luke 2. 14.
This tower
was erected by public subscription in the 61st
year of the reign of Queen Victoria.
p.7 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES.
But if English fishermen and enterprising merchants were attracted to
the American coast by Cabot's discoveries, as some, it is said, were,
it was not for long, inasmuch as in a letter written by John Rut, to
King Henry VIII, dated St. John's, Newfoundland, August 3, 1527, the
writer says he found in that harbor "eleven sails of Normans and one
Brittaine, and two Portugal barkes"; but he makes no mention of others,
and declares his purpose to extend his voyage along the coast in the
hope of meeting the only English vessel known by him to be in American
waters.
In fact, Robert Hore's expedition in 1536 had no reference to fishing
interests on the American coast, or even to colonization. Hore was a
London merchant "given to the study of Cosmography", and his chief pur-
pose in organizing his expedition, it would seem, was prompted solely
by a desire to discover a north-west passage to the East Indies, and
so to open a shorter route to those far-away regions than that, by
the Cape of Good Hope.
With his two ships and a company of one hundred and twenty, Hore, in
his voyage to the American coast, evidently followed Cabot's course.
From the brief account of the expedition in Hakluyt's Principall Navi-
gations, it is not possible to learn how far Hore proceeded in his
search after reaching Cape Breton. We only know that the story is one
of ill success throughout, and could have had only a depressing effect
upon English enterprise with reference to new-world interests.
To commemorate the fourth centenary of
the discovery of the continent of
North America
on the 24th of June 1497 by
John Cabot
who sailed from this port in the
Bristol ship "Matthew" with a Bristol Crew
under letters patent granted by King Henry VII
to that navigator and his sons
Lewis, Sebastian and Sanctus.
footnotes: Lorenzo Sabine, Report of the Principal Fisheries of the American
Seas, 1853, 36.
For an account of the voyage of Robert Hore see Early English and French
Voyages Chiefly from Hakluyt, v. III, of the Original Narratives of Early
American History, H. S. Burrage, 1906, 103-110.
1. "From the time of Henry VIII, the number of English vessels on the cod-
banks of Newfoundland steadily increased." Green, A Short History of
England, 395.
2. Sabine, 36, 37.
3. Sabine, 37. The narrow extent of the fishing trade of England at this
time is indicated by the fact that it was limited to the Flemish towns
and to the fishing grounds.
p.8 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
France, however, for many years had sent fishing vessels to the banks of
Newfoundland. Jacques Cartier, a native of St. Malo, the principal port
of Brittany, had been not only active in these fishing enterprises on the
American coast, but already had conducted thither two exploring expedi-
tions. The hardy fishermen of Bristol and Plymouth could not have been un-
mindful of these evidences of French commercial alertness, and, as a re-
sult, an increasing number of English fishing vessels made their way to
the Newfoundland banks.1
It was not long, also, before the political circles in England, there
was a growing appreciation of the value of sea fisheries to the nation.
In 1548, the English government took into consideration certain abuses
reported from Newfoundland, for which charges were brought against cer-
tain admiralty officers; and in remedying these abuses, Parliament en-
acted its first legislation with reference to America, relieving the
fishermen of the burdens wrongfully imposed upon them, and making fish-
ing at Newfoundland entirely free to all English inhabitants.
It should be added that at this time, Parliament, in order to give en-
couragement to the fisheries, imposed severe penalties upon persons eat-
ing flesh on fish days.
QUEEN ELIZABETH ASCENDS THE THRONE.
Queen Elizabeth ascended the throne of England in 1558. Her reign was
characterized by rapidly growning commercial prosperity, in connection
with which England entered upon that period of world-wide trade relat-
ions that has continued to the present time. The fisheries of the Channel
and the German ocean were now supplemented by those on the coast of North
America; and before
p.9 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES.
the close of Elizabeth's reign "the seamen of Biscay found English rivals
in the whale fishery of the Polar seas". In 1563, Brittish Parliament,
responding to this awakened spirit of enlargement among English fishermen
of the seaport towns, enacted "that as well for the maintenance of shipp-
ing, the increase of fishermen and marines, and the repairing of port-
towns, as for the sparing of the fresh victuals of the realm, it shall not
be lawful for anyone to eat fresh victuals of the realm, it shall not be
lawful for any one to eat flesh on Wednesdays and Saturdays, unless under
the forfeiture of £3 for each offence, excepting in cases of sickness and
those of special licenses to be obtained". The occasion for the enact-
ment, as expressly indicated by Parliament, was not a religious one, as
the act had its origins in the prevalent desire to develop the fishing in-
terests of the nation in all possible ways.2
WILLIAM HAWKINS OF PLYMOUTH, ENGLAND.
THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE.
At the same time there was an enlargement of foreign commerce as well as
of the fisheries. William Hawkins of Plymouth, England, the first of his
countrymen to sail a ship into southern seas, made what he recorded as a
fitting venture by engaging in the African slave-trade; finding a market
for his cargoes in the Spanish settlements of the West Indies.3 John
Hawkins, his son, inheriting the adventurous spirit of his father, was
in the West Indies in 1565, and on his return voyage, sailing up the
American coast as far as Newfoundland - catching glimpses of that vast
unknown territory in whose opening and exploration England was to have so
great a part - he turned the prows of his vessels homeward, bringing with
him "great profit to the venturers of the voyage", including "gold, silv-
er, pearls and other jewels, a great store".4
Hawkins reached England in September, 1565. Glowing reports of his vent-
ure furnished the theme of animated conversation throughout the Kingdom,
and he had no difficulty in fitting out a new and larger expedition,
which sailed from Plymouth, England
footnotes: 1 Green, 395.
2 Sabine, 37.
3 Not the slightest disgrace at that time seems to have
attached either to slave-stealing or slave-selling.
4. The narrative of the closing part of this voyage of
1565, taken from Hakluyt, will be found in "Early
English and French Voyages, 113-132.
p.10 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
October 2, 1567. One of Hawkins' vessels was commanded by Francis Drake,
afterwards, Sir Francis Drake. High hopes concerning the expedition were
entertained both at Court and in all parts of the realm; but it ended in
dire disaster through Spanish treachery in the harbor of San Juan de
Ulua, a small island on the Mexican coast opposite Vera Cruz. Of the
survivors, some returned to England in the ship, Minion, one of the
vessels of the fleet.
Some landed and marched westward into Mexico, the larger number suffer-
ing punishment and imprisonment in the galleys.1 There made their long,
weary way northward to the Great Lakes; and then turning eastward, as one
may infer from the narrative printed by Hakluyt, they crossed a part of
what is now the State of Maine, and finding a French vessel on the coast
they were taken aboard and so made their way back to England.2
MARTIN FROBISHER, YORKSHIRE, ENGLAND
At this time, singularly enough because of the reports of Cabot and Haw-
kins, Englishmen were giving little if any thought to enterprises having
reference to the upbuilding of a new England upon these western shores.
But of enterprising navigators there was no lack in the Island Kingdom of
England. As early as 1560 or 1561, Martin Frobisher of Yorkshire, England,
pondering problems having reference to the new world, was still consider-
ing the possibility and even the probability of a shorter passage to the
Indies along the northern American coast. Added years passed, however,
before he could enlist much interest in his proposed undertaking; and it
was not until 1575, that, with the help of the Earl
footnotes: 1. Drake was so embittered against the Spaniards on account of
the treatment of his countrymen received at San Juan de Ulna, that for
several years following his return to England, he ravaged the Spanish
main. On one of these voyages Drake crossed the Isthmus of Panama, and
had his first view of the Pacific Ocean. For the narrative of a part of
Drake's world-encompassing voyage, see Early English and French Voyages,
pp. 153-173.
2. A narrative of this "troublesome voyage", written by John
Hawkins, can be found in Early English and Frency Voyages, 137-148.
John Hawkins was a member of Parliament for Plymouth from 1571 to 1583.
He was said to be the man to whom is due all credit of preparing the Royal
fleet to meet the Armada" in 1588, and was knighted by Queen Elizabeth July
25th of that year.
p.11 EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES.
THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
of Warwick, he was able to enter upon this quest, having secured for the
expedition two tiny barks of twenty or twenty-five tons. Sailing north-
ward and westward, Frobisher sighted on July 28, of that year, the coast
of Labrador; but finding impossible barriers as he advanced, he at length
sailed homeward, reaching London on October 9th. In the following year, how-
ever, he was able to return to the American coast with an expedition prom-
ising larger success, but which was also doomed to failure - search for
gold, which he was now commissioned to undertake, not being better reward-
ed than search for a northwest passage. The enthusiastic navigator's
dreams, however, were still forceful and May 15, 1578, with fifteen vess-
els, he again crossed the Atlantic, this time by way of Greenland, but
only to find himself compelled to face added disappointments and the final
non-realization of hopes long and fondly cherished.1
Francis Drake knighted by Queen Elizabeth.
As little, also, was Francis Drake at this time giving attention to Eng-
lish colonization upon the American coast. In 1567, he was in command of
the ship "Judith" in Hawkins' "troublesome voyage". Ten years later,
having meanwhile devoted himself to the destruction of Spanish interests,
he sailed from Plymouth, England, in his celebrated world-encompassing
voyage, receiving on his return the congratulations of Queen Elizabeth,
and the added honor of knighthood.2
footnotes. 1. Frobisher commanded the ship, "Triumph" at the time of the
destruction of the Spanish Armada - and was knighted at sea by the Lord
High Admiral.
Destruction of the Spanish Armarda.
2. Drake won lasting fame in connection with the destruction
of the Spanish Armada. Even when the Armada was in preparation, Drake,
who was ever ready to "singe the beard of the Spanish King", entered the
harbor at Cadiz with a fleet he had hastily assembled and he destroyed
nearly a hundred store-ships and other vessels. In the following year,
when the Armada at length sailed from Lisbon, Drake, a Vice Admiral in
command of the English privateers, hurried out of the harbor of Plymouth,
England, and in company with the Queen's ships, fell upon the Spanish
galleons with terrific fury, and "the feathers of the Spaniard were
plucked one by one." But a mightier force than Drake struck the final
blow as fierce storms broke upon the scattered remnants of the Armada
and swept them from the wind-disturbed seas. Drake died December 27,
1595 while waging war upon Spanish interests in the West Indies, and
he was buried at sea.
p.12 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert
In his thoughts concerning a northwest passage to the Indies, Frobish-
er had received much encouragement from Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who, in
1566, wrote his Discourse of Discovery for a New Passage to Cataia, and
presented it to Queen Elizabeth. Frobisher's ill-success, however, so
far lessened Gilbert's confidence in his own reasonings, that he now
turned his new-world thoughts into other channels. But they still had
reference to the American continent. He knew no reason why England's
interest in that vast territory should be inferior to that of other
nations. France already had secured a strong foothold on the banks of
the Saint Lawrence, and had even sought to establish colonists in Florida.
Between Florida in the south and the settlements in the north that opened
a way to the Great Lakes, there was a vast territory as yet unpossessed.
To it, Gilbert called attention of the Queen, and asked for the authority
and assistance in conducting an expedition thitherward. She responded June
11th, 1578, by bestowing upon him, letters-patent, to discover and possess
lands in America, but was "to be no robbery by sea or by land" With a
fleet of seven vessels, Gilbert set sail in November, an untimely season
of the year. Disaster followed disaster and the expedition failed.
ENGLISH COLONIZATION ON AMERICAN SOIL.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
But Gilbert's letters-patent - the first granted by the Queen for English
colonization upon American soil - were still in force, and with undimin-
ished ardor the hardy navigator commenced preparations for an added ven-
ture. Delays in the organization of the expedition were encountered, and
it was not until 1583 that it was fully equipped and ready to sail. The
expedition left Plymouth June 11th, with five vessels and two hundred and
sixty men.
Where the colony should be planted had not been determined. In shaping
the course of the voyage, however, Gilbert selected the "trade way unto
Newfoundland", and the fleet assembled in the harbor of St. John's, early
in August. Having landed and called together "the merchants and masters,
both English and also stranger", Sir Humphrey exhibited his royal commiss-
ion, and having delivered unto him "a rod and a turf of the same soil"
after the English custom, he took formal possession of the
p.13 THE EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
island in the name of Queen Elizabeth. Disappointments and then dis-
couragements rapidly followed. Sickness and death at length diminished
the number of the colonists. Discontent was manifested among those who
survived. One of the vessels returned to England, and one, "the chief
ship, with great provision, gathered together with much travail, care,
long time and difficulty" - suffered wreck, probably on some part of
the island of Cape Breton and the loss of life - about one hundred souls,
striking a death blow to the expedition itself. The homeward voyage
that followed was also marked by disaster - Gilbert, himself, perhishing
in the founding of his little vessel in a terrific storm. But the expedi-
tion was not wholly a failure. It had called the attention of the English
people to the vast territory beyond the sea, not only awaiting exploration
and colonization, but offering large possiblitlies for enterprise and dar-
ing to those who were bold enough to avail themselves of them.1
Among those most deeply interested in English colonization in America,
was Sir Walter Raleigh, a half-brother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. He had
commanded the ship Falcon in the unsuccessful expedition of 1578, and
had assisted Gilbert in his preparation for the larger service to which
Sir Humphrey had devoted himself with so much heroic endeavor and self-
sacrifice. Ralegh now took up the unfinished task, and obtained from
Queen Elizabeth,
CHAMPERNOUN.
"CHEER UP, LADS!"
"We are as near Heaven at sea as on land."
footnotes. 1. The mother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert was a Champernoun, and
through her, he was related to the Gorges family. His noble spirit found
fitting expression in his disastrous homeward voyage, just before his
little bark was engulfed. So severe was the storm that he was urged to
seek safety on a larger vessel, but he resolutely declined to leave the
men with whom he had embarked, and calling through the storm, he en-
couraged his distressed companions with the words, "Cheer up, lads!"
"We are as near heaven at sea as on land." - Longfellow has recalled
this incident in the words:
"He sat upon the deck,
The Book was in his hand;
"Do not fear! Heaven is as near,"
He said, "by water as by land!"
INSERT.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert
BY HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW
Southward with fleet of ice
Sailed the corsair Death;
Wild and gast blew the blast,
And the east-wind was his breath.
His lordly ships of ice
Glisten in the sun;
On each side, like pennons wide,
Flashing crystal streamlets run.
His sails of white sea-mist
Dripped with silver rain;
But where he passed there were cast
Leaden shadows o'er the main.
Eastward from Campobello
Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed;
Three days or more seaward he bore,
Then, alas! the land-wind failed.
Alas! the land-wind failed,
And ice-cold grew the night;
And nevermore, on sea or shore,
Should Sir Humphrey see the light.
He sat upon the deck,
The Book was in his hand;
"Do not fear! Heaven is as near,"
He said, "by water as by land!"
In the first watch of the night,
Without a signal's sound,
Out of the sea, mysteriously,
The fleet of Death rose all around.
The moon and the evening star
Were hanging in the shrouds;
Every mast, as it passed,
Seemed to rake the passing clouds.
They grappled with their prize,
At midnight black and cold!
As of a rock was the shock;
Heavily the ground-swell rolled.
Southward through day and dark,
They drift in cold embrace,
With mist and rain, o'er the open main;
Yet there seems no change of place.
Southward, forever southward,
They drift through dark and day;
And like a dream, in the Gulf-Stream
Sinking, vanish all away.
For the narrative of Gilbert's voyage, see Early English and French
Voyages, pp. 179-222.
p.14 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
March 25, 1584, letters patent to "discover, search, find out and view
such remote, heathen and treacherous lands, countries and territories,
not actually possessed of any Christian Prince, nor inhabited by Christ-
ian people", the colonists "to have all the privilege of denizens and
persons native of England - in such like ample manner and form, as if
they were born and personally resident within our said realm of England,
any law, custom or usage to the contrary notwithstanding".
APRIL, 1584.
WALTER BARLOWE
Two vessels, designed for preliminary exploration, were soon in readi-
ness and left England April 27, 1584. Avoiding the northern route taken
by Gilbert, those in command, Philip Amadas and Walter Barlowe, crossed
the Atlantic by way of the Canaries. After reaching the islands of the
West Indies, they sailed up the Atlantic coast, and at length entered the
inlets that break the long, sandy barriers of North Carolina. Exploration
followed. The Indians of the mainland were interviewed. Having taken poss-
ession of the country in the name of the Queen, Amadas and Barlowe returned
to England and made a favorable report concerning the newly acquired terri-
tory. A second expedition, organized Ralegh and placed under the command of
Ralegh's cousin, Sir Richard Grenville, sailed from Plymouth, England April
9, 1585. In 1586, a vessel, with supplies for the relief of the fifteen men
left by Grenville at Roanoke Island in the preceding year, was fitted out
by Ralegh and despatched to the American coast. Sir Richard Grenville,
shortly after, with three ships, followed. Though Ralegh's efforts at
colonization in connection with these expeditions failed, he was ready
to make added endeavors, and in 1587, he fitted out a fourth expedition,
including one hundred and fifty colonists under the command of John White,
whom he appointed Governor, and to whom he gave a Charter with important
privileges, incorporating the colonists under the name of the "Governors
and Assistants of the City of Ralegh in Virginia." The colonists were
landed at Roanoke Island. By their request, Governor White returned to
England in the autumn, for added supplies; but in the following spring,
when he hoped to recross the
p.15 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Atlantic, all England was making heroic efforts to meet the Spanish
Armada. Ralegh, however, succeeded in fitting out a small fleet with
needed supplies for the Roanoke Island colonists. But the vessels he had
secured, and made ready for the Atlantic voyage, were impressed by the
government. Ralegh, however, did not lose heart, and by the most strenu-
ous efforts on his part, two small vessels, under the command of Governor
White, were at length, allowed to start for the American coast. Yet so
severely were they handled by Spanish cruisers soon after leaving port,
that they were compelled to abandon the voyage. In the following year,
Ralegh made an added attempt to send relief to the colonists and again
failed. In 1590, though a "general stay" of all ships throughout England
was ordered by the government, Governor White obtained for himself an
opportunity to return to America.
On reaching Roanoke Island, however, the traces he found of the colonists
he had left there two years before, told only a story of disaster and he
was obliged to return to England without any knowledge of their fate.
Ralegh, however, still continued to send thither yet other vessels in the
endeavor to obtain added information; but it was not until after the settle-
ment of Jamestown, that it became known, through the Indians, that most of
the Roanoke colonists were massacred by order of Powhatan.1.
If English colonial enterprises on the American coast had ended in disap-
pointment and disaster, maritime interests meanwhile had prospered. The
destruction of the Spanish Armada made the seaport towns of England more
and more a nursery of seamen. Bold navigators sought out new lines of
trade. But especially the fish-
footnote 1. It was at Ralegh's request that Hakluyt wrote his Particular
Discourse concerning the great necessity and manifold commodities that
like to grow to this Realm of England, by the Western discoveries lately
attempted. Several manuscript copies of the "Discourse" were made by Hak-
luyt, but it was not printed until 1877, when a manuscript copy, found in
England by the late Dr. Leonard Woods, was published by the Maine Histori-
cal Society, as Volume II of its Documentary Series. It has since been
published in Goldsmid'sHakluyt, II, 169-358. For the narratives of Ral-
egh's expeditions to the North Carolina coast, see Early English and
French Voyages, 227-323.
p.16 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
fisheries flourished. Fishing voyages were made to the coast of Newfound-
land, and Sir Walter Ralegh, who had sacrificed so much in the endeavor
to plant an English colonly on American soil, having watched the growth
of the fishing interests of Bristol, Plymouth and other ports, voiced in
Parliament, in 1593, a fact of recognized national importance, when he
said that the fisheries of England on the American coast were the "stay
and support" of the west counties of the Kingdom. Indeed, when the cent-
ury closed, it is estimated that there were about two hundred English
fishing vessels around Newfoundland and in neighboring waters, giving
employment to ten thousand men and boys.1 But English fishermen did not
limit themselves to these waters. Possessing the spirit of daring advent-
ure that now characterized maritime interests throughout the nation, they
were ever seeking new scenes of busy endeavor and larger rewards of enter-
prise.
But the reports which English fishermen in American waters brought with
them on their return voyages, had reference not only to the employments
in which they were engaged, but they also called attention in glowing
words to the glimpses they caught of the new world to whose shores thier
voyages were made. Hakluyt, in his "Principall Navigations, Voyages and
Discoveries of the English Nation, published in 1589, had made the schol-
lars and statesmen of England familiar with the work of adventurers and
explorers.2 The returning fishermen, on the other hand, told their tales
in seaport towns, to the merchants and men in their employ, who were
easily inspired by the fair visions of wealth and empire which these re-
ports awakened. People in all parts of the country were reached in this
way, and when the century closed, England, as never before, was beginn-
ing to be stirred with high hopes of extending her growing power into the
new and larger fields to which her discoverers and navigators had opened
the way.
footnotes: 1. Sabine's Report, p.40.
2. Hakluyt's monumental work was printed in London in 1809;
also in Edinburgh in 1890, in sixteen volumes "with notes,
indices and numerous additons", edited by Edmund Goldsmid;
also in 1903-1905, by the MacMillan Company of New York and
London, in a handsome edition in twelve volumes, with many
illustrations.
CHAPTER II.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
GOSNOLD AND PRING.
Thus, when the seventeenth century opened, England had made a beginn-
ing in the endeavor to secure a foothold upon the Atlantic coast of
North America. Further endeavor in this direction, however, was pre-
ceded by an added effort to discover a more direct route to India than
that hitherto followed by way the Cape of Good Hope. A northwest pass-
age thitherward, as already indicated, had been the dream of English
navigators in the preceding century. Such a route, if discoverable,
would secure to England most desirable commercial advantages; and
though the attempts already made by enterprising explorers had been
attended by great hardships and ill success - the icy barriers of the
north, closing as with adamant, the waterway - the possibilities of
achievement, strangely enough, were still alluring.
GEORGE WAYMOUTH OF COCKINGTON, ENGLAND.
THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
Among others, George Waymouth of Cockington, a small village, now a
part of Torquay, on the southwest coast of England, not far from Ply-
mouth, England, had caught the spirit of the new era, and was busy
with considerations having reference to such an enterprise. In a com-
munication, dated July 24, 1601, addressed to the "Worshipful Fellow-
ship of the Merchants of London, trading into the East Indies," now
familiarly known as the "East India Company", he presented his views
with reference to an added search for such a route to the distant East.
QUEEN ELIZABETH.
His suggestions met with approval, and Waymouth was placed in command
of an expedition for such added exploration. The interest of Queen
Elizabeth was enlisted in the undertaking. Bearing a commendatory
letter1
footnote 1. This letter, written upon vellum, with an illuminated
border upon a red ground, and signed by Queen Elizabeth, was found in
London, in the early part of the last century, in tearing away an old
in a house in which repairs were in progress. January 28, 1841, Sir
Henry Ellis laid the letter before the Society of Antiquaries in London,
and the letter, with a facsimile of the the Queen's signature and also
of the Seal attached, was printed in the proceedings of the Society's
meeting. The original letter, unfortunately, has disappeared, but a re-
print from the published copy will be found in Rosier's Relation of
Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of Maine, 1605 - printed by the Gorges
Society, 17-20.
p.18 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
addressed by her to the "Right High, Mighty and Invincible Emperor of
Cathaye," Waymouth, with two vessels, sailed from the Thames River, May
2, 1602. In this quest, however, he was no more successful than his prede-
cessors. Barriers of ice, in regions of intolerable cold, still closed the
way; and though on his return to England, the Fellowship cleared him of
all blame in connection with the expedition, and it was decided that he
should be placed in command of a second venture, the proposed voyage was
not made, and the Fellowship abandoned all further efforts in that
direction.
But endeavors with reference to English colonization in the new world
were not abandoned. Indeed, already, both in London and in seaport
towns like Bristol and Plymouth, England, there were those who were
thoughtfully pondering problems connected with American commercial and
colonial enterprises. Spanish and French interests had long been perma-
nently represented there. English fishermen, though not in large
numbers, had verified the reports that reached them concerning the
abundance of fish on the American coast; and English merchant adventur-
ers were beginning to bestir themselves because of the prospect of the
larger fish supplies their vessels could easily obtain in American
waters.
Also, there were those who still were animated with the high hope that
England would avail itself of rights secured by Cabot's discovery, and
would seize, before it was too late, the vast empire to which the Ameri-
can coast opened the way.
This awakening of new interest in American concerns was in evidence even
before Waymouth set sail on his ill-fated expedition. Prominent among
those who were busying themselves with
"A new England, across the sea."
Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, England.
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD &
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GILBERT,
SON OF sir Humphrey Gilbert.
p.19 such concerns, was Henry Wriothesley, the Earl of Southampton.1 At that
time, he was in prison for supposed connection with the conspiracy of
Essex.2 He seems, however, to have been thinking not so much of affairs
in England, as of a new England across the sea. As a result of his efforts
largely, an expedition was made ready, having reference to the beginnings
of a colonial enterprise on the American coast. Its command was given to
Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, who is said to have seen service already
with Sir Walter Ralegh, in one or more expeditions to American. With him,
was associated Captain Bartholomew Gilbert, a son of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
Details with reference to the preparation and plans of the voyage are
lacking.
The small ship, named "The Concord."
Evidently they were not elaborate. A beginning, however, was to be made,
and for this purpose, a small vessel, named the Concord, was secured for
the purpose, and in it Gosnold sailed from Falmouth, England, on March 25,
1602. Thirty-two persons, eight of them mariners, constituted the whole
company. Of this number, twelve purposed to return to England with the
vessel, at the close of the intended exploration, and the rest were to
remain in the country for "population."
The English voyagers of the preceding century made their way to the
American coast, either by the islands of Newfoundland, and
footnotes: 1. Born October 6, 1573, he took his degree of bachelor of
arts at Cambridge, England, in 1589 - he planned George Waymouth's voy-
age to the coast of Maine in 1605; in April, 1610, he aided in sending
Henry Hudson to the Northwest; in 1614, he subscribed £100 toward send-
ing Harley to the New England coast; November 3, 1620, he became a mem-
ber of the New England Council. He died November 10, 1624.
DEVEREUX.
2. The reference to Robert Devereux, the 2nd Earl of
Essex. For many years he was a favorite of Queen Eliza-
beth, and he held high appointments, political and mili-
tary, but his undertakings were not always successful.
As Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1599, he was severely
criticised, and on his return, he was deprived of his
dignities. His attempt to incite an insurrection in Lon-
don, in the hope that as a result, the Queen would be com-
pelled to take his part in his conflict with his enemies,
led to his arrest, imprisonment and trial for high treason.
He was condemned but Queen Elizabeth delayed to sign the
death warrant, in the hope that he would ask for pardon.
He did not, and he was beheaded on February 25, 1601.
p.20 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
BRERETON.
Forty-three degrees latitude - The southern coast of Maine.
Cape Breton, or by those of the West Indies. Gosnold, avoiding
Cabot's course, and also that of the Ralegh expeditions to "Vir-
ginia", aimed by a more direct route to reach "the north part of
Virginia". In the early days of the voyage, the wind was unfavor-
able for his purpose, but he succeeded in reaching the American
coast on May 14th. Brereton, who was one of the company, and
who wrote a narrative of the expedition,1 has little to say con-
cerning the landfall, but he states the important fact that it was
"in the latitude of forty-three degrees", accordingly at some point
on the southern coast of Maine.
THE SOUTHERN COAST OF MAINE.
"North Land, Maine."
"Savage Rock, Maine"
Archer, who also accompanied the expedition, and published a rela-
tion concerning it,2 describes briefly the scene that met the eyes
of Gosnold and his associates as they approached the coast:
"The fourteenth (day) about six in the morning, we descried land
that lay north (etc) - the northerly part, we called North Land,
which to another rock upon the same, lying twelve leagues West,
that we called "Savage Rock" (because the savages first showed
themselves there)."
Or, Cape Porpoise and Cape Neddock.
By some, the "North Land" and "Savage Rock" of Archer's narra-
tive, have been identified with Cape Porpoise and Cape Neddock.
WHAT THEY DISCOVERED BECAME PORTLAND AND KITTERY, MAINE.
And this identification, as exceedingly probable, has received
very general support. But identification from such meagre details
is exceedingly difficult. It is enough, perhaps, to know that the
fair prospect which burst upon Gosnold and his fellow voyagers as
they caught their first glimpses of the American coast, and were
thrilled with excited interest - was some part of Maine territory
between what became Portland and Kittery, Maine.
CAPE COD.
Proceeding southward along the coast, Gosnold passed Cape Cod,
taking there, "great store of cod-fish"2, says Archer, "for
footnotes: 1. Brereton's narrative is the earliest printed work
relating to New England. Two editions of it were published in 1602,
the first containing twenty-four pages and the second containing
forty-eight pages. The first of these editions will be found in
"Early English and French Voyages, 329-340. The other is in the
third series of the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collect-
ion, VIII, 83-103, and in the Winship's "Sailors Narratives of
New England Voyages."
2. Archer's relatiion is reprinted in the Massachusetts Hist-
orical Society's Collection, VIII, 72-81.
3. Brereton, in his narrative, says concerning the abundance
of fish upon the American coast: "We had pestered our ships so
with cod fish that we....(continued bottom of p. 21 below)
p.21 GOSNOLD AND PRING.
MARTHA'S VINEYARD.
which we altered the name and called it "Cape Cod." At length,
the voyagers came to an island which Gosnold named "Martha's
Vineyard".
CUTTYHUNK.
Here, turning in toward the mainland, he brought the voyage to
an end, at an island which, in honor of the Queen, he named it
Elizabeth's Isle. This is the present Cuttyhunk - the earlier
name having become the designation of the group of islands to
which Cuttyhunk belongs. Here preparations for a permanent
colony were made by the erection of a storehouse and a fort.
SASSAFRAS.
For the homeward voyage of the ship, Concord - such commodit-
ies were secured as sassafras1, cedar and furs obtained by
traffic with the Indians. But when these new-world products
had been secured and were onboard, and the vessel was ready
to sail, those of the little company who had agreed to remain
in the country as colonists, refused to stay; and the settle-
ment which had been so happily founded, and represented on the
part of Gosnold and some of his associates so much of heartfelt
desire and hope, was reluctantly abandoned. This was the one
great disappointment of the voyage.
Gosnold reached Exmouth, England on July 23. His failure to
plant a colony at Elizabeth's Isle he keenly felt; but the re-
ports he brought conerning the country and the great value of its
coast fisheries furnished the needed proof that the new world only
awaited colonization in order to add to England's commercial
footnotes continued - threw numbers of them over-board again;
and surely, I am persuaded, that in the months of March, April
and May, there is upon this coast, better fishing, and in as
great plenty, as is in Newfoundland; for thesculles of mackeral,
herring, cod and other fish that we daily saw as we went and
came from the shore, were wonderful; and besides, the places
where we took these cods (and might in a few days have laden our
ship) were in seven fathom of water, and within less than a degr-
ee of the shore, where, in Newfoundland, they fish in forty or
fifty fathom of water, and far off."
SASSAFRAS.
footnote1. At that time sassafras was highly valued for its
medicinal qualities. "The powder of sassafras, in twelve hours
cured one of our company that had taken a great surfeit." Archer's
Relation of Gosnold's Voyage - Massachusetts Historical Society
Collection, 3rd Series, VII, 77, 78. This new world "commodity"
now placed upon the market in such large quantity, greatly lower-
ed its price. Hitherto, it had sold in London as high as 20 shill-
ings per pound.
p.22 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
activity and wealth. The relations of Brereton and Archer, re-
cording events connected with the expediton, were published soon
after Gosnold's return. These narratives, with their interesting
details, were eagerly caught up and widely read. Hakluyt,1 a pre-
bendary of St. Augustine's Cathedral Church at Bristol, England,
was so strongly impressed in reading these glowing descriptions
of new-world experiences, that he called the attention of the prin-
cipal merchants of Bristol to the "many profitable and reasonable
inducements" which America offered to English trade and colonizat-
ion; and so by his own noble spirit, led the way to new and larger
endeavors in which Bristol was to have a most honorable part.
This was not the first time in which Hakluyt had conferred with
Bristol merchants concerning American interests. In 15822, Wals-
ingham, Queen Elizabeth's efficient Secretary of State, wrote to
Thomas Aldworth,2 then the Mayor of Bristol, England, informing him
of Sir
footnote.1 Hakluyt was born in 1552 or 1553 and was educated at
Westminster School and Christ Church, Oxford, where he took his de-
gree of A. B., in 1574. His interest in maritime enterprises was
manifested early in his career. He published his "Divers Voyages"
in 1582. In the following year he was made Chaplain of the English
Ambassador at Paris, France. His Discourse on Western Planting, was
written in 1584 at the request of Sir Walter Raleigh, but was first
printed in 1877 as the 2nd volume of the Maine Historical Society's
Documentary History of Maine. His great work, The Principall Navi-
gations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, etc., was
published in 1589, and an enlarged edition in three volumes in 1598-
1600. He became the Prebendary of Bristol Cathedral, England, in
1585 and Prebendary of Westminster in 1605. He died at Eaton in
Herefordshire, England on November 23, 1616, and was buried in West-
minster Abbey on November 26, 1616.
footnote2. Thomas Aldworth was Mayor of Bristol, England in 1582, and
again in 1592. He was one of the leading merchants of Bristol and he
took an active part in whatever concerned the prosperity of the commu-
nity and of the nation. He died February 25, 1598 and was buried in
St. Mark's, or the Lord Mayor's Chapel, originally the Chapel of
Gaunt's Hospital, founded about 1325. The Chapel contains a carved
freestone Gothic arched tomb and monument to the memory of Thomas
Aldworth and his son John Aldworth, the two being represented in
effigy, kneeling, the son behind the father, their hands uplited
in the attitude of devotion. Both are in the costume of the period,
Thomas Aldworth in an alderman's gown. John Aldworth died December
18th, 1615, aged fifty-one years. That part of the chapel was in
process of restoration in 1912, and was visited by the writer.
Thomas Aldworth was the father of Robert Aldworth, who, with Giles
Elbridge, was an early owner of Monhegan and secured large terri-
torial interests on the mainland.
p.23 GOSNOLD AND PRING.
Humphrey Gilbert's proposed expedition to the American coast, and
suggesting Bristol's co-operation in an enterprise that promised
so much with reference to national expansion and national glory.
He also suggested that Aldworth should consult with Hakluyt, al-
ready well-known on account of his deep, enthusiastic interest in
western planting, and who was familiar with Gilbert's plans. Ald-
worth at once acted upon Walsingham's suggestion.
Hakluyt's assistance was secured and with his aid, Aldworth ob-
tained the approval of the merchants of Bristol in the proposed
undertaking. In his reply to Walsingham, Aldworth wrote:
"There was eftsoons set down by men's own hands, then present,
one thousand marks and upward, which seem if it should not suff-
ice, we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this western
discovery, a ship of three score and a bark of forty tons to be
left in the country."
Gilbert's failure at Newfoundland, and later the failure of Sir
Walter Ralegh at Roanoke Island, lessened greatly, if they did
not for the time entirely destroy, the interest of the merchant
venturers of Bristol, in American enterprises. But the return of
the ship, Concord, with its cargo of merchantable commodities and
the enthusiastic reports made by Gosnold and his companions con-
cerning fishery interests in American waters, evidently awakened
in these businessmen of Bristol, England, new hopes concerning the
advantages for commercial enterprise which the new world offered;
and Hakluyt succeeded in his effort to induce his Bristol friends
to become "the chief furtherers" in a new expedition in which,
because of lessons learned from the failures of the past, it
might reasonably be expected that better results would follow.
For some reason unknown, the command of the expedition was not
given to Gosnold. It is certain, however, that it was not because
of any dissatisfaction with him on the part of the chief
ROBERT ALDWORTH & GILES ALDWORTH EARLY OWNERS OF
MONHEGAN, MAINE.
footnote: That part of the Chapel was in the process of restora-
tion in 1912, but was visited by the writer. Thomas Aldworth was
the father of Robert Aldworth, who, with Giles Elbridge, was an
early owner of Monhegan, Maine, and secured large interests on
the mainland.
p.24 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.
promoters of the venture. Gosnold's subsequent career furnish-
es the strongest possible evidence with reference to his fit-
ness for important commands. But a competent navigator for the
expedition was found in Captain Martin Pring, who was born in
1580, probably near Awliscombe, Deveon, England and who, at the
time, accordingly, was only 23 years of age. Concerning Pring's
earlier career, we have no information; but the fact that at
this early age he was regarded by the merchants of Bristol, Eng-
land, as "a man very sufficient for the place" is ample proof that
already, he had exhibited qualities as a seaman that attested his
fitness for such service.
ROBERT SALTERNE.
Robert Salterne, who, as pilot, accompanied Gosnold in the
successful voyage of 1602, was made Pring's assistant.
John Whitson, Mayor of Bristol, England.
From Salterne's brief narration of the voyage1 we learn that
Hakluyt's "inducements and persuasions" in connection with the
new undertaking, were influential with John Whitson, Mayor of
Bristol, who, with the assistance of the aldermen and "most of
the merchants of the city," raised the one thousand pounds re-
quired for the equipment of the expedition.
SHIPS:
THE SPEEDWELL AND THE DISCOVERER.
Two vessels were made ready for Pring's use, the Speedwell of
about fifty tons, and the Discoverer of twenty-six tons.
forty-three men and boys made up the ship's company. The vessels
were loaded with "light merchandise thought fit to trade with the
people of the country", and on April 10, 1603, Pring set sail from
Milford Haven, England. His course across the Atlantic was prob-
ably suggested by Gosnold, and Pring's landfall in latitude 43,
according to the narrative which Hakluyt secured from Pring, could
not have been far from that of his immediate predessor on the
American
Footnote.1. This narrative, Captain John Smith, inserted in his
True Travels, Adventures and Observations, reprinted in 1819 from
the London edition of 1629, I, 108, 109.
2. It is thought that the ship, Speedwell, may have been
included in Drake's fleet in 1588, inasmuch as a vessel of the same
name, and having the same tonnage, had a part in the fight in the
harbor of Cadiz in 1587, and also in the conflict with the Spanish
Armada in 1588. Many merchant vessels were in the national service
at that time.
3. A haven on the southwestern part of the coast of
Wales.
p.25 GOSNOLD AND PRING.
PENOBSCOT BAY
coast. In that narrative mention is made of islands in connect-
ion with the landfall, and the relation adds: "One of them we
named Fox Island, because we found those kind of beasts there-
on." As the islands east of the southern part of Penobscot Bay
have long been known as the Fox Islands, it has been inferred
that Pring's landfall is to be found at this part of the Maine
coast.
The latitude of the landfall, however, is not favorable to this
inference; but inasmuch as Pring, after proceeding in toward the
mainland, ranged to the northward as far as latitude 43-1/2, it
is probable that Pring passed up the coast as far as the Fox
Islands. Certainly he must have sailed along a large part of the
coast of Maine. Not finding sassafras in his northward progress,
Pring turned about and shaped his course for Savage Rock "discov-
ered the year before by Captain Gosnold", and later, bearing into
the great "Gulf" which "Gosnold over-shot the year before", he
landed in a certain bay which he named "Whitson Bay"1 in honor
of the Mayor of Bristol, England. The Simancas map of 1610,2
which indicates a large part of the North American Atlantic
coast line, attaches the designation "Whitson's Bay" to what is
now known as Massachusetts Bay, and gives to the northernmost
part of Cape Cod the designation "Whitson's Head".3 Not far from
his land-
Footnotes. 1. Early English and French Voyages, 345.
2. This map, which has a place in Alexander Brown's
Genesis of the United States (I, facing 456), is said
to have been prepared by a surveyor whom King James I
sent to Virginia for this purpose in 1610. It evidently
embodies the English maps of White, Gosnold, Pring, Way-
mouth and others. Brown thinks it was compiled and drawn
either by Robert Tyndall or by Captain Powell. It was dis-
covered in the library at Simancas, Spain, by Dr. J. L.
M. Curry, while he was Envoy Extraordinary and the
Minister plenipotentiary of the United Statesd at the
Court of Spain, 1885-1888. The map had disappeared in
England, and, as Mr. Brown says, "It is curious that it
should be first published in the strange country which
it attempted to delineate". The historical value of this
map is very great.
3. John Whitson was worthy of this recognition by Pring
and his associates. He was not only one of the most pro-
inent of the merchants of Bristol, England, but exerted
a strong influence in civic relations. He became the
Mayor of Bristol, England in 1603 and held that office
also in 1615. He was a member of Parliament from
Bristol in 1605-1611, 1616 and 1625. He died at Bristol,
England and was buried March 9, 1628 in the crypt of
St. Nicholas Church. On his monument in this church, is
the following inscription: "In Memory of that great
benefactor, to this city, John Whitson, merchant, twice
Mayor and Alderman, and four times member of Parliament
for this city; who died in the 72nd year of his age, A.D.,
1629. A worthy pattern to all that come after him."
Bancroft, in his History of the United States, following
Belknap, identifies Whitson's Bay with the harobr of
Edgartown, Martha's Vineyard, having regard to the lati-
tude mentioned in the narrative of the voyage. The
narrative implies, however, that the Bay is to be found
in the southern part of the "great Gulf which Captain
Gosnold over-shot the year before". Dr. B. F. DeCosta
(Magazine of American History, VIII, 807-819, according-
ly identified Whitson's Bay with the harbor of Plymouth,
into which the ship, Mayflower brought the Pilgrims in
1620. This identification seems best to meet the requir-
ments of the narrative.
p.26 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ing in Whitson's Bay, Pring and his companions in their explora-
tion came to "a pleasant hill thereunto adjoining; we called it
Mount Aldworth for Master Robert Aldworth's sake, a chief fur-
therer of the voyage, as well with his purse as with his travail."
This is an early mention of one who, at a later period, became
closely connected with the beginnings of Colonial Maine.
At his landing in Whitson's Bay, Pring, by the end of July, had
secured as much sassafras as would "give some speedy contentment"
to the Bristol adventurers; and the Discoverer, laden largely
with this commodity, sailed homeward, leaving Pring to follow in
the Speedwell, when the other objects of the expedition, such as
conditions with reference to trade and colonization, had received
that careful consideration which the promotors of the expedition
desired. These final preparations for the return voyage of the
Speedwell were completed about August 8, or 9th and Pring arrived
in England October 2nd (footnote 2)
The arrival of the ship, Discoverer had already furnished
general information concerning the success of Pring's expediton.
p.27 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
GOSNOLD AND PRING.
The gardens of the Maine Indians.
Concerning the fertility of the country, this was said:1 "Passing
up the river we saw certain cottages (wigwams) together, abandoned
by the savages, and not far off we beheld their gardens and one
among the rest, of an acre of ground, and in the same was some
tobacco, pumpkins, cucumbers and such like; and some of the people
had maize, or Indian wheat among them. In the fields, wild peas,
strawberries very fair and big, gooseberries, rasberries, hurts
and other wild fruits. We pared and digged up the earth with shovels
and sowed wheat, barley, oats and peas and sundry sorts of garden
seed, which for the time of our abode there, being about seven
weeks, although they were late sown, came up very well, giving cer-
tain testimony of the goodness of the climate and of the soil.
And it seemeth that oats, hemp, flax and such like, which require
a rich and fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts.
For in divers places here, we found grass above knee deep."
Mention also was made of the trees of the country, with many of
which Pring and his companions were familiar in their English
homes; but there were "divers other sorts of trees" that to them
were unknown. References also were made to fur-bearing animals,
such as beavers, otters, wolves, bears, foxes, etc., whose skins
could be secured by exchange with the Indians, yielding "no small
gain" to the trader because of the great profit which the exchange
afforded. But this was not all, and the new-world voyagers, having
in mind a large Bristol industry, did not fail to call attention to
the immense value of the fisheries on the American coast; and they
closed their encouraging report with reference to the qualities of
the soil and its products with these words:
The lands of Maine.
Oysters with pearls.
"And as the land is full of God's good blessings, so is the sea
replenished with great abundance of excellent fish, or cod suffi-
cient to laden many ships, which we found upon the coast in the
month of June. Seals to make oil withal, mullets, turbots, macker-
el, herring, crabs, lobsters (and oh those Maine lobsters!) oysters
and muscles with ragged pearls in them."
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
p.28 The report was certainly a most welcome one. It not only confirmed
the reports made by Gosnold and his associates the year before, but
it presented interesting details with reference to the products of
the country, and emphasized most strongly the opportunity that the
new world afforded for profitable trade relations with the Indians.
Such a report could hardly have failed to make a favorable im-
pression upon the enterprising merchant venturers of Bristol,
England, as well as upon all others interested in the results of
Pring's voyage and exploration. No expedition, however, designed
to secure immediate further advancement of English interests in
this vicinity, sailed from Bristol, or any other port in England,
in the year 1604; and Pring, who doubtless could have been secur-
ed for added service in yet other explorations here, was employed
that season as Master of the ship Phoenix, in Captain Charles
Leigh's ill-fated expedition to Guiana.
p.29 - continued CHAPTER III.
THE DE MONTS COLONY.
But any delay in maintaining England's claim to territory on the
Atlantic coast of the North American continent was not without
peril to English interests. Already France had seized large
possessions on the St. Lawrence, also in regions far within the
interior of the continent, south of the Great Lakes; and having
purposes whose meaning was obvious, that nation could not be ex-
pected to leave out of view the unoccupied territory on the
Atlantic seaboard. In fact, with information concerning the voy-
ages of Gosnold and Pring, France was not losing any time in
asserting such purposes; and the King, as early as November 8,
1603, gave to Sieur de Monts,1 an officer of the royal house-
hold, a Charter that conveyed to him trading and seigniorial
rights in American territory between the 40th and 56th parallels
of latitude, that is, from about St. John's, Newfoundland, to
Philadelphia.2
De Monts was not without experience in the affairs of France,
on this side of the sea, having accompanied Chauvin to the St.
Lawrence settlements not long before. What he then learned con-
cerning the climate in that region, as compared with that of his
Footnotes.1 Champlain (Champlain's Voyages, Prince Society, 1878,
II, 4, 5) says de Monts "desired to attempt what had been given up
in despair, and requested a commission for this purpose of his
Majesty, being satisfied that the previous (French) enterprises
had failed because the undertakers of them had not received assist-
ance, who had not succeeded, in one nor even two years' time, in
making the acquaintance of the regions and people there, nor in
finding harbors adapted for a settlement".
2. This charter, or a contempory copy, is in the Bureau
des Marines et Colonies in Paris, and extracts in an English trans-
lation, are printed in the Farnham Papers, I, 1-6. The Charter con-
ferred upon de Monts a monopoly of the fur trade.
p.30 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
native land, doubtless now impressed him with the importance of
seeking a location for his colony, farther southward.
No distinctive religious purpose in the movement was indicated in
the persons brought together who comprised de Monts' party.
Happily, at that time in France, catholics and Protestants were
at peace,1 and both were represented in the expedition. De Monts
was a Protestant, while Samuel de Champlain2 the geographer of
footnot 1. The struggle in France, for religious liberty, had
continued for many years with varying fortunes, but a length had
been brought to a happy issue. In 1598, only six years before de
Monts conducted his colony to the American coast, King Henry IV,
King of France, recognizing the "frightful troubles, confusion,
and disorders" to which, on his accession to the throne, he found
his Kingdom a prey, promulgated the famous Edict of Nantes, which
gave liberty of conscience to all the inhabitants of that land,
granting to them, the right to dwell anywhere in the royal domin-
ions and to meet for religious purposes without being subjected to
inquiry, vexed, molested or constrained to do anything contrary to
the dictates of conscience. What this meant to many of the King's
subjects, long harrassed, it is difficult now even to conceive. To
thousands, this edict was a call to a new and better life. Somewhat
tardily, Parliament in the following year, 1599, formally entered
this important document upon its registers, and so confirmed to
warring, factional France, Catholic and Protestant alike, the boon
of religious liberty.
It was not for long, however. For twelve years, or until the close
of the reign of Henry IV, the Edict of Nantes was in full operation.
Then followed unceasing assaults upon the rights which it guarant-
eed; and at length, in 1685, came its revocation - the culmination
of a series of events that are written large upon the pages of the
History of France.
2. Champlain was a native of Brouage, a small village in the
Province of Saintonge, France, and was born about the year 1567.
From his early years he gave attention to practical seamanship,
had an army experience of several years after 1592, and in 1599,
was in command of a French ship of 500 tons in the West Indies. On
his return, he prepared a report of his discoveries and observa-
tions, which remained in manuscript until printed in an English
translation by the Hakluyt Society in 1859. In the preceding year
Champlain accompanied Pont Grave' in his expedition to the St.
Lawrence, and it was his report concerning the inhabitants and
products of the country that directed the attention of the King
to the opportunities that the new world afforded for French col-
onization and led to the de Monts expedition and Champlain's
connection with it. Thenceforward Champlain's life was devoted
to French interests in America. It was an eventful life. Fit-
tingly it closed at Quebec, where Champlain died in the autumn
of 1635.
p.31 DE MONTS COLONY.
the company, and the most distinguished of de Monts' associates,
was a catholic. Of religious discussions among some of the col-
onists, however, there was no lack, as the records of the expedi-
tion show; but the purposes that led to the enterprise had no
religious ends in view. The ends were pre-eminently national,
and those most deeply interested in the colony evidently saw no
reason why Protestant and Catholic might not work together harmon-
iously in the endeavor to establish a French settlement at some
point on the Atlantic coast below Cape Breton.
Among the colonists there were skilled artisans, selected doubt-
less with reference to the requirements of such an undertaking.
But their number was not large compared with others who are de-
scribed as vagabonds and ex-convicts - men upon whom little
dependence could be placed in an enterprise calling for stead-
fastness and heroic endurance amid trying circumstances. Two
vessels, one of one hundred and twenty tons - and one of one
hundred and fifty tons, were secured for the transportation of
the colony, and April 7, 1604, de Monts sailed out of the harbor
of Havre de Grace, westward bound, followed by the prayers and
good wishes of his countrymen.1
The usual route of French vessels in crossing the Atlantic was
followed until the American coast was reached early in May. Then,
turning southward, and proceeding down the coast, de Monts enter-
ed the Bay of Fundy and commenced the work of exploration with
reference to a location for a settlement. Skirting the shores
of the bay, including those of adjoining waters now known as
Annapolis basin, he failed to discover such a spot
"He was buried in the memorial chapel which he had erected.
This Chapel was subsequently destroyed and the place which it
occupied was forgotten; so that today, we know not the spot where
he was buried. It is perhaps enough to know that his dust is co-
mingled with that of the land he loved, though the name by which
he knew it (New France) is no longer on the tongues of living
men." The Honorable James P. Baxter, in an address at the 300th
anniversary of de Monts settlement on St. Croix Island. See Maine
Historical Collection, Series III, 2, 144.
1 Champlain's Voyages, II, 7.
p.32 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
PASSAMAQUODDY BAY.
as he deemed desirable.1 Sailing still farther southward, he came,
near the end of June, into a bay, the present Passamaquoddy Bay.
At its northern part, a broad river opened and ascending its in-
viting waters, de MOnts and his companions, not far from the mouth
of the river, came to an island that offered easy protection for
defence against hostile assault. It seemed an attractive spot for
the proposed settlement; and such it was - under sunny skies and
surrounded with scenes of summer beauty on every hand. Here,
accordingly, on June 26, or 27, a choice of a location was made.
De Monts gave to the island the designation St. Croix, the name
also now borne by the river in which the island of the settlement
is located.2
Plans for the erection of dwellings, storehouses and other build-
ings were prepared and the colonists entered upon the work of
their construction. Leaving this scene of busy activity, September
2nd, Champlain availed himself of an opportunity for added explora-
tion and map-making still farther down the coast. His journal
gives us interesting glimpses of the land as he proceeded.
FIRST MENTION OF MOUNT DESERT, MAINE.
PENOBSCOT BAY.
He was the first of the early voyagers to make mention of Mount
Desert, that most attractive spot on the Maine coast. Proceeding
on his way, Champlain at length entered Penobscot Bay and river
and extended his exploration of the river (which he mentions
footnote.1 Champlain, in his Voyages (Prince Society, II, 22),
referring to his Basin, says, "which I have named Port Royal", a
name which was soon applied to the settlement made on the north
shore of the Basin. A map of the Basin, with Champlain's descript-
of it faces p.24 of the Voyages.
2. The name St. Croix, as applied to the river, was
suggested by the fact that two streams enter the river
a few miles above St. Croix Island, one from the east
and one from the west, furnishing in this way the repre-
sentation of a cross.
3. "From this island (Mt. Desert) to the mainland on the
north, the distance is less than a hundred paces. It is
very high and notched in places, so that there is the
appearance, to one at sea, as of 7 or 8 mountains ex-
tending along near each other. The summit of the most
of them is destitute of trees, as there are only rocks
on them. The woods consist of pines, fir and birch trees
only. I named it Isle des Monte Deserts." Champlain's
Voyages, II, 39.
p.33 THE DE MONTS COLONY.
Indian Chief, "Bessabez"
The Quinibequy - or, the Kennebec.
under the name "Pentegouet" and also, "Norumbegue" as far as the site
of Bangor. While in the river, Champlain had an interview with the
"Bessabez," or the chief of the Indians of that region, to whom, in the
name of de Monts, he made overtures of friendship. Thence, Champlain
made his way to the Kennebec ("Quinibequy"), and attempted the explora-
tion of the river. Unfavorable weather, however, prevented the accomp-
lishment of his purpose in following its reach northward; and descend-
ing to the sea, he burned back up the coast on September 23, and he
reached St. Croix island on October 2nd. footnote 1.
39 DEATHS FROM SCURVY.
The winter that followed opened early and was one of great severity.
The evidence was now borne in upon the colonists that the location
had not been wisely chosen. During the winter months, they suffered
not only from the cold winds that swept fiercely across the surround-
ing ice fields, but also from lack of wood and water. Amid these dis-
couraging outward circumstances, scurvy assailed the colonists, and
thirty-five of the 79 who comprised the company, died of the dread
disease before the season closed.2 Indeed so discouraging was the
condition of the colonists before the winter ended, that the abandon-
ment of the undertaking seemed inevitable.
In the early summer of 1605, however, new hopes were awakened by the
change of seasons and especially by the opportune arrival of supplies
from France. Exploration farther down the coast it was thought, might
secure more desirable conditions, and de Monts and Champlain, with
some of their associates, accordingly left St. Croix Island on June
18th, for such added exploration. Passing the entire length of what
is now the coast of Maine,3 also
Footnotes: 1. Champlain's Voyages, II, 38-48.
2. Champlain says snow began to fall on October 6th, and
was from "three to four feet deep up to the end of the
month of April." For his account of the sufferings of the
colonists that long winter, see Champlain's Voyages, II,
pp. 50-53.
3. On reaching the Kennebec the party made an extended ex-
ploration of the river, ascending to its head waters, where
the Indians "go by this river across the country to Quebec."
Proceeding farther along the coast from the mouth of the
Kennebec (making mention of Sequin under the name "Tortoise
Island"), Champlain and his companions reached "a bay where
were a great many islands" (Casco Bay), and from which large
mountains were "seen to the west" (the White Mountains).
Richmond's Island was named by Champlain, Isle de Bacchus,
because of its "beautiful grapes". Champlain's Voyages,
II, 55.
1 Champlain's Voyages, 11, 91. Champlain says, "we named
the island where they were, La Nef (the ship) for, at a
distance, it had the appearance of a ship". The reference
was to Monhegan, it is inferred; but if Anasou was rightly
understood, he was in error, as he was with reference to
the five Indians, who were captutred not at Monhegan, but
at St. George's harbor.
p.34 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
southward to Cape Cod, and as far along the Massachusetts coast as the
entrance to Vineyard Sound, they failed to find the favorable location
they sought; and on July 25, the turned their boat northward and set
out on their return.
ANASOU, CHIEF OF THE KENNEBEC INDIANS.
- Men of an English vessel killed five Indians -
Reaching the mouth of the Kennebec on July 29, they tarried awhile,
possibly making further exploration. But neither there, nor at other
places in the vicinity, were they successful in finding such a site
for a colonial settlement as seemed to offer conditions deemed by
them, important. While they were at the river and in communication
with Kennebec Indians, Anasou, an Indian chief, told them of a vess-
el ten leagues to the eastward,1 and that those on board had killed
five Indians "of this river", meaning the Kennebec River. From the
story, in its details, de Monts and his associates rightly inferred
that an English vessel was in the neighborhood. No further mention of
that vessel occurs in Champlain's narrative; but the presence of an
English ship on the coast, and the incident mentioned by the Indian,
Anasou in connection with his report concerning it, must have left
upon the minds of de Monts and his little company evidence that Eng-
land's claim to territory on the coast was receiving added attention.
Certainly, there was no further delay at the Kennebec, and the party
made its way back to St. Croix Island, which was reached on August 8th.
In all probability, the colonists who had wearily watched for de Monts'
return, experienced no disappointment on receiving the report the ex-
ploring party brought. The horrors of the preceding winter still hung
heavily upon them, and something must be
p.35 DEMONTS COLONY.
done. De Monts' purposes had no suggestion of anything more than a
withdrawal to Port Royal.1 The settlement at St Croix island was
abandoned, and the proposed change of base was made.
Ill fortune, however, still followed the colonists. Soon after their
arrival at Port Royal, de Monts, having established there, his de-
pleted company, set sail for France, still having the interests of
the colony in view. The loss of one so prominent in its affairs
must have had a depressing effect upon those left behind. The long,
cold, dreary and inactive winter months only deepened the gloom of
the situation. Indeed to such an extent did the colonists become dis-
heartened amid their lonely surroundings, that home-longings were
strengthened day by day; and, when the opportunity, at length
offered, the remaining colonists, unwilling to the experience of yet
another winter under such hard circumstances, followed de Monts back
to France, arriving at St. Malo on October 1, 1607.2
The attempt to plant a French colony on the Atlantic coast of the
North American continent had failed. If it had succeeded, France
would have secured a favorable outpost for a still farther advance
in the effort to have and to hold the vast domain designated by the
King in the Charter that de Monts had received. It is difficult to
account for de Monts' failure on any other ground than that of weak-
ness in most of the colonists. Aside from Champlain, and a few
others, it may be, the colonists at Port Royal were not of the stuff
as is required in the founders of states, or in the beginnings of
any large enterprise. St. Croix island, it is true, was an unfortu-
nate location for the colony; but Pilgrims and Puritans, not many
years later, made permanent settlements in territory not much farth-
er south, and within the limits of de Monts' exploration. The colon-
ists were too easily discouraged.
Footnotes. 1. Champlain's Voyages, II, 94. Sieur de Poutrincourt, who
accompanied the expedition "only for his pleasure," asked
de Monts for Port Royal soon after their arrival upon the
coast; and he gave it to him in accordance with authority
received from the King. (Voyages, II, 37.)
2. Champlain's Voyages, I. 77.
p.36 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
They were lacking in high aims and the cheerful endurance of great
hardships. Their presence on the coast, however, proved a spur to
English endeavor. The prize at stake was large, and if England would
seize it, there was need of haste as well as strength of purpose and
heroic determination.1
Footnotes. 1. The tercentenary of de Monts' settlement at St. Croix
Island was commemorated on that island by the Maine Historical Society,
on June 25, 1904; and the proceedings were published by the Society in
an attractive illustrated pamphlet of seventy-eight pages. See also,
the Maine Historical Society's Collections, Series III, 2, 74-151.
De Monts' Colony Memorial on St Croix Island was unveiled
June 25, 1904.
CHAPTER IV.
WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE OF 1605.
ENGLISH INTERESTS.
GOSNOLD'S EXPEDITION OF 1602.
English interests upon the American coast, however, had not ceased to
receive attention in England. The Earl of Southampton, who was one of
the promoters of Gosnold's expedition of 1602, was now at liberty, King
James I, at the beginning of his reign, having opened the Earl's prison
doors and restored to him the titles and estates of which he had been
deprived. Shortly after this restoration, the Earl's new patent was
issued July 1, 1603 - occurred the return of Pring from his successful
voyage hither. The report he brought awakened in the released prisoner
an enthusiastic desire for participation in efforts that would enhance
the glory of England on this side of the sea.
THOMAS ARUNDELL, BARON OF WARDOUR AND
SIR FERDINANDO GORGES.
In 1604, he was busily engaged in making plans for another expedition
to the American coast. With him, in the undertaking, were associated his
son-in-law, Thomas Arundell,1 - afterward Baron of Wardour, and Sir
Ferdinando Gorges,2 whose name was to become
Footnote: 1 Thomas Arundell had served under the Emporor Rudolph II.
He took, in action, with his own hand, a standard of the
Turks, and December 14, 1595, was created a Count of the
Holy Roman Empire for this achievement, but was forbidden
by Queen Elizabeth to use the title, saying, "She liked not
for her sheep to wear a stranger's mark, nor to dance after
a foreigner's whistle." He was elevated to the English Peer-
age on May 4, 1605 and he died in 1639 or 1640.
2 A son of Edward Gorges and his wife Cicely Lygon, he was
born about 1566. He was knighted by Essex before Rouen in
October, 1591. While in the Netherlands in 1596, he received
orders to take charge of work on the fortifications at Plymouth,
England. About July, 1603, he was deprived of command at Ply-
mouth, but it was restored to him in a few months, and he re-
tained that command there for many years. His interest in Ameri-
can colonization, beginning at this time, was a lifelong inter-
est. For an extended account of his life, also for his writ-
ings and letters, see Honorable James P. Baxter's "Sir Fernin-
ando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Prince Society, 1900,
3 volumes.
p.38 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
so prominently identified with the history of early coloniza-
tion on the Maine coast. Probably, also, Sir John Popham,1
then Chief Justice of England, had a part in the new under-
taking.
The command of the expedition was given to Captain George
Waymouth, already mentioned in connection with his search
for a northwest passage to India in 1602. Since his return,
as may be inferred from what is known concerning his attain-
ments, he had been engaged in studies extending beyond the
science of navigation, including shipbuilding and the science
of fortification.2
Aside from these facts, there is no information with refer-
ence to the preparations for the voyage. Even the name of the
vessel provided for the expedition - the Archangel-3 would
not have
Footnotes.1 Sir John Popham was born at Wellington, Somerset-
shire, England about 1531. He was educated at Baliol College,
Oxford, England, became Recorder of Bristol, England; a memb-
er of Parliament for Bristol in 1571; Solicitor-General, 1579;
Attorney General, 1581; Speaker of the House of Commons, 1581-
1583; and Chief Justice of the Realm, 1592, when he was knight-
ed and made a privy Councilor.
He presided at the trial of Sir Walter Raleigh in 1603, and
at the trial of Guy Fawkes and his companions in 1606. He died
June 10, 1607. Reverend H. O. Thayer, in his Sagadahoc Colony,
Gorges Society, 1892, 26, discriminately says of him: "Justice
Popham was a man of mixed character, not all good, not wholly
bad. Integrity without numerous flaws cannot be affirmed. He
administered the laws with vigor, often with severity, nor can
it be denied that his administration in respect to the crimin-
al classes was on the whole salutary." An elaborate tomb in
the church at Wellington still marks his burial place.
footnote2. In 1885, the Honorable James P. Baxter of Portland,
Maine, discovered in the King's library in the British Museum,
London, England, a manuscript volume on navigation, shipbuild-
ing and fortifications, written by Waymouth and dedicated to
the King. In bears no date, but as it makes mention of Way-
mouth's voyage in 1602, and is silent with reference to the
voyage of 1605, it may be assigned to the year 1603 or 1604.
The volume is illustrated by about two hundred pages of color-
ed drawings, and was evidently designed to make upon the King
a favorable impression of the author. Mr. Baxter possesses a
copy of this valuable manuscript, including both text and the
illustrations, and with fac-simile binding. Without doubt it
is the only copy ever made.
footnote3. Rosier does not mention the name of the vessel,
nor is it found in the accounts of the voyage, recorded by
Gorges, Strachey or Purchas. Prince, Maine Historical Coll-
ection, Series I, 6, 294) says Waymouth's ship is "supposed
to have been called the "Archangel". So far as the writer is
aware *footnotes continue below.
p.39 WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
THOMAS CAM AND JAMES ROSIER.
come down to us had it not been mentioned in the annals of a
later chronicler. Of the twenty-eight men associated with Way-
mouth in the expedition, the names of only Thomas Cam, the
mate of the Archangel, James Rosier,1 who wrote the Relation
of the voyage, and John Stoneman, who will be mentioned again
later, have come down to us. Most of the adventurers, as
Rosier tells us, were "near inhabitants, on the River Thames".
They were doubtless such men as any expedition of like charact-
er would attract at that time - hardy seamen who were ready for
an enterprise that promised novelty and some excitement.
Thomas Arundell, Sir John Popham & Sir Ferdinando Gorges.
The vessel was made ready for the voyage at Ratcliffe on the
river Thames, England, a hamlet of London, the highway conn-
ecting the village with the metropolis, being known as Regent
Street of London sailors. It is not difficult to picture to
ourselves the scene at the departure of the expedition. It was
at the opening of the season, Tuesday, March 5, 1605. In all
probability among those assembled at the dock were the Earl of
Southampton, his son-in-law, Thomas Arundell and possibly Sir
John Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges. There were many best
wishes for the whole company, and many last words. Then, when
the lines were cast off, strong English cheers went up from
the assembled crowd, and their ship, the Archangel dropped
down the river.
A fair wind in four hours brought the vessel to Gravesend,
thirty miles below London. But head-winds kept the voyagers
on the English coast until the close of March. With refer-
ence to the experiences of Waymouth and his companions in the
channel harbor,
Footnotes. The name of the vessel first appears in Dr. John
Harris' Collection of Voyages and Travels. The first edition
in 1702-5; revised edition, London, England, 1764, II, 223.
Dr. Harris (1667-1719) was one of the early members of the
Royal Society, and for awhile, acted as its Vice President.
1 Rosier was one of Gosnold's company in the expedition of
1602. Purchas, in his Pilgrimes (IV, 1646-1653) includes
three documents relating to Gosnold's voyage. 1. A letter
from Captain Gosnold to his father; 2. Gabriel Archer's
account of the voyage; 3. A chapter entitled, "Notes taken
out of a tractate written by James Rosier to Sir Walter
Raleigh". This last is in error. The tractate presented to
Raleigh, was written by John Brereton and not by Rosier.
p.40 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
bors, Rosier is silent. April 1, the ship Archangel was six
leagues southeast of the Lizards, the most southern promon-
tory of England. On April 14, Corvo and afterward Flores
islands of the Azores group were sighted. As the voyage con-
tinued, southerly winds prevailed, and Waymouth, unable to
hold the course he had proposed to take, was compelled to
head his vessel farther to the northward.
Nantucket Island.
on May 13th, there were indications of the near approach of
land, and on the following day, a sailor at the masthead des-
cried a whitish, sandy cliff, west northwest, about six leag-
ues distant, supposed from Rosier's statement to be Sankaty
Head,1 the eastern extremity of Nantucket Island, which is
surrounded by shoals,2 and Waymouth, sailing in toward the
sandy cliff, soon found his vessel in peril.
The prow of the Archangel was hurriedly turned back, and
standing off, all that night and the next day, Waymouth en-
deavored to make his way to the southward, in accordance with
the course of the voyage as planned;3 but the wind was con-
trary and the vessel was driven northward.
On May 16, the ship Archangel was still seeking land. It was
not until the close of the following day, however, that land
was again descried. At the time, the wind was still blowing a
gale, the sea
Footnotes.1 In 1797, Captain John F. Williams of the U.S.
Revenue Service, at the request of Doctor Jeremy Belknap,
the historian, made a study of Rosler's Relation. Concern-
ing Waymouth's approach to the American coast, he said:
"The first land Captain Waymouth saw, a whitish sandy cliff,
west-north-west, six leagues, must have been Saukaty Head."
American Biography, Hubbard's Rd., 2, 249. The above state-
ment is confirmed by all later writers concerning Waymouth's
voyage.
2 The eastward shoals make it one of the most dread-
ed parts of the coast. "These shifting sandy shores, which ex-
tend in a southeasterly direction from the southeastern end
of the island, have various depths upon them ranging from six
feet to four fathoms, and change their positions more or less
after every heavy gale." Coast Survey Pilot from Boston to
New York, 82.
3 See Rosier's Relation to Waymouth's Voyage to the
Coast of Maine, 1605. This reprint of the Relation (85-162 with
notes) is from the copy in the John Carter Brown Library, Brown
University. Excellent reprints are included in George Parker
Winship's Sailors Narratives, and Early English and French
Voyages.
p.41 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
was running high, and it was not deemed safe to approach the
shore. When the morning broke, it was discovered that the land
was that of an island "some six miles in compass," according to
Rosier's estimate. By noon the Archangel was anchored on the
north side of the island and about a league from it. Two hours
later, with twelve of his men, Waymouth rowed to the shore of
the island for wood and water of which they were in need, and
having obtained a supply they returned to the ship. This island,
named by Waymouth, St. George's Island, was Monhegan,1 as is
conceded by all who have given any careful attention to Rosier's
Relation.
"While we were on shore," says Rosier, who evidently was one
of the landing party, "our men aboard (the Archangel) with a
few hooks got about thirty great cods and haddocks, which gave
us a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found after-
ward wheresoever we went upon the coast". Continuing his
narrative, he adds: "From hence we might discern the main-
land from the west, southwest to the east, northeast, and a
great way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) up
into the main we might discern very high mountains, though
the main seemed but lowland;2 which gave us a hope it would
please God to direct us to the discovery of some good; al-
though we were driven by winds far from that place (both by
our direction and desire) we ever intended to shape the
course of our voyage."
Footnotes: 1 Captain John Smith, who was at Monhegan in the
summer of 1614, briefly described the island in these words,
"Monahigan is a round high island; and close by it Monanis,
betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride", Description
of New England, Veazie reprint, 46, 47. On the Simancas map
of 1610, the island bears the name given to it by Waymouth.
When Captain John Smith wrote his Description of New England,
however, he recorded the Indian name, and happily the island
has continued to bear the Indian designation to the present
time.
2 As Rosier has just referred to the return of the
boat to the ship's anchorage, and to the occupation of the
sailors while Waymouth and his party were ashore, the writer
of the above must have had in mind the view of the coast as
seen from the deck of the Archangel, anchored a league north
of the island.
p.42 THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"Looking upon a fringe of the new world"
To the weary, storm-tossed voyagers, the scene must have been
one of peculiar interest. There were other islands toward the
land, and not far away, eastward and westward, but further in,
the long, wooded coast line was seen; while higher "up into the
main" there were mountains darkly, beautifully blue, conspicu-
ous features of the coast landscape. Waymouth and his compan-
ions were looking upon a fringe of the new world.
The White Mountains.
The ship, Archangel, remained at her anchorage that night, and
on the following day, because the vessel "rode too much open to
the sea and winds", Waymouth weighed anchor, and brought his
vessel "to the other islands more adjoining to the main, and in
the rode directly with the mountains". It has been maintained
that the mountains Waymouth saw, and in the direction of which
he made his way to "the other islands" where he found a conven-
ient harbor, were the White Mountains. Only at rare intervals,
however, when the sky is exceptionally clear, can even the
towering peak of Mount Washington be seen from the high ground
at Monhegan, and then merely as a faint speck on the horizon.
Only at rarest intervals can Mount Washington be seen from the
shore on the north side of Monhegan; while from either location,
"a great way up into the main", appear the Camden and Union
mountains clearly outlined against the sky, objects which no
mariner approaching the coast at this point could possibly fail
to notice.1
Footnotes. 1 John McKeen (Maine Historical Society's Coll.,
Series I, 5, 313, 314) identified these mountains as the White
and Blue mountains. R. K. Sewall (Ancient Dominions, 59) held
that the mountains that Waymouth saw were the White Mountains.
Dr. Edward Ballard (Popham Memorial Volume, 303) adopted the
same view. On the contrary William Willie (Maine Historical
Society's Coll., Series I, 8, 346) insisted that the White
Mountains lie far to the west, and can only be seen under
favorable circumstances; and that the mountains seen by Way-
mouth were "the Camden and other heights bordering the Penob-
scot Bay". Prince (Maine Historical Society's Coll., Series
I, 6, 294) says "the Camden and Union mountains" are the only
conspicuous heights along the coast visible from Monhegan. That
the mountains here referred to in the Relation were the Camden
and Union mountains is the view now generally held. For a full
presentation of the facts, see Rosier's Relation of Waymouth's
Voyage, Gorges Society, 1887, 96-100.
p.43 WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
St. George's Harbor.
The harbor in which Waymouth anchored the ship, Archangel,
and which he called Pentecost harbor1, was an island harbor,
and Rosier's narrative furnishes abundant means for its identi-
fication with the present St. George's harbor. From Waymouth's
anchorage, a league north of Monhegan, it is reached by pro-
ceeding "along to the other islands more adjoining to the main",
and is "in the rode directly" with the mountains which Waymouth
had before him. Moreover, it is a harbor formed by islands, hav-
ing four entrances, as the harbor mentioned by Rosier. Indeed,
the endeavor to identify the Pentecost harbor of Rosier's Rela-
tion with Boothbay harbor, or with any other harbor on the
neighboring coast, fails to meet these and other requirements
of Rosier's narrative.2
But the paramount purposes of the voyage were not to be ful-
filled by merely an approach to the coast. A few days were
spent by Waymouth and his companions in obtaining rest from
the weariness of the voyage. Then, after setting up a cross
upon the shore of one of the islands,3 a token of England's
claim to the territory, the work of exploration began. In
his shallop, which had been put in order since the Archangel's
arrival at Pentecost harbor, and with nearly half of his comp-
any, Waymouth proceeded in toward the mainland in order to dis-
cover its resources and the possibilities for English coloniza-
tion, and soon found himself in a
Footnotes. 1 The Archangel sailed on Easter day from its last
harbor in England. It entered its first harbor on the American
coast on Pentecost day, and accordingly received its name,
Pentecost Harbor.
2. The approach of Pentecost Harbor from the
anchorage of the ship, Archangel, north of Monhegan is that
which one has today in entering St. George's harbor from the
sea. The latter is reached (as was Pentecost harbor, by Way-
mouth) by sailing in "to the other islands more adjoining to
the main's. The islands that make the four entrances to St.
George's harbor are Allen's, Burnt, Benner's and Davis.
3. Probably Allen's island. On this island, in
connection with the celebration of the tercentenary of Way-
mouth's voyage, and not far it is believed from the spot on
which Waymouth and his associates erected a cross in 1605,
a granite cross, cut at the Booth Brothers & Hurricane Island
Granite Company and presented by the Company, was set up in
1905, by Albert J. Rawley, W. E. Sherer, Ernest Rawley, John
Matthews, Edward Fuller and Charles Watts.
p.44 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"great river". Up this river he passed some distance, moving
probably with the tide, and falling back to the mouth of the
river with the tide. In the middle of the next forenoon he
returned to Pentecost harbor, where he aroused the enthusiasm
of his associates with the announcement of the discovery he
had made.
The Friendly Indians.
A week and more were spent among the islands and along the
coast in added explorations. During this time friendly rela-
tions were established with the Indians, who, not long after
the arrival of the ship, Archangel in Pentecost harbor, came
hither from the mainland in their birch-bark canoes attracted
by the presence of the strange vessel with its strange visit-
ors. On their first approach the Indians were cautious; "but
when", says Rosier, "we showed them knives and their use, by
cutting of sticks, and other trifles like combs and glasses,
they came close aboard our ship as desirous to entertain our
friendship". Upon added acquaintance, trade relations follow-
ed; and Rosier records interesting incidents connected with
the same, as well as much information concerning the manners
and the customs of the natives. But suspicions of treachery
on the part of the Indians were at length awakened, and these
suspicions, as Rosier records, were made the occasion of kid-
napping five of the number.1 Of course such an act brought
to an end previous friendly relations. Doubtless Waymouth and
his companions had little ground for suspicions of treachery
on the part of the Indians. Indeed, this may be inferred from
the Relation, inasmuch as Rosier says the seizure was "a matter
of great importance for the full accomplishment of our voyage".
In other words, it was a part of the voyager's plan, based on
the thought that from these natives, after they had learned the
English language, they could secure desired information con-
cerning their people, rulers, mode of government, etc.
footnote 1. The Archangel was the vessel the Indian, Anasou
reported to de Monta as already mentioned; but his statement
that five Indians had been killed was erroneous. Rosier gives
the names of the captured Indians as follows:
"Gentlemen:
Tahanedo, a Sagamore or Commander.
Amoret
Skicowaros
Maneddo
Saffacomoit, a servant."
p.45 WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
Then, on June 11, with a favoring breeze and tide, Waymouth
brought the Archangel into the river he had discovered in his
shallop. In glowing words, Rosier gives expression to the
thoughts and feelings of the whole company as in their pro-
gress up the river they viewed from the high deck of the
ship (Archangel), the land on either side. They noted its
pleasant fertility; looking into its many "gallant coves"1
on the right and on the left, they beheld the numerous excell-
ent places for docking and repairing ships; and again and again,
the possibilities which the scene everywhere suggested, deeply
stirred and thrilled them.
Many of the company had been travelers in various countries
and on the most famous rivers; yet, says Rosier, "they affirm-
ed them not comparable to this they now beheld". Some who had
been with Sir Walter Raleigh in his voyage to Guiana in 1595,
and had sailed up the "Orenoque", were raised to loftier en-
thusiasm, here.
Others, who were familiar with the Seine and Loire, "great and
goodly rivers", found in this river of the new world, features
that were unequalled in these renowned, historic rivers of
Europe. "I will not prefer it before our river of Thames",
wrote Rosier, "because it is England's richest treasure; but
we all did wish those excellent harbors, good deeps in a contin-
ual convenient breadth and small tide gates, to be as well there-
in for our country's good, as we found them here (beyond our hopes)
in certain, for those to whom it shall please God to grant this
land for habitation; which if it had, with the other inseparable
adherent commodities here to be found, then I would boldly affirm
it to be the richest, beautiful, large and secure harboring river
that the world affordeth."
This is the language of contagious enthusiasm and easy exaggera-
tion, yet one passing up the St. George's river at high water on
a beautiful day in May or June, must be unresponsive to nature in
her loveliest moods if not in sympathy with Waymouth and his
associates - their hearts thrilled with an ecstasy of delight as
they
Footnote 1. These coves are characteristic features of the St.
George's River. The U. S. Coast Survey Chart mentions Deep Cove,
Gay Cove, Turkey Cove, Maple Juice Cove, Otis Cove, Watt's Cove,
Cuttler's Cove, Broad Cove and Hyler's Cove.
p.46 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
looked out upon the many objects of pleasing interest which their
eyes everywhere beheld.
By some, the river which Waymouth discovered and ascended has
been identified with the Penobscot River, and by others, with the
Kennebec River, and by still others, as the St. George's River.
But both the Penobscot and the Kennebec fail to meet requirements
for identification which Rosier's Relation very plainly presents.
The breadth and depth of the river, the character of the bottom,
and especially the "very many gallant coves" on either side,
correspond only to marked features of the St. George's river.
Moreover, the direction of the river "as it runneth up into the
main", is, as Rosier says, "toward the great mountains". All the
way up the St. George's river the Union and Camden mountains are
in full view. What mountains will one have in front of him as he
sails up the Kennebec or the Penobscot? 1
Waymouth seems to have anchored the Archangel near the present
ruins of Fort St. George, on the eastern bank of the river. The
next day, in his "light-horseman", with seventeen of his men, he
proceeded up the riveer to the "Codde", or bay, at the point where
the river trends westward, by the site of Thomaston, Maine. Here
the explorers landed and ten of the party marched up into the
country toward the mountains back in the main, which they
Footnote. 1. Captain J. F. Williams of the U. S. Revenue Service,
in his examination of the coast of Maine, in 1797, with reference
to Waymouth's discoveries in 1605, identified Pentecost harbor with
St. George's Island harbor; but the great river of Rosier's Rela-
tion, he identified with the Penobscot river. Williamson, in his
History of the State of Maine, and others, adopted the same view.
So did Bancroft in the first edition of his History of the United
States. In preparing his edition of 1883, after re-studying the
subject, he abandoned this view, and adopted the view of George
Prince, of Bath, Maine, that the river Waymouth discovered and
that he ascended, was the St. George's River. The Kennebec theory
was advocated by John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswich, Maine, in 1857,
in a paper read before the Maine Historical Society, and was
followed by R. K. Sewall, Esq., in his Ancient Dominions. For many
years, however, there has been no advocacy of the Penobscot or
Kennebec theories that requires notice. A full review of the
literature of Waymouth's discovery will be found in Rosier's
Relation of Waymouth's voyage to the Coast of Maine, 1605, 39-77.
Gorges Society, 1887.
p.47 WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
first descried on approaching the land. These mountains, as Rosier
says, seemed at the outset only a league away; but after they had
gone some distance, finding the weather "parching hot" and all be-
ing "weary of so tedious and laborsome a travel", Waymouth gave the
order to face about, and the party returned to the boat and then to
the ship.
On the following day the work of exploration was continued by an
examination of that part of the river not previously visited, a
distance estimated by Rosier as twenty miles. The "beauty and
goodness" of the land Rosier mentions with much enthusiasm; also
the fact that on the return, at that part of the river which
trends westward (as is the case of the St. George's river at
Thomaston, Maine), a cross was erected,1 an indication of a
claim to English discovery and possession like the cross set up
at St. George's harbor. On the Simancas map are indicated such
marked features of the landfall of our Maine coast as the Union
and Camden mountains. A single mountain, west of the Kennebec,
may be intended to represent Mount Washington as seen from the
waters near Small Point. But of special interest in connection
with Waymouth's voyage and discovery, is the fact that on this
may of 1610, the St. George's river, under its Indian name,
Tahanock, is delineated with its characteristic features; while
at the very point where Waymouth erected a cross, according to
Rosier, is the mark of a cross. What is this mark but the indi-
cation of the cross which Waymouth set up at this place, and
which he entered upon his "perfect geographical map" - the map
made at this time and mentioned by Rosier in his Relation?
Strong testimony in confirmation of this identification is furn-
ished in the fact that on this map of 1610, Monhegan is designated,
"I St. George."
NO SIGN THAT EVER A CHRISTIAN HAD BEEN BEFORE.
Footnote.1 Referring to the erection of the cross at this point,
Rosier says: "For this (by the way) we diligently observed, that
in no place, either aobut the islands, or up in the main, or along
the river, we could discern any token or sign, that ever any
Christian had been before; of which either by cutting wood, digging
for water, or setting up of crosses (a thing never ommitted by
any Christian travelers) we should have perceived some mention
left." True Relation - Gorges Society, 145.
p.48 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"I, St. George." - This is the name given to Monhegan by
Waymouth and his associates. "The first island we fell with",
says Rosier, "was named by us St. George's Island", a name which
later was transferred to the group of islands nearer to the main-
land.
From this further exploration of the river, and this erection of
a cross in the interest of the country from which they came, Way-
mouth and his men returned to their ship, the Archangel. The object
of the expedition, in a degree beyond their strongest hopes, had
now been accomplished. They had discovered a bold coast, an "excel-
lent and secure harbor for as many ships as any nation professing
Christ is able to set forth to sea", a river which the "all-
creating God" had made a highway over which the great riches of
the land might easily and safely be borne, a land whose invaluable
riches the Indians could "neither discern, use, nor rightly esteem";
and it was fitting that without further delay the return to England
should be made in order speedily to report to "the honorable setters
forth" the success of the expedition which had for its ulitmate end
"a public good and true zeal of promulgating God's Holy Church by
planting Christianity". The ship Archangel, accordingly, now
dropped down the river to its mouth, and then to Pentecost harbor,
where water was taken on board; and on the 16th of June, the wind
being fair, and all preparations having been completed, Waymouth
and his companions set sail.1
TO ENGLAND, HOMEWARD BOUND.
Over the summer seeas, establishing on their way confidential
relations with their Indian captives, the voyagers returned home-
ward, anchoring the Archangel at Dartmouth Haven, England, on July
18th. Rosier's Relation of the voyage ends here. We are not told
with what welcome Waymouth and his fellow explorers were received,
or upon whose ears the story of their adventures first fell.
Footnote.1 The Maine Historical Society celebrated the tercenten-
ary of Waymouth's voyage by services at Thomaston and St. George's
harbor, in July, 1905. For a report of the proceedings see Maine
Historical Society's Collection, Series III, 2, 152-204.
p.49 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
HEROES, THEY ALL WERE.
But it requires no stretch of the imagination to bring before us
the scene as on that Thursday afternoon, about four o'clock, the
ship, Archangel came to her anchorage, and the members of the
expedition were surrounded by eager questioners. Heroes they all
were, but of what special, wondering interest were the five
Indians whom Waymouth had brought with him as specimens of the
inhabitants of the new world ! It was a thrilling narrative
that was told first on the deck of the Archangel, and later in
the lounging places of the town where the sailors mingled with a
crowd ready to catch any word that might fall from their lips.
How long the Archangel remained in Dartmough Haven was not re-
corded; and it seems probable that Rosier, the historian of the
expedition, leaving the vessel at Dartmough Haven, hurried to
London, to place before the promoters of the voyage the tidings
which they so eagerly awaited. According to Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, Waymouth brought the Archangel into the harbor of
Plymouth, England, where Gorges was in command of the fort.
This was after the arrival at Dartmouth Haven, for Rosier tells
us that Dartmouth Haven was the first "harbor in England" enter-
ed by Waymouth and his fellow voyagers on their return.
While the Archangel was in Plymouth harbor, Waymouth delivered
into the care of Sir Fernando Gorges, three of the Indians seized
at Pentecost harbor.1 Gorges regarded the seizure of these
Indians as a matter of prime importance in connection with new-
world colonization schemes. In his "Briefe Narration," referr-
ing to the Indians who came into his possession at this time,
he says, "This accident must be acknowledged the means under
God
Footnote.1 (Baxter's Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Prince Society, II,
8) says the names of the three he received were: "Manida, Skett-
warroes and Tasquantam. Manida is evidently the Maneddo of
Rosier. Tasquantum is the name of an Indian captured by Thomas
Hunt, the Master of a vessel in Captain John Smith's voyage of
1614, and Gorges is in error in including his name here. In his
Briefe Narration, Gorgers mentions one of these Indians under the
name of Dehamda. Evidently he is the same as the one called by
Rosier, Tahanedo, also known as Nahanada. The other two Indians
seized at Pentecost harbor were assigned, it is supposed, to Sir
John Popham.
p.50 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations". With
ever deepening interest Gorges listened to the answers these
Indians gave to his eager questionings. "The longer I conversed
with them," he says, "the better hope they gave me of those parts
where they did inhabit, as proper for our uses; especially when
I found what goodly rivers, stately islands and safe harbors
those parts abounded with, being the special marks I levelled at,
as the only want our nation met with in all their navigations
along that coast. And having kept them full three years, I made
them able to set me down what great rivers ran up into the land,
what men of note were seated on them, what power they were of,
how allied, what enemies they had and the like."
There is no record of Waymouth's return to London and of his in-
terview with the promoters of the expedition. Arundell had been
elevated to the peerage, and only a month after the return of the
Archangel, he was appointed Colonel of an English regiment raised
for service in Holland. It is probable, therefore, that he was
henceforth engaged in other enterprises than those on this side
of the sea. The Earl of Southampton, however, continued his
interest in American colonization, but in connection with the
London Company of Virginia. In that company's second charter
his name stands alone to those of the high officers of state;
and he remained at the head of its governing board until the
second charter was taken away. So far as English colonization
on the Maine coast was concerned, however, the loss of influence
of men of such prominence was more than made good by the increased
active interest of Sir John Popham. His vigorous personality, and
commanding position as chief justice of England, made him force-
ful in any undertaking. Information concerning Waymouth's voyage
probably came to him from Waymouth himself; also from Rosier's
Relation, which was published in London soon after the return of
the Archangel. Moreover, two of the Waymouth's Indians came into
his possession, and from them he must have received information
that could hardly have failed to increase and deepen his interest
in the country from which these Indians
p.51 WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
came. Doubtless Gorges, also, intensified this awakening interest
manifested by the chief justice; and the mind of Sir John Popham
was soon busy with plans for taking possession of the territory
thus open to English occupation and trade relations. This, however,
he would have undertaken and carried forward under royal authority.
His plans as they ripened involved the formation of colonies by
chartered companies under license from the Crown. Plainly in
matters pertaining to new-world enterprises the chief justice saw
more clearly the demands of the future than did his contemporaries.
p.52 WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
CHAPTER V.
ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
WILLIAM PARKER & THOMAS LOVE.
In the added attention given to English colonization as the re-
sult of Waymouth's successful expedition, there was a stirring of
private interests as well as those of a public nature. Before Popham
and the men in agreement with him had received the royal charter for
which they asked, and which gave them authority to take possession
of the country between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of
north latitude, thus shutthing out private enterprise, certain mer-
chants of Plymouth, England, William Parker, Thomas Love, - came and
William Morgan, had entered into an agreement with Captain George
Waymouth "to carry them with their shipping, and provisions" to
Virginia, "there to fish, traffic, and to do what else shall be
fitting for a merchant voyage". These Plymouth merchants lost no
time in their effort thus to seize the opportunity for securing
profitable returns in a business venture. For some reason, however,
this agreement was almost immediately annulled, evidently because
of another and more liberal arrangement on the part of Waymouth;
for October 30, 1605, he entered into a formal agreement with Sir
John Zouche of Codnor, in Derbyshire, "for and concerning a voyage
intended to be made unto the land commonly called by the name of
Virginia upon the continent of America."1
On the part of Sir John, it was agreed that at his own cost he
should set forth two ships fitted and furnished with "all necessa-
ries of victual, provision, munition and two hundred able and
sufficient men; that is to say, of such trades and arts as are
fitting for a plantation and colony, before the last day of April,
next." Sir John also agreed to pay to Captain Waymouth within
twenty-
Footnote.1. This agreement will be found in Alexander Brown's
Genesis of the United States, I, 33-35.
p.53 ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
one days a hundred pounds "lawful English money....in considera-
tion of his 'travell' and pains to be taken in and about the said
voyage and for his own charge defraying". Sir John furthermore
agreed to allow the merchants of Plymouth, England, whose contract
with Captain Waymouth had just been annulled, liberty "to make their
trade for what commodities soever without any hindrance or disturb-
ance on his part, or any of his followers under his command, for the
space of one whole year now next coming, and not after". It was also
agreed that Sir John Zouche, "being Chief Commander", should give to
Waymouth, "the next place of command under himself as well at sea as
at land."
Manifestly the purpose that lay at the foundation of this agree-
ment was the English occupation and possession of that part of the
American coast, which Waymouth had visited and explored. How this
territory was to be appropriated is indicated in the closing para-
graph of the agreement on the part of Sir John, which was as follows:
"Item, if it so please God to prosper and bless the said intended
voyage and the actions of the same, that thereby the land aforesaid
shall be inhabited with our English nation, and according to 'Polli-
ticque' estate of Government proportion of land be allotted to such
as shall be transported thither to inhabit; that then, after the said
Sir John Zouche shall have made his choice and assumed into his poss-
ession in manner of inheritance such quantity of land as he, the said
Sir John, shall think good; then he, the said Captain George Way-
mouth and his assigns, shall and may make his or their own choice
of land for his or their possession and plantation; to hold the
same in tenure of him, the said Sir John, as 'Lord Paramount';
which said land so by the said Captain Waymouth to be chosen shall
descend to his heirs or assigns, or shall be upon reasonable consi-
derations to his or their uses employed or disposed."
On Waymouth's part the agreement was that with his "best endeavor,
council and advice", he should aid Sir John in the fitting out of
the expedition; that he should be ready to go with him in the voyage
"at such time as is limited or before, unless
p.54 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
hindered by sickness or other such visitation"; that on the
arrival of the expedition he should assist in the planting of the
colony, work of fortification, and whatever else should be thought
fitting by Sir John; and finally, that he should not aid, "by per-
son or direction to any other in or for the said pretended land or
voyage without the consent or allowance of the said Sir John". One
of the witnesses to this agreement was James Rosier, who worte the
Relation of Waymouth's voyage.
Two days after the signing of this agreement, the Guy Fawkes gun-
powder plot, which was to have been consummated on the assembling
of Parliament, November 5th, was made known to King James. The
arrest, trial and execution of those connected with the plot follow-
ed, and for the time attracted public attention to such an extent,
that the plans and purposes of Sir John Zouche and Captain Waymouth
could have received little attention.1
But that which of itself was sufficient to bring to naught the
agreement between the two was the Royal Charter2 granted on April
10, 1606, to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt,
Thomas Hanham3, Ralegh Gilbert, William Parker, George Popham and
others, incorporating two companies for the purpose of promoting
English colonization "in that part of America, commonly called,
'Virginia'"
This Charter, prepared in its first draft by Sir Johnb Popham as
is supposed, was granted on petition; but the petition has not come
down to us, and its date and its signers are unknown. As some time
would be required for the work of drawing up the Charter, as well
as for its consideration by the various officers of the crown to
whom it was submitted for examination, the Petition was probably
presented to King
Footnote. 1. Sir John Zouche, notwithstanding his present failure,
did not lose his interest in English enterprises in the new world.
In 1631, he received an appointment on "the commission for the
better plantation of Virginia", and in 1634 he went to Virginia to
visit his son and daughter, who were living there".
2. Genesis of the United States, II, 46-63.
3. The "h" in the name was adopted from the time of Sir
John Hanham, oldest son of Thomas & Penelope (Popham)
Hanham, and brother of Captain Thomas Hanham.
p.55 ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
as early as the last quarter of 1605. The petition for the terri-
tory "situate, lying and being all along the seacoast" between the
thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude, "and in
the mainland between, together with the islands thereunto adja-
cent, or within one hundred miles of the coast thereof". The
petitioners asked to be divided into two colonies or companies,
the one, consisting of certain knights, gentlemen, merchants and
other adventurers of London and vicinity, who wished to establish
their plantation in some fit place between the thirty-fourth and
fortieth degrees of north latitude, was generally known as the
London Company; the other, consisting of sundry Knights, gentle-
men, merchants and other adventurers of Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth
and other places, who wished to establish their plantation in some
fit place between the 38th and 45th degrees of north latitude, was
generally known as the Plymouth Company.
In the Charter, the first colony was granted the territory between
the thirty-fourth and forty-first degrees, also fifty miles south
of this location, while to the second colony, was granted the terri-
tory between the 38th and the 45th degrees, also fifty miles farther
north. This overlapping of limits in grants of territory in the new
world was not a matter of unfrequent occurrence, as an examination
of later Grants shows. In the Charter, however, this wholesome
provision was added. "That the plantation and habitation of such
of the said colonies, as shall last plant themselves as aforesaid,
shall not be made within one hundred like English miles of the
other of them, that first began to make their plantation as afore-
said." Furthermore, no others of the King's subjects were permitted
to "plant or inhabit behind or on the backside of them, without the
express license or consent of the Council of the Colony, thereunto
in writing first had and obtained."
Although Sir John Popham's name does not occur in the Charter, it
is well known that he was one of the most active of those engaged
in the movement for obtaining it. Evidently he saw very clearly
the importance of government control in opening to English
p.56 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
colonization the vast territory of the new world, only glimpses of
which had been obtained by the expeditions of Ralegh in the south,
and those of Gosnold, Pring and Waymouth in the north. Private
plantations had not been successful and Sir John Popham, and those
who agreed with him, had good reasons for their belief that public
plantations had the best prospect of success. The Popham idea pre-
vailed, and brought to an end private enterprises on the part of
English adventurers like Sir John Zouche, who were ready to seize
and to hold as much of American territory as they could secure.
cAPT. CHRISTOPHER NEWPORT AND CAPT. BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD.
An expedition fitted out under this Charter for the establishment
of the "first colony in Virginia", sailed from London in three
vessels on December 20, 1606, with Captain Christopher Newport as
commander of the voyage, and Captain Bartholomew Gosnold as vice-
Admiral. But Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir John Popham and those in
the territory discovered by Waymouth, evidently deemed it a wiser
course to engage in added exploration before colonization. Gorges
seems to have been the inspiring spirit in this movement.
THE SHIP, RICHARD.
Sailed from England, Aug 12, 1606.
Henry Challons, Captain & Nicholas Hines, Master &
John Stoneman, Pilot.
A vessel, the Richard, of Plymouth, England, was secured for the
voyage, and under the command of Henry Challons, as Captain, with
Nicholas Hine as Master, and John Stoneman as pilot, the ship,
Richard sailed from Plymouth harbor, England August 12, 1606.1
The vessel was a small one, registering only 55 tons or thereabouts.
In it were twenty-nine Englishmen and two of the five Indians captur-
ed
Footnote.1 An account of Challons' voyage, first printed in Purchas's
Pilgrimes IV, 1832-1837, was reprinted in Brown's Genesis of the
United States, I, 127-139. Another account entitled The Relation of
Daniel Tucker, Merchant, being employed by divers adventurers of
Plymouth to go as factor of a ship bound for Florida, written by
himself the 4th day of February, 1606, has a place among the Cecil
Papers at Hatfield House. It was enclosed in a letter, sent at the
time to Cecil by Gorges, and is included in the documents printed
in the third volume of Baxter's "Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his
Providence of Maine, published by the Prince Society, 1890, III,
129-132. In the above, the writer has followed Stoneman's more ex-
tended, and apparently more carefully prepared, narrative, which
in a few particulars differs from that by Tucker.
p.57 ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
adventured by Waymouth, namely "Maneddo and Assacomoit", or, as
recorded by Rosier in his Relation, "Maneddo and Saffacomoit".
Why Waymouth was not placed in command of the ship, Richard, does
not appear in the accounts of the voyage that have come down to us.
That he was ready to undertake such an expedition is made evident
by the agreement into which he entered with Sir John Zouche. In all
probability, his agreement to serve Sir John, in his endeavor to
turn Waymouth's discoveries to personal advantage, brought him into
disfavor with those who were interested in the northern colony.
Gorges says he gave Challons instruction to take a northerly course
as high as the latitude of Cape Breton, until the main land was
sighted, and that then he was to sail southward, following the
coast until, from the Indians who were with him, he was told that
he had reached that part of the American coast "they were assigned
unto." Challons, on the contrary, paid no attention to his in-
structions and, following the course of earlier voyagers, generally,
made the Canary Islands the starting point of his expedition. This
course could not have been taken because of contrary winds, inasmuch
as Stoneman, in his narrative of the voyage, makes no mention of
such winds until after the Canary Islands were reached.
But leaving those islands, contrary winds baffled them. For six
weeks they were driven in a southerly direction, and the voyagers
found themselves at the end of that time at the Island of Saint
Lucia, one of the Lesser Antilles, twenty-nine degrees out of their
way. After a delay of three days at that port, the ship, Richard,
was started northward. But there was further delay at Porto Rico,
where "the captain went ashore for the recovery of his health,
while the company took in water and such other provisions as they
had use of, expending some time there, hunting after such things
as best pleased themselves." At length, leaving Porto Rico and
proceeding northward one hundred and eighty leagues, Challons en-
countered a severe storm which continued ten days. At its close,
"in a thick fog of mist and rain", he found himself surrounded by
eight Spanish ships, which bore
p.58 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Maine Indian, Assacomoit wounded by the Spanish.
down upon the ship (Richard) and compelled her surrender. Among
the wounded in Challon's company was Assacomoit,1 one of the two
Indians the ship, Richard, was bearing homeward. Challons and his
men, including the Indians, were taken to Spain as captives. Some
of them, at length were liberated, some escaped from prison, and
others sickened and died.2 Gorges says, "The affliction of the
captain and his company put the Lord Chief Justice Popham to
charge, and myself to trouble in procuring their liberties, which
was not suddenly obtained". So ended the Challons' ill-fated exped-
ion from which Gorges had expected so much.3
Another vessel, fitted out by Sir John Popham for the purpose of
co-operating with the ship, Richard, in the exploration of the
coast visited by Waymouth, left England not long after the Challons'
departure. Of the vessel, Thomas Hanham4 was the commander, and
Footnotes: 1. Gorges, in his Briefe Narration, at the opening of
Chapter XII, says he "recovered Assacomoit" from Spanish captivity.
2. Thayer, The Sagadahoc Colony, p.11, says: "Stoneman
was questioned closely respecting the Virginia coast and offered
large wages to draw maps. His sturdy loyal refusal remanded him to
prison, and when, later enlarged on parole he learned he was in
danger of the rack to extort the desired information, he made es-
cape, and by the way if Lisbon he reached Cornwall, England on
November 26, 1607; sixteen months after embarkation at Plymouth."
Challons was not released until the following May.
3. Gorges, in a letter to Challons, dated Plymouth,
England, March 13, 1607, wrote: "I rest satisfied for your part
of the proceedings of the voyage".
4. Little has come down to us concerning this assoc-
iate with Pring in the voyage of 1606. As Sir John Popham's old-
est daughter, Penelope, married a Thomas Hanham, Thayer (Sagad-
ahoc Colony, 145.) inclines to the view that the Chief Justice
"selected his trusy son-in-law to be the controlling agent" in
the expedition. Alexander Brown thought it probable that the Han-
ham of Pring's voyage was a son of the same name (Genesis of the
United States, II, 909. It is now known that such was the fact,
as the Thomas Hanham who married Penelope Popham, died August 30,
1593, had a son, Thomas Hanham, of Wimborne Minster, who married
Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Robert Broughton of County Somer-
set, England. To him the Dorset History (III, 232) makes refer-
ence as follows: "Thomas Hanham, Esquire, the 2nd son of Thomas
last mentioned, was one of the members of the Long Parliament that
attended (continued, footnotes, p.59)
p.59 ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
Martin Pring, who commanded the expedition of 1603, was Master.
Gorges makes no mention of Hanham in his reference to the voyage,
and it is evident that his position was a nominal one as a repre-
sentative of Sir John Popham, the chief promoter of the expedi-
tion.
Unfortunately we have no record of this voyage. That a Relation
was prepared by Hanham is learned from Purchas,1 who mentions
such a narrative. Purchas had a copy of it about the year 1624.
Possibly it may have come into his possession with the Hakluyt
papers, which were placed in his hands after Hakluyt's death.
Why he did not publish the record in his Pilgrimes, it is diffi-
cult to conjecture on account of the significance of the voyage
from its connection with the fitting out of the Popham colony.
Purchas might well have ommitted many another narrative in order
to give place to this. Although we have no record of the date of
Pring's departur for
the King at Oxford, and subscribed the letter for peace to the Earl of
Essex. In a grant of land in North America, made to him (the reference
is to the Charter of April 10, 1606, authorizing two companies for colon-
izing North America) with Lord Chief Justice Popham, Sir Thomas Gorges,
etc., he is styled Thomas Hanham, Esq., and also Captain Hanham. He was
buried in Wimborne Minster, where is his monument." Unfortunately (prob-
ably because of a comparatively recent restoration of the edifice), this
memorial of Captain Hanham is no longer to be seen. The 1868 edition of
the Dorset History, however, contains the inscription of the Memorial as
printed in an earlier edition, with the statement that formerly, at the
upper end of the south aisle of the Minster, was an altar tomb of gray
marble. The inscription follows:
GRAY MARBLE TOMB OF THOMAS HANHAM-INSCRIPTION.
"Here lyeth the body of Thomas Hanham, late of Dean's Court,
England, second son of Thomas Hanham, Sergeant at Law and of
Penelope, his wife, the daughter of Sir John Popham, Kt.,
Lord Chief Justice of England, who departed this life the 1st
day of August in the 76th year of his age, Anno D. Ni, 1652".
Accordingly, Captain Thomas Hanham was abouot thirty years of age at the
time of the voyage of 1606. The second son of Captain Thomas Hanham, and
also named Thomas Hanham, died June 17, 1650. A mural monument of white
marble, erected by Margaret, "his loving and sad widow", and containing
"his portraiture and her own, intending if God so please to be interred
by him" (History, III, 218), has come down to us and is now at the west
end of the north aisle of the nave of Wimborne Minster.
Footnote. 1. Pilgrimes, Ed. of 1624, IV, 1837.
p.60 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
BY Henry S. Burrage, DD.
the coast of Maine, Gorges says1 that Pring's vessel followed the Richard
"within two months". Probably Pring sailed from Bristol, and the voyage,
as may be inferred from Challon's instructions, and what Gorges says con-
derning it, was a direct one to the American coast. St. George's harbor,
the Pentecost harbor of Waymouth's anchorage in 1605, was doubtless the
place of rendezvous agreed upon by Challons and Pring. Not to meet Chall-
ons there, or in the vicinity, was a matter of surprise and disappoint-
ment to those who followed him and expected to find the work of added ex-
ploration already well advanced. There may have been some little loss of
time in searching for the co-operating vessel, but the favorable season
for accomplishing satisfactory work was drawing to a close, and Hanham and
Pring soon entered upon the task assigned to them. The coast was carefully
examined,2 and the explorations made by Waymouth the year before were con-
siderably extended. Especially was attention given to that part of the
coast lying west of the territory of Waymouth's discoveries.
The Sagadahoc, now called the Kennebec, was found to be a larger and more
important river than that which evoked so much admiration from the explor-
ers on the ship, the Archangel. It also afforded much larger trade facili-
ties with the Indians and on this account offered advantages for a settle-
ment that ought not to be overlooked. Accordingly, the location of the
river and directions with reference to its entrance were carefully noted.
Indeed all facts necessary in planning for the establishment of a colony
in the explored territory were sought for and made available for use on
the vessel's return to England.
Gorges implies that Pring was obliged to cut short his work of explora-
tion by the approach of winter, and such seems to have been the fact. The
vessel that bore the expedition hither left England about the first of
October, and if ten weeks are allowed
Tahanedo, one of Waymouth's captured Indians.
Footnotes: 1. Letter to Challons, March 13, 1607.
2. In this work Hanham and Pring had the assistance
of Dehamda (Rosier's Tahanedo), one of Waymouth's captured In-
dians, whom they brought with them and left in the country on
their return.
p.61 ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
for the voyage and subsequent examination of the coast, Hanham and
Pring could not have set out on their return much before the close
of the year. Their arrival in England was on an unknown date. It was
a winter voyage, and there were doubtless storms and delays. But Port
was at length reached - Bristol, England, probably - and Popham and
those who were interested in the voyage were at once made acquainted
with its encouraging results.
Gorges in his reference to it1 makes mention of Pring's "perfect
discovery of all those rivers and harbors", which his report describ-
ed: and he calls it "the most exact discovery" of the coast that had
come into his hands. While he makes no mention of Hanham's connection
with the expedition, he pays high tribute to Pring, whose services had
proved so acceptable, and had achieved success so greatly desired. "His
relation of the same", adds Gorges, "wrought such an impression in the
Lord Chief Justice and us all, that were his associates, that notwith-
standing our first disaster, we set up our resolutions to follow it
with effect."2
Footnotes. 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
II,11.
2. Pring's later service was largely connected with
the East Indies. In 1617, he was General of the East India fleet.
In 1622, the Quarter Court of the Virginia Company made Captain
Martin Pring a freeman of the company and gave him two shares of
land in Virginia. Brown (Genesis of the United States, II, 973)
considers it probable that Pring "died on his voyage to Virginia,
or very soon after his return to England", probably in 1626, at
the age of 46. His monument in St. Stephen's Church, Bristol,
England, bears witness to the high esteem in which he was held by
his fellow citizens. The following is the inscription which is
recorded on the Memorial Tablet:
To the Pious Memorie of Martin Pringe, Merchant, sometyme Generall
to the East Indies, and one of ye Fraternity of the Trinity House.
The living worth of this dead man was such
That this fayr Touch can give you but a Touch
Of his admired gifts; These quartered Arts,
Enriched his knowledge and ye spheare imparts;
His heart's true embleme where pure thoughts did move,
By a most sacred Influence from above.
Prudence and Fortitude are top this tombe,
Which in brave Pringe took up ye chiefest roome;
Hope, Time supporters showe that he did clyme
The highest pitch of Hope through not of Tyme.
p.62 His painefull, skillfull travayles reacht as farre
As from the Artic to the Antartick starre;
He made himself a Shipp. Religion
His only compass, and the truth alone
His guiding cynosure: Faith was his sailes,
His anchour - Hope. A hope that never failes,
His freighte was Charitie, and his returne
A fruitful practice. In this fatal urne
His shipp's fayre buick is lodged, but ye rich ladinge
Is housed in Heaven. A heaven never fading.
Hic terris multum jactatus et undis.
Salutis 1626
Obit anno
Aetatis 46
CHAPTER VI.
THE POPHAM COLONY.
The Southern Virginia Company, as stated in the preceding chapter,
had already despatched colonists to the new world. There also was a
movement for a like undertaking on the part of the Northern, or
Plymouth company. Conferences were held by the members of the com-
pany with others interested in the expansion of England's territory
and trade. With enthusiasm, the work of organizing the proposed
colony was commenced. As this work, at least for the most part, was
carried forward at Plymouth, Gorges, who was in command of the fort
at that place, may be regarded as most conspicuous in this service,
as well as in making preparations for the voyage. Difficulties were
encountered as the work proceeded. A glimpse of these is afforded in
a letter1 which the Mayor of Plymouth addressed May 10, 1606, to Lord
Salisbury, King James' Secretary of State, suggesting some modifica-
tion of the Charter. Sir John Popham, he wrote, had invited the co-
operation of some of the prominent citizens of Plymouth; but some of
the provisions of the Charter were objectionable, especially the pro-
vision that placed the direction of the affairs of the Colony in the
control of a Council, the majority of whose members were "strangers
to us and our proceedings". They accordingly asked the prime minist-
er's protection and help. This complaint was not sent to Lord Salis-
bury without the knowledge of Sir Ferdinando Gorges; for on the same
day, Gorges addressed a letter2 to the Prime Minister, explaining
further the position taken by the men of Plymouth, who, he wrote,
were at first well disposed and ready "to be large adventurers" but
had now withdrawn their
Footnotes: 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
III, 122, 123.
2. Ib., III, 123-126.
p.64 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN LOVE.
aid and refused to have anything to do with the work to be under-
taken. Evidently, Gorges considered this a very undesirable situ-
ation, and he urged a change in the provisions of the Charter to
which objection had been made, believing that in this way the
interest of "many worthy and brave spirits" could be secured. The
complaint of the Mayor of Plymouth and his associates was laid be-
fore Lord Salisbury by Captain Love, the bearer of the letter. No
word concerning the result has been preserved, so far as is known.
Such, however, was the success of the efforts of the Chief Justice
in connection with the fitting out of the Popham colony, that harm-
ony of action among those interested in the enterprise seems at
length to have been reached.
SHIPS, "GIFT OF GOD" AND "THE MARY & JOHN"
THE SHIPS, "GIFT OF GOD"1 and the "MARY AND JOHN"2 - the
tonnage of both unknown - were secured for transporting the colon-
ists and their stores to the selected location of the colony.
Concerning the number of the colonists, and the manner in which
they were obtained, there is little information. Gorges makes
mention of "one hundred landsmen". Probably he does not include
in this designation "divers gentlemen of note", who are said to
have accompanied the expedition. Strachery says that the ship,
"Gift of God" and the ship, the "Mary and John" carried "one
hundred and twenty for planters". To this number, of course,
must be added the the number of the crews of the two vessels in
order to make up the full number of persons connect with the
enterprise.
In providing the funds that were necessary for the purpose of
fitting out and establishing the Colony, Sir John Popham doubt-
less had a prominent place. He not only made large contributions
when calls for money came, but he interested many of his friends
and acquaintances in the work to which, with so much enthusiasm,
he had put his hands. In one way or another the funds
Footnotes. 1. In the Lambeth Palace manuscript the
name of this vessel is the "Gift". The fuller title
is given by Strachey, who calls the vessel a "fly
boat", that is, a light draught vessel.
2. Gorges erroneously says there were "three
sail of ships". Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his ship,
Province of Maine, III, 13.
p.65 THE POPHAM COLONY.
were raised and the expedition was made ready. May 31, 1607, was
the sailing day. The ships, Gift of God, and the Mary and John,
the former commanded by George Popham1 and the latter by Ralegh
Gilbert2 - lay in the old harbor of Plymouth, England, now known
as Sutton's Pool, the same harbor from which the Mayflower sailed,
thirteen years later. Gorges, doubtless, was present at the de-
parture of the colonists. Doubtless, too, Sir John Popham was
there, having laid aside his official robes and left London in
order by his presence to give forceful expression to the hopes he
entertained, both for himself and the nation, in establishing an
English colony in northern Virgina. All Plymouth, too, was there,
prominent merchants, military and other professional men, fisher-
men and seamen, all much interested in an enterprise that was de-
signed to bring the old and new worlds into close and prosperous
relations. As the ships, Gift of God and the Mary and John sailed
out of the harbor, the vessels were saluted by the guns of the fort,
while from the Hoe the heartfelt benedictions and best wishes of a
great company followed the colonists until the vessels had dis-
appeared upon the horizon. A brief account of the fortunes of the
Popham colony appeared
Footnotes.1. George Popham was the 2nd son of Edward Popham,
and was a nephew of the Chief Justice. He was born about 1553-
1555, and before his appointment in connection with the Popham
colony he held the position of "his Majesty's customer of the
Port of Bridgewater". His name appears in the Charter for the
North and South Virginia colonies in 1606, and he was the first
president of the colony in North Virginia.
2. Ralegh Gilbert, a son of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and
the nephew of Sir Walter Ralegh, was also mentioned in the Charter
of 1606. While the date of his birth is unknown, it is supposed
that when he joined the Popham colony, he was not far from 30 yrs.
of age. Evidently he was lacking in the finer personal qualities
of life and Gorges' portraiture of him (in a letter to Secretary
Cecil, Baxter's Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III, 158) is not a favor-
able one. Concerning his administration of the affairs of the
Colony after the death of President Popham, we have no informa-
tion. As Thayer says, it "may have been vigilant and wholly satis-
factory to the patrons", The Sagadahoc Colony, 32. He was made a
member of the Council for New England in 1620.
p.66 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Capt. John Smith's "General History of New England"
in 1614 in Purchas's Pilgrimes. This was followed in 1622 by a short
statement in A Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New
England by the President and Council. In 1624, Captain John Smith in-
cluded in his General History of New England, a brief record of the
Popham enterprise. These were the principal sources of information con-
cerning the Colony until 1849, when the Hakluyt Society published Will-
iam Strachey's "Historie of Travaile into Virginia Brittania" written
about 1616. Evidently the narrative was based upon sources not in the
possession of the earlier writers, and Strachey's account of the ex-
periences of the Popham colonists was the best available until 1875,
when a manuscript, once in the possession of Sir Fernando Gorges, and
containing a journal, written by one connected with the colony, was
discovered in the Library of Lambeth Palace, London.1 It covers a
period of about four months, that is, from the departure of the ex-
pedition from the Lizard, June 1, 1607, to September 26, 1607.
With this last date, the manuscript abruptly closes; but as Strachery,
by many evidences which his narrative furnishes, is believed to have
used this manuscript in preparing his account of the Popham Colony, his
continuation of the story from September 26 is believed, for the same
reason, to have been based upon that part of the Lambeth Palace manu-
script, which in some way was afterward lost and is still lacking.
Although in the title of the manuscript the name of the author is not
mentioned, indications in the narrative point almost unmistakably to
the conclusion that the writer was James Davies, one of Gilbert's
officers on the ship, Mary and John, and otherwise prominently connect-
ed with the colony.
The narrative of the voyage begins at "the Lizard"2 on the first of
June, the day after the vessels sailed out of the harbor of Plymouth,
England, fifty miles away. Thence both vessels, instead of taking the
direct westerly course to the American coast, as did Gosnold
Footnotes.1. This manuscript, known in the Lambeth Palace
Library as Ms. No. 806, was discovered in 1876 by the Reverend
Dr. B. F. De Costa of New York, and was first printed from the
original manuscript in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society for May, 1880.
2. At the southwest extremity of the county of
Cornwall, England.
p.67 THE POPHAM COLONY.
The ship, Mary and John.
and Pring, followed Waymouth's course in the ship, Archangel, and
sailed southerly to the Azores islands, which were reached in twenty-
four days. June 27, at the island of Flores, a landing was made fir
wood and water. Continuing the voyage, Popham and Gilbert fell in
with two Flemish vessels June 29th, and Captain Gilbert, as a token
of friendly feeling, invited the Captain of one of the vessels to come
aboard the ship Mary and John. The invitation was accepted, and the
Flemish Captain was kindly received and hospitably entertained. On his
departure, the guest cordially invited Gilbert and a few others on the
Mary and John to accompany him to his ship, apparently moved thereto
by the kindly reception he himself had received. To this "earnest en-
treaty", Gilbert and those with him yielded, but to their surprise, on
reaching the Flemish vessel, they were treated as prisoners, some of
the party being placed in the "bibows" (bildoes,) and others being
subjected to "wild and shameful abuses". It happened, however, that
in the crew of the Flemish vessel were English sailors, who, noticing
this affront to their countrymen, found opportunity to make known to
Gilbert their determination to stand by him and his companions. When
the Flemish Captain discovered this evidence of a threatened uprising
on the part of his own men, the situation was not pleasing to him. He
accordingly hastened to release the prisoners, and returned them to
their own ship to their "no small joy".1
THE SHIP, GIFT OF GOD, AND POPHAM.
Meanwhile, Popham, in the ship, Gift of God, either had not seen, or
failed to answer the signals of distress made by the Mary and John.
His action is n ot explained in the narrative, which seems to imply
unworthy conduct on his part in sailing away without an attempt at
assistance.2 The two vessels thus fell apart, and did
Footnotes.1 The narratives of the voyages of that day
furnish abundant illustrations of the fact that such dis-
courtesies at sea between representatives of rival nations
were by no means uncommon.
2. Thayer (The Sagadahoc Colony, 39, note), says,
Captain Popham may be fairly entitled to the benefit of the
doubt if he saw or comprehended the signals". It is certain-
ly in favor of this view that no added mention of the inci-
dent appears in the "Relation."
p.68 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
JULY 27TH - THE Nova Scotia Coast.
not again come together until their arrival on the American
coast. When this affair with the Flemish ship occurred, the
ship Mary and John was ten leagues southwest of Flores. Continu-
ing the voyage to the American Coast, the vessel reached sound-
ings on July 27th, in latitude 43 degrees, 1. and July 30, land
was descried, evidently the Nova Scotia coast.
THE RIVER, PENOBSCOT, MAINE.
Gilbert anchored2 and landed, but his stay was brief, and he
proceeded down the coast on his way to the appointed rendezvous.
On August 5, land again was sighted. In the narrative there is an
outline sketch of the view, that was obtained by the voyagers in
thus approaching the coast - a view of the high mountains "in up-
on the main-land unto the river of Penobscot."
SHIP MARY & JOHN APPROACH COAST OF MAINE.
MATINICUS ISLANDS.
Such they knew them to be from the maps of Waymouth and Pring, in
their possession. Both the sketch and the narrative make it evi-
dent that the ship, Mary and John, in now approaching the coast,
must have been some distance southeast of the Matinicus Islands.
THE CAMDEN MOUNTAINS.
The mountains were the Camden mountains, noteworthy features
of the coast to any mariner approaching the land at this point.
Gilbert and his men now knew that the designated meeting-place
of the vessels, in case of separation, was not far away.
THE SHIP MARY AND JOHN & MATINIICUS ISLANDS.
Proceeding in toward the coast, the ship, Mary & John, her en-
tire ship's company alert with interest, came at length to the
Matinicus islands easily recognizable from the narrative. A 2nd
outline sketch of the mountains towards which the Mary and John
was moving is here inserted in the Lambeth manuscript, showing
the changed appearance of the mountains, as seen from this near-
er point of approach. At these islands the vessel's course was
made, "west and west by north" towartds three other islands,
eight leagues from the islands before mentioned. Differences of
Near a part of Sable Island bank.
Footnotes. 1. Here, sounding, they had ground in 18 fath-
oms, and fished with such success that they caught about
one hundred cod - "very great and large fish, bigger and
larger fish than that which comes from the bank of New-
foundland. Here we might have laden our ship in lesst
time than a month." Evidently they were on a portion of
Sable Island bank.
2. The Relation also makes reference to the
fish caught there; "We took great store of cod fishes,
the biggest and largest that I ever saw or any man in
our ship ever saw."
p.69 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE 1602-1658 BY HENRY S. BURRAGE.
THE SHIP MARY AND JOHN
opinion have found expression as to the three islands to which refer-
ence is thus made. The record is brief, and it is difficult to ob-
tain from it that accurage information which a fuller statement would
have supplied. But the general direction seems unmistakable. Follow-
ing down the coast from Matinicus Islands, the course of the ship,
Mary and John must have been in the direction of the St. George's
Islands.1 A careful examination of the narrative in light of such
facts as are now obtainable, warrants this statement. It was ten
o'clock at night when an approach to these islands was made. "We
bore in with one of them", is the record, and the inference is that
other islands were near. In fact, in the clear light of the morning
that followed, the voyagers on the Mary and John found themselves
"environed" with islands, and the narrative adds "near thirty",
which is evidently an estimate. The anchorage, therefore, was not
at Monhegan, as some have maintained. The "Relation" excludes any
such view. No mariner, anchored at Monhegan, would refer to his
vessel as "environed" with "neara thirty islands". On the other
hand, if the ship, Mary and John, guided by directions derived from
the narratives of the voyages of Waymouth and Pring, anchored in what
is now known as St. George's harbor, the mention of evnironing islands
"near thirty" - is in harmony with easily recognized facts as to dist-
ance and direction.2
It should be added, furthermore, that the Relation makes the anchor-
age of the Mary and John, not far from the island on which Waymouth
erected a cross as a token of English possession. The statement is,
"We here found a cross set up, the which we suppose was set up by
George Wayman"." Rosier's Narrative of
Footnote. 1. No other view can be brought into harmony with
the plain statement of the narrative.
2. See Thayer's Sagadahoc Colony, pp. 50-52 note,
where the facts are presented with great clearness and force.
3. Their finding the cross, which they supposed was
erected by George Waymouth two years before, is very signifi-
cant. Captain Gilbert unquestionably had with him a copy of
Rosier's Relation, and probably a copy of Waymouth's "geo-
graphical map". Hence his readiness in discovering the cross
and his (footnotes continued end of p. 70 below).
p.70
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Waymouth's voyage affords no foundation whatever for the supposi-
tion that the Cross, which Waymouth erected on an island on the
coast of Maine, was erected on Monhegan. His brief visit to that
island was from his anchorage north of it on his first approach
to the coast, and was for the purpose of obtaining wood and water.
On the following day, from that anchorage, he brought the Archangel
"along to the other islands more adjoining to the main, and in the
road directly with the mountains." he had seen on approaching the
coast. The St. George's islands, extending in a line nearly north
northeast and south southwest for about five miles, answer fully to
this direction, as has already been stated. Gilbert and his men
were not long in finding the cross that Waymouth erected on one of
these islands, confirming the other facts in their possession, that
the designated place of rendezvous had been reached.
Gilbert's first anchorage, which was made somewhat hastily under
the circumstances, was not found to be satisfactory, and a better
one was secured on the following day. While the necessary examin-
ation was in progress, and the ship Mary and John was "standing
off a little", a sail was descried at sea, but "standing in to-
wards this island", namely the island near which the ship Mary and
John had been anchored. Gilbert at once sailed out to meet the
stranger, and it was soon discovered that the new arrival, as was
hoped for, was Gilbert's consort - the ship, The Gift of God. Evid-
ently differences as to the cause of the separation were at once
forgotten; and in the joy of thier "happy meeting" the two vessels
sailed into the appointed haven and "there anchored both together."
The language of the book The Relation, is plain and there is no
warrant whatever for the view maintained by some writers before
the discovery of the Lambeth Palace manuscript, that this anchor-
age was at Monhegan. The island near which both vessels anchored
was
Footnotes.(continued) identification of it as the one set up by
Weymouth. He had brought the Mary and John into Pentecoat harbor.
Thayer (Sagadahoc Colony, p.55) is evidently correct in his infer-
ence that Waymouth's cross was erected on the north end of Allen's
island.
p.71 THE POPHAM COLONY.
no other than the island in the vicinity of which the ship, Mary
and John anchored on her arrival on the coast; and this, as has
already been shown, was not the island of Monhegan, but the one of
the St. George's islands and probably the one on which Waymouth set
up a Cross. If Monhegan had been the place of rendezvous, Popham
would have sought an anchorage there. On the contrary, he was head-
ing for islands farther in toward the main when the ship Gift of
God was sighted from the deck of the ship, Mary and John, and thence
was led by her into the island harbor, which, evidently, on the part
of both captains, was the predetermined location for anchorage on
reaching the American coast.
Maine Indian named "Skidwarres".
or, Skicowaros.
One of the five Indians captured by Waymouth was included in the
company on board the ship, Mary and John. In the Lambeth Palace
manuscript he is mentioned as "Skidwarres". Rosier, in his "Rela-
tion", calls him "Skicowaros". Probably he was one of the Indians
assigned by Waymouth to Sir John Popham, and doubtless very much
was expected from him in matters connected with the settlement of
the colony, especially in the relation of the colonists to the
Indians.
Very naturally Skidwarres, on reaching these familiar scenes, was
anxious to be set on shore at once, in order to join his people
from whom he had so long been separated. Just as anxious, appar-
ently, was Gilbert, to further the wishes of Skidwarrres, and so,
with the first opportunity, to place himself in friendly relations
with the natives of the country. Accordingly, at midnight, follow-
ing the arrival of the ship, Gift of God, Gilbert and some of his
men, in one of the ships' boats, rowed westward1 past "Many gallant
islands", and landed Skidwarres, by his direction, in a little cove
on the mainland, on the east side of the Pemaquid peninsula, and
evidently at what is now known as New Harbor.
Then, still guided by Skidwarres, they marched across the penin-
sula, a distance of "near three miles" to the Indian encampment.
SKIDWARRES WAS A PEMAQUID INDIAN.
Footnote1. With the two vessels at anchor in St. George's harbor,
the direction is clearly indicated. Skidwarres was a Pemaquid Indian.
From the very place where he was captured two years before, he was
now returned by Captain Gilbert and his men.
p.72 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
NAHANADA, CHIEF OF THE INDIANS.
The chief of the Indians was none other than Nahanada1, also one
of Waymouth's captives, who had been returned by Hanham and Pring
the year before; but though the Indians very naturally were in-
clined at first to hold themselves somewhat aloof, the assuring
words addressed to them by Skidwarres and Nahanada, caused them
to lay aside their fears, and assurances of mutual friendship
followed. Gilbert and his men remained at the Indian village two
hours, and then, accompanied by Skidwarres, they returned to their
ships in Pentecost harbor.
ST. GEORGE'S ISLAND, WHERE THE CROSS STANDETH.
GIVING GOD OUR THANKS FOR OUR SAFE ARRIVAL.
The next day was Sunday. Concerning its religious observances by
the colonists, the Relation contains this record: "Sunday, being
the 9th of August, in the morning the most part of our whole com-
pany of both our ships landed on this island, the which we call St.
George's Island, where the cross standeth, and there we heard a
sermon delivered unto us by our preacher, giving God thanks for
our safe arrival into the country and so returned aboard again."
THE PLACE OF THE 1ST RECORDED CHRISTIAN WORSHIP IN NEW ENGLAND.
The place of this first recorded observance of Christian worship
in New England is here clearly indicated. It was on the island near
which Waymouth anchored the ship, Archangel after leaving his anchor-
age north of Monhegan, and on which Waymouth's cross stood.
No appeal can be made to the fact that this island is called in
the narrative, "St. George's Island" - the name given by Waymouth
to Monhegan. Its mention here - the writer being familiar with
Rosier's "Relation" - is evidence only to the well-known fact that
thus early, the name St. George has been transferred from Monhegan
to the island on which Waymouth's cross was erected and later was
made to include the whole group of islands since known as the St.
George's Islands.
The character of the service is also clearly indicated in the
Relation. Though the words "sermon" and "preacher" are very sugg-
estive of religious conditions in England at that time, and
Footnote1. He was designated by Rosier Tahanedo, and was called
by him, "a chief or Commander." Gorges mentions him under the
name Dehamda, while in the Lambeth Palace manuscript, he is known
as Dehanada.
p.73 THE POPHAM COLONY.
Popham, Chief Justice of England.
may have been due to the writer's habit of expression, it is prob-
able that the preacher, Reverend Richard Seymour,1 was a clergy-
man of the Church of England. With such promoters as those most
interested in the colony - Popham, Chief Justice of England, and
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, an ardent royalist and churchman, it is not
unlikely that English dissent would furnish religious leadership
in the undertaking. If there were differences of religious belief
among the colonists, these were laid aside; and devout hearts
found abundant occasion in the experiences of the voyage for glad
expression of thanksgiving and praise. It was certainly a most
fitting service in connection with an enterprise that meant so
much both for the old world and the new.2
PEMAQUID POINT, MAINE.
On the following day, August 10th, both captains, Popham in his
shallop with thirty men and Gilbert in his ship's boat with 20
men - taking with them Skidwarres, the Indian, passed round Pema-
quid Point, evidently to avoid the march across the peninsula, and
visited the Indians at the place where Gilbert had met them two
days before. As at the previous interview, the establishment of
kindly relations with the Indians was the purpose of the visit;
but
Footnotes. 1. Concerning Reverend Richard Seymour, there is no
information known to the writer, aside from his connection with
the Popham Colony. Bishop Burgess (Popham Memorial, Maine Histori-
cal Society, 101-4) suggested that he was connected with the Pop-
ham, Gorges, Gilbert and Ralegh families, but the suggestion re-
mains a suggestion only. A Richard Seymour matriculated at Brason-
ose College, Oxford, England in 1588-9, but a biographical sketch
of this Oxonian makes it clear that he did not become a clergy-
man, and so was not the Richard Seymour of the Popham Colony.
2. In the King's instructions for the government of
the colonies, occurred these words - which Popham evidently had
not failed to notice: "We do specially ordain, charge and require
the said President and Councils, and the Ministers of the said sev-
eral colonies respectively, within their several limits and pre-
cincts, that they, with all diligence, care and respect, do pro-
vide that the true word and service of God and Christian faith be
preached, planted and used, not only within every of the said sev-
eral colonies and plantations, but also as much as they may amongst
savage people which do or shall adjoin them, or border upon them,
according to the doctrine, rites and religion now professed and
established within our realm of England." Brown, Genesis of the
United States, I, 67, 68.
p.74 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
apparently the memory of the natives, who were captured by Way-
mouth with Skidwarres and Nahanada and had not been returned,
lingered in the hearts of the members of the tribe, and there
was an evident lack of cordial feeling. The visitors spent the
night by themselves on the other side of the Pemaquid River.
Better relations were not secured on the following day, and the
visitors, leaving Skidwarres, who now expressed a determination
to remain with his people, returned to their ships.
That night the vessels remained at the place of rendezvous. But
the summer was reapidly passing, and the planting of the colony
was now a matter of pressing interest and importance. According-
ly, on the following morning, Wednesday, August 12, anchors were
weighed and both vessels, moving out from their island harbor into
the open sea, were headed westward down the coast. Pring's explora-
tions of the preceding year had called attention to the river
Sagadahoc as a larger and more important river than that which Way-
mouth discovered in 1605, and therefore one upon which a more suit-
able location for the settlement of a colony could be found. It is
a clear inference from the Relation that before the ship, the Gift
of God and the ship, the Mary and John left England it had been de-
cided that the colonists should proceed to the Sagadahoc, and to
establish themselves there. In accordance with this decision, Pop-
ham and Gilbert now sailed westward, instead of moving in toward
the mainland and the river of Waymouth's exploration.
THE ANCIENT SAGADAHOC.
In reaching the sea, the Kennebec River, the ancient Sagadahoc
does not present an opening that is discoverable from vessels pass-
ing along the coast. Popham and Gilbert had been made acquainted
with this fact, and careful directions for gaining an entrance to
the river had been placed in their hands. Accordingly, when night
drew on, in order not to pass too far to the westward and so "over-
shoot" the mouth of the river, both vessels struck their sails and
thus remained from midnight until morning. With the break of day,
they were about half a league south of the
p.75 THE POPHAM COLONY.
THE ISLAND OF SUTQUIN.
Sagadahock River.
"island of Sutquin".1 The writer of the "Relation" adds here,
two rude but good drawings of Sequin as seen from different
points; and in referring to the island he mentions the fact that
the island is situated "right before the mouth of the river of
Sagadahock".
Popham and Gilbert, therefore, had an excellent guide to the
mouth of that river. But Gilbert, in the ship, Mary & John, not
convinced that the island was "Sutquin", continued to stand to
the westward in search of it. On the other hand, Popham, in the
ship, Gift of God, sending his shallop landward from the island
which he held to be the "Sutquin" of his directions, found the
mouth of the Sagadahoc, and at the close of the day, brought his
vessel safely into the river and anchored.
That night a heavy storm from the south broke upon the ship, the
Mary and John, and with difficulty the vessel was rescued from
many perils upon a lee shore; but at length, a refuge was found
under the shelter of two islands.2 Here Gilbert remained until
Saturday, August 15th, when the storm, having spent itself, he
headed his vessel again for "Sutquin". On his return, however, by
reason of an offshore wind, he was unable to bring the vessel into
the river.
On the following day, Popham in his shallop came to the assist-
ance of his consort, and before noon, the ship, Mary & John, found
anchorage in the Sagadahoc, alongside the ship, the Gift of God.
The location of the colony was not the matter of first importance
with the colonists, and on the following day, August 17, Popham, in
his shallop, with thirty others and Gilbert in his ship's boat and
eighteen others - fifty in all - proceeded up the river in
REV. M. C. O'BRIEN OF BANGOR, MAINE & ABNAKI LANGUAGE.
Footnotes. 1. This is the first mention of the island in the early
narratives. Captain John Smith (1616) calls it Satguin. According
to the late Reverend M. C. O'Brien of Bangor, Maine, a recognized
authority in the Abnaki language, this Indian name of the island
means "he vomits". Evidently, the Indians had long been familiar
with the general conditions of the waters between Sequin and the
mainland (of Maine).
2. The vessel, it seems, was not in the vicinity of
Cape Small Point. Thayer (The Sagadahoc Colony, 62, note) says:
"The outermost point, or true cape must be regarded as one of the
islands, though it is now joined to the mainland by a low neck of
sand. It is 400 or 600 yards in extent.
SEAL ISLAND.
Seal Island, 350 yards in length, lies northeast, nearer the land."
p.76 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
MERRYMEETING BAY.
THE KENNEBEC.
MOUTH OF THE RIVER OF SAGADAHOCK.
search of the most suitable place for the plantation. "We find
this river", says the "Relation," "to be very pleasant with many
goodly islands in it and to be both large and deep water having
many branches in it; that which we took bendeth itself towards
the northeast." From these words it may be inferred that, after
reaching Merrymeeting Bay, the explorers passed into the Kennebec;
but concerning the distance made in that part of the river, there
is no statement, or any words even from which an inference can be
drawn. It is evident, however, that in their search, the explorers
found no place for a plantation preferable to that which was ob-
servable from the vessels in the river. Accordingly, after their
return they "all went to the shore and there made choice of a place
for our plantation, which is at the very mouth, or entry of the
river of Sagadahock on the west side of the river, being almost an
island of a good bigness."
THE SABINO PENINSULA.
ATKINS BAY.
The record affords no opportunity for doubt with reference to the
place selected. It was at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, and on the
west side of the river. The added statement, that the land selected
for the plantation formed "almost an island of a good bigness",
describes in general terms the Sabino peninsula, "a huge miss-
hapen triangle" between Atkins Bay and the sea. Examination of
this tract of land establishes its fitness for plantation purposes.1.
Just as clearly as the "Relation" establishes the general location
of the Popham Colony on the west side of the river, so another dis-
covery, since that of the Lambeth Palace manuscript, enables us to
fix the precise location of the fortified settlement, which Popham
and his associates made at the mouth of the Sagadahoc.2.
Footnotes. 1. For very full particulars concerning the location,
and especially for mention of erroneous opinions held by early
writers, see Thayer, Sagadahoc Colony, pp. 167-187.
2. Among the treasures secured for Brown's "Genesis
of the United States, by Dr. Curry in the library at Simancas,
Spain, was a copy of "The draught of St. George's Fort, erected
by Captain George Popham, Esquire, on the entry of the famous
river of Sagadahock in Virginia, taken out by John Hunt the VIII,
of October in the year of our Lord 1607". When this plan was pub-
lished in the "Genesis" (Houghton, Mifflin Company, Boston, 1890,
I, 190) it was discovered that the generally accepted view as to
the location of Popham's (see footnotes, p. 77)
p.77 THE POPHAM COLONY.
The choice of this precise location of the settlement was made on
August 19th. "All went to the shore" for this purpose, and after
the selection there was a religious service. To the colonists this
meant much more than that held a few days before on one of the
islands of St. George's harbor. Then, the service was one of thanks-
giving for their safe arrival in the new world. Now, they were
about to lay the foundation of civil government; and as their own
hopes, and the hopes of those most deeply interested in the wel-
fare of the colony, extended into an unknown future, their preach-
er, in the presence of all the colonists, implored the blessing of
God on the great undertaking upon which they now formally entered.
"After the sermon", adds the "Relation," "our patent was read with
the orders and laws therein precribed". The patent - if patent
there was - must have been a copy of that granted to King James I,
on April 10, 1606, providing for two colonies in America - designa-
ted as the first and second - the former known as the southern
colony and the latter as the northern colony.1
The document is a lengthy one and its reading could have added
little interest to the occasion, as its provisions were already
known. In fact, an examination of the plan, and of the topographi-
cal features of the peninsula of Sabino, soon made it evident that
the newly discovered plan could only be made to fit the plot of
ground situated a few hundred yards west of the present Fort Pop-
ham. When laid down upon this plot the plan fitted the location
as a glove fits a hand. At the Popham celebration held August 29,
1862, the Maine Historical Society provided a granite memorial of
the Popham settlement for insertion in the wall of Fort Popham.
As the construction of the fort was abandoned even before the
close of the Civil War - so rapid was the advance in the require-
ment for offensive and defensive warfare in coast fortification -
the proposed memorial block remained uncalled for in the grounds
of the fort until the approach of the tercentenary of the Popham
Colony in 1907, when the Society obtained permission from the War
Department in Washington, to transfer the memorial to the rocky
ledge, included is Popham's fort as indicated on the Simaucas plan.
The transfer was made and with a slight addition to the inscript-
ion, the location of Popham's fortified settlement was appropriately
and accurately indicated.
Footnote.1. Brown, Genesis of the United State, I. 52-63.
NAMES OF POPHAM COLONY SETTLERS.
Gentlemen of Quality
Captain George Popham, President
Captain Raleigh Gilbert, Admiral
Captain Edward Harlow, Master/ordnance
Captain Robert Davis, Sargent-Major and Capt.
of the ship, Mary & John
Captain Ellis Best, Marshal.
Captain James Davies, Capt. of the Fort.
Captain John Elliott, Capt. of ship, Gift of God.
Mr. Robert Seaman, Secretary.
Mr. Gome Carew, Chief Searcher of mines.
OTHER GENTLEMEN
John Havercome, Master of ship, Gift of God.
Richard Seymour, Chaplain.
Edward Popham, nephew of George Popham.
Master Turner, Physician
John Hunt, Draftsman
Christopher Fortescue, Ship Master.
Other Persons.
Master Patterson, (killed by the Indians?)
Master Digby, Shipwright.
Approximately one hundred colonists included:
Soldiers, as at Jamestown, soldiers probably formed the largest
group.
Craftsmen - texts and the Hunt map lists shipwrights, carpenters,
a smith and a cooper.
Farmers - The garden place on the Hunt map suggests atleast
some of with farming abilities.
Traders - Probably not a separate occupational category but an
activity shared by many.
p.78 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
patent the source of the "Orders and Laws" now read to the colonists,
the writer doubtless had reference to the instructions of the King
promulgated November 20, 1606.1 for the government of the colonies.
These were prepared "for the good Order and Government of the two
several Colonies and Plantations to be made by our loving subjects
in the Country commonly called Virginia and America. A copy of these
insructions was furnished to the heads of both colonies, southern and
northern. The copy received by the Popham colonists has not been pre-
served.
Happily, however, the copy carried to Virginia by the Jamestown
colonists has come down to us in full, with its provisions for
orderly government, appointment of officers, administration of
justice, trial by jury, punishment of offenders, etc., the founda-
tion principles of the civil government which the colonists were to
organize.
First of all, these instructions established in England a "King's
council for Virginia", having full power to give directions for
governing the colonists "as near to the common laws of England
and the equity thereof as may be". This King's council was author-
ized to appoint for each colony a council and the council was made
the governing body of the colony. The president of the colony, serv-
ing one year, was appointed by the colonial council from its own
membership. His successor, in case of death, or absence, received
appointment from the Council, and for any just cause, the council
could remove the president from office. In cases of criminal
offense, the president and council pronounced judgement. Provision
was made for reprieve by the president and council, and for pardon,
by the King. The president and council also had the power to hear
and determine all civil causes. They could also, form time to time
"make and ordain such constitutions, ordinances and officers for
the better order, government and peace of the people", these always,
however, to be "in substance consonent under the laws of England,
or the equity thereof." Then follows these words:
Footnote. 1. Ib., I, 64-75
THE POPHAM COLONY.
p.79
"Furthermore, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby determine
and ordain, that every person and persons being our subjects of
every, the said colonies and plantations, shall from time to time
will entreat those savages in those parts, and use all good means
to draw the savages and heathen people of the said several places,
and of the territories and countries adjoining to the true service
and knowledge of God, and that all just, kind and charitable courses
shall be holden with them as shall conform themselves to any good &
sociable traffic and dealing with the subjects of us, our heirs and
successors, which shall be planted there, whereby they may be the
sooner drawn to the true knowledge of God and the obedience of us,
our heirs and successors, under such severe pains and punishments
as shall be inflicted by the same several presidents and councils
of the said several colonies, or the most part of them within their
several limits and precincts, on such as shall offend therein, or
do the contrary."
IN OTHER WORDS.
In other words, both the colonists and the Indians (natives) of the
country, in their mutual relations, were to be under a reign of law
that would aim to secure the rights and happiness of all. In the King's
instructions with reference to the government of the two colonies,
Virginia and Maine, the rights of the colonists, so far as personal
liberty is concerned, received no recognition.
The officers were to be elected by the King's council and not by
popular vote. Strachey, indeed, says that after the reading of the
laws under which the Popham colonists were now placed, George Popham,
gentleman, was nominated President.
Sworn Assistants.1
Captain Ralegh Gilbert
James Davies
Richard Seymour, preacher.
Captain Richard Davies
Captain Harlow.
Captain John Smith, however, puts the case very differently, when,
in referring to the Popham Colony in his "General History of New
England,2 he says;
SIR JOHN POPHAM
NORUMBEGA.
"That honorable patron of virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord Chief
Justice of England, in the year, 1606, procured means and men to
possess it (i.e. that part of America formerly called Norumbega,
Footnotes. 1. The Sagadahoc Colony, 67, note.
2. Richmond, Virginia, 1819, II, 173-4
p.80 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN GOME CAREW.
and sent Captain George Popham for President, Captain Rawleigh
Gilbert for admiral; Edward Harlow, Master of Ordinance; Captain
Robert Davis, sergeant major; Captain Ellis Best, as Marshall;
Master Leaman, as secretary; Captain James Davis to be Captain
of the fort - Master Gome Carew, as Chief Searcher."
The natural inference from these words is that the officers of
the colony were appointed in England by Sir John Popham. But the
name of the Chief Justice is not included in the list of members
of the "King's Council of Virginia" which appears in the in-
structions for the government of the colonies. In that council,
however, the Popham family was represented by Popham's son and
and heir, Sir Francis Popham.
Captain Smith, making the above Record in 1624, probably was in
error in implying that the officers of colony were appointed by
Sir John Popham. The latter's enthusiastic exertions in financing
the undertaking entitled him to honorable mention in any reference
to the northern colony, but unquestionably there is no ground for
the inference that the King's instructions were not strictly follow-
ed in the appointment of all the officers of the Popham Colony
SABINO HEAD.
On the following day, Thursday, August 20th, the whole company again
landed and work at once was commenced on the Fort that was to inclose
the colonist's settlement. It was a large earthwork, occupying the
level plot of ground at the northern extremity of Sabino head.
President Popham "set the first spit of ground". The rest followed,
and "labored hard in the trenches about it". As within the inclosure
necessary buildings were to be erected later for the use of the colon-
ists, there was need of busy endeavor in order to complete the work
before the winter opened.
On the next day, the colonists continued their work - some in the
trenches and others in the woods, preparing fagots for use in the
construction of the fort. Thus early, also, under the direction
of the head carpenter, those who were familiar with shipbuilding
repaired to the woods and commenced to cut timber for the con-
struction of a small vessel, which would be needed by the colonists
p.81 THE POPHAM COLONY.
on the return of the ship, Mary and John and the ship, Gift of God,
to England before the close of the year.
THE KENNEBEC
PEJEPSCOT - THE ANDROSCOGGIN.
SASANOA, INDIAN CHIEF, KENNEBEC INDIANS.
On Saturday, August 22, President Popham proceeded in his shallop
up the river as far as Merrymeeting Bay. From that large body of
water, in his former exploration, he had entered the Kennebec
river, and noted its characteristics and opportunities for trade
with the Indians. This time he turned westward from this point,
and entered the ancient Pejepscot, now the Androscoggin. Probably
he proceeded as far as the Falls at Brunswick. There, or at some
other part of the river, he held a parley with a body of Indians,
who informed him that they had been at war with Sasanoa, the chief
of the Kennebec Indians, and had slain his son. He learned that
Skidwarres and Nahanada were in this fight.
Having completed his exploration, Popham returned with his party
to the mouth of the river on the following day. With the new week
that opened, the colonists continued the work upon which they had
entered with so much energy and enthusiasm. Meanwhile, Captain Gil-
bert had in contemplation exploration to the westward after the re-
of President Popham.
SHIP COVE.
But unfavorable weather, however, delayed him until Friday, August
28, when, in his ship's boat with fifteen others, he sailed out of
the river and proceeded westward along the coast. Mention of "many
gallant islands", evidently the islands of Casco and Gilbert, and
his companions had before them, as in the afternoon, with a favor-
ing breeze, they sailed past these many wooded islands. That night,
the wind having now shifted and being strong against them, they
anchored under a sheltering headland called Semeamis. Because of
meager details in the 'Relation', the exact location of this head-
land cannot now be determined with certainty. Thayer, who has care-
fully sought for a location in the light of these scanty materials,
expresses the opinion that it is to be found on some part of Cape
Elizabeth, not far from Portland Head light, in what is known as
Ship Cover.1
Footnote. 1. The Sagadahoc Colony, 69, note.
p.82 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Richmond's Island.
The next morning, Captain Gilbert, against a strong head-wind,
continued his course along the coast. There was hard rowing in a
rough sea, and progress was slow. At length as the day drew to a
close, escaping the baffling billows that had assailed them so
many hours, they came to anchor under an island "two leagues from
the place" where they anchored the night before. The indications
are clear that this island was no other than Richmond's Island.
Here Gilbert remained until midnight, and then, the wind having
subsided, he and his companions left the island "in hope to have
gotten the place we desired". But soon after the wind again swept
down upon them - a strong wind from the southwest - and they were
compelled to return to the anchorage they had just left. Concerning
the desired place which Gilbert hoped to reach, there is no informa-
tion. Something, evidently, he had learned from Pring, or earlier
explorers, led him onward and the head-winds that beset him, and
drove him back, brought disappointment.
CASCO BAY AGAIN.
SAGADAHOC.
The next day was Sunday, and the southwest wind being favorable
for their return to the Sagadahoc, the baffled voyagers directed
their boat thitherward. Again they entered Casco Bay, and again,
the writer of the "Relation" extolled its "goodly islands.....
so thick and near together that you cannot well discern to number
them, yet may go in betwixt them in a good ship, for you shall have
never have less water than eight fathoms.
These islands are all overgrown with woods very thick as oaks, wal-
nut, pine trees & many other things growing as sarsaparilla, hazle
nuts and whorts in abundance". The return journey was successfully
made, and the mouth of the Sagadahoc was reached at the close of the
day. It was a very favorable run from Richmond's Island.
Attention was now given not only to work on the fort, but also to
the erection of a storehouse within the inclosure. Any relation with
their Indian neighbors was a matter of very great interest. On the
first day of September, a canoe was discovered approaching the fort,
but its occupants, when at the shore, acted warily, not allowing more
than a single colonist to come near at a
p.83 THE POPHAM COLONY.
time. The writer of the "Relation" makes mention of two "great
kettles of brass" that he saw in the canoe, an evidence apparently
of earlier trading relations with European fishing and trading
vessels on the coast.
Nahanada and Skidwarres.
PEMAQUID
A few days later, September 5th, nine Indian canoes entered the
river from the eastward. They contained about forty men, women &
children, and among them were Nahanada and Skidwarres. All were
kindly welcomed and entertained. The larger part of the visitors,
after a while, withdrew to the opposite side of the river and made
their camp there. But Skidwarres and another Indian remained with
the colonists until night. Then, as both wished to join their own
people, Captain Gilbert and two other officers conveyed them across
the river and stayed that night with the Indians who were to depart
in the morning. When, at that time, the Indians set out on their re-
turn to Pemaquid, Gilbert obtained from them a promise that on a
certain day, agreed upon by both parties, they would accompany him
to the place on the Penobscot River where the "bashabe", or the
principle Chief of the region resided.
This promise evidently gave great satisfaction to the colonists,
and strengthened the hope that thus early strong, friendly relat-
ions would be opened with one of the most powerful of the neighbor-
ing Indian tribes. Accordingly, three days later, Tuesday, Sept.
8th, Gilbert, accompanied by twenty-two others, started eastward,
taking with them various kinds of merchandise for traffic with the
Indians. But again the wind was contrary and in waiting for more
favorable weather conditions, they delayed so long that they were
not able to reach Pemaquid at the appointed time.
When they finally came to the place, the Indians, whom they were
to meet, and who were to conduct them to the "bashabe", had left.
They found "no living creature." They all were gone from thence."
This is a noteworthy record in the book, "Relation", inasmuch
as it furnishes information with reference to conditions existing
at Pemaquid at that time. Indians were its only inhabitants, and
they had now left. If Gilbert and his men, in their
p.84 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
search for the Indians, found at Pemaquid any traces of other in-
habitants or of an earlier European civilization 1, they failed to
record the fact. Early references to Pemaquid make mention only
of Indian occupation.
But Gilbert and his companions, disappointed in not finding the
Indians, and especially Nahanada and Skidwarres, did not abandon
the expedition, but sailing round Pemaquid Point, Gilbert direct-
ed his boat to the eastward in the hope of reaching, by water, the
seat of the "bashabe" upon the Penobscot river. Three days were
spent in this endeavor, but the river did not open to them in that
time and their food supply not warranting a farther search, the ex-
plorers were at length compelled to turn about and make their way
back to their companions at the mouth of the Sagadahoc.
Meanwhile the storehouse within the fort had been so far completed
that September 7, the removal of supplies from the ship, Mary and
John began. But work on the fort was not discontinued.
Footnote.1. The "Commissioners in Charge of the remains of the
Ancient Fortification at Pemaquid" in their report, dated Dec. 13,
1901, say (p.3): "The remants of a well populated and well-built
town, with paved streets, now quite below the surface of the present
cultivated soil - the date of which establishment has not yet been
discovered - show that this was also in very early times occupied with
intention of permanence." The reason for this non-discovery is found
in the fact that research is made where nothing is to be found, if by
"very early times" is meant some period prior to the Popham Colony.
In connection with their report, the commissioners print a "Memorial"
submitted by the Honorable R. K. Sewall, who refers to "marked re-
mains and relics of Spanish occupation".
Members of the Popham Colony visited Pemaquid on four different
occasions, but make no mention of indications of earlier "Spanish
occupation" or any other occupation than Indians, nor did the Indians
call their attention to "marked remains"; neither did such careful
explorers as Pring, de Monts, Champlain, Captain John Smith and
others make any mention of such remains. In connection with the
construction of Fort William Henry (1692) a very substantial struct-
ure", i.e., "paved streets", i.e., good roadway approaches to the
fort, were doubtless made, or in 1729, when upon the ruins of Fort
Henry (destroyed in 1696) Fort Frederic was built. This last strong
fortification was demolished in the American Revolution, in order
that it might not become a British stronghold. With the utter over-
throw of these Pemaquid fortifications, and "paved streets" made in
connection with them, naturally disappeared.
p.85 THE POPHAM COLONY.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The season, however, was advancing so rapidly that it seemed de-
sirable to make a more extended exploration of the river before
it should be closed in by ice. Accordingly, September 23, Gilbert
and nineteen others started "for the head of the river of Sagada-
hock". For two days and a part of a third day, the course of the
Kennebec was followed as far as the falls at Augusta. With come
difficulty these were successfuly passed, and Gilbert and his
companiions ascended the river about a league farther. But night
coming on they landed and went into camp. The evening had not far
advanced when their rest was disturbed by a call in broken English
from some Indians on the opposite side of the river. A response was
made, but the strangers soon withdrew and the night passed without
added interruptiion. The use of broken English by these savages in-
dicated an earlier contact with Englishmen in American waters. Poss-
ibly this was in the preceding year when Hanham and Pring were on the
coast. It is perhaps more probable that the "broken English" of these
Indians was the result of trading relations with English fishermen,
whose vessels had visited American waters from the opening of the
century, or at least shortly after its opening.
On the following morning, Saturday, September 26, four Indians
appeared and made themselves known as the Indians who had called
to them from the opposite side of the river the evening beford.
INDIAN, SEBANOA, LORD OF THE RIVER OF SAGADAHOCK.
Evidently they had received information of the progress of Gilbert
and his men up the river, and wished to learn the significance of
presence of the visitors. One of the four announced himself as
"Sebanoa, Lord of the river of Sagadahock."
This detailed history closes here, in
the manuscript "RELATION"
With this announcement, the manuscript "Relation" followed in
this narrative thus far, abruptly closes at the bottom of a page.
There can be little, if any doubt whatever, that originally there
were added pages which in some way became detached, and so were
finally lost in the vicissitudes through which the manuscript
passed before it found a safe resting place in the library of
Lambeth Palace, England. The story of the Popham Colony that is
found in
p.86 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
William Strachey's Historie of Travaile into Virginia, follows so
closely the book, "Relation" to this point as to leave little doubt
from the character of the rest of the story, that Strachey had all
the missing pages of the manuscript before him, while writing his
own narrative.
As there is reason to believe that the manuscript - doubtless pre-
pared for the information of the patrons of the enterprise - was
continued only to October 6, 1607, the probable date of the sailing
of the Mary and John for England, the loss is not a great one, and
happily is in part, at least, supplied by Strachey's narrative,
supplemented from other sources than those available now.
TREACHEROUS ACTS OF DUPLICITY BY INDIAN, SEBANOA.
GILBERT.
Strachey's narrative continues the story of Gilbert's interview
with Sebanoa, recording acts of duplicity and treachery on the
part of the Kennebec Indians as well as the acts of kindness and
good will. Gilbert seems to have conducted himself with tact and
discretion under circumstances that were full of peril to himself
and to his party. It was his declared purpose in the exploration
to go "to the head of the river", but the rapids he had now reach-
ed made progress difficult. His experiences with the Indians, also,
had been by no means what he desired. At all events he now abandon-
ed further advance up the river and, having erected a Cross at the
highest point he had reached, he set out on his return to the settle-
ment. On the way down the river, search was made for the "river of
some note called the Sasanoa", by which plainly was meant the tidal
river that connects the Kennebec opposite the town of Bath, with
the waters of Sheepscot Bay. Concerning this inland passage into
the Sagadahoc, information doubtless had been received from Indians
they had met in interviews already mentioned; but though Gilbert and
his party looked for it carefully, a fog at length settled down upon
them and they were obliged to make their way homeward as best they
could.
They reached the Fort on September 29th. September 30th and October
1st and 2nd, all were busy about the fort. On the ship, Mary and John,
as well, now nearly ready to sail on her return voyage to England,
there were doubtless many evidences of preparations for the voyage.
September 3, Skidwarres, crossing the river in a
p.87 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE - THE POPHAM COLONY.
INDIANS, NAHANADA, BROTHER OF BASHABLE.
canoe, brought a message to President Popham, saying that Nahanada,
also Bashabe's brother, and other Indians, were on the opposite side
of the river, and would visit the colonists on the following day.
INDIANS NAHANADA, HIS WIFE, SKIDWARRES AND INDIAN CHIEF, AMENQUIN.
This they did, two canoes conveying the party, which included
Nahanada and his wife, Skidwarres, the bashabe's brother, and an
Indian Chief called Amenquin.
Popham entertained his guests with kindness and generosity during
two days, the last day being Sunday, on which "with great reverence
and silence" the Indians attended the religious services of the
colonists both morning and evening. With the exception of Amenquin,
all the Indians departed on Monday, October 6, and on this date, the
daily journal in Strachey's narrative ends. This abrupt suspension
of the daily record of the Popham colony gives probability to the
influence that it was brought to a close because of the sailing of
the British ship, Mary and John, about this date; the journal having
been kept apparently for the purpose of affording the patrons of the
colony, in England, eagerly awaited information at the earliest possi-
ble opportunity. As the plan of Fort St. George, already mentioned,
bears the inscription "taken out on the 8th of October, 1607", it is
possible that in these few words is recorded the exact date on which
the ship, Mary and John sailed out of the river, homeward bound.1
The Mary and John arrived in the harbor at Plymouth, England, on the
first day of December. No one with a deeper personal interest welcomed
the tidings the Mary and John brought from the colonists, than Sir
Ferdinando Gorges.
THE JOURNAL WAS, "GREAT NEWS".
The Journal was placed in his hand, and added information with rever-
ence to the colony was communicated by the officers of the vessel. It
was "great news", and the commander of the Fort at Plymouth late that
very night - evidently having spent the preceding hours in personal
interviews with the returning voyages - hastened to make known to
Secretary Cecil at Hatfield House the information he had received.2
Footnotes. 1. Thayer, Sagadahoc Colony, 192-196, was a valuable
paper on the "Movements of the ships". 2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges
and his Province of Maine, III, 154-157.
p.88 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
A FERTILE COUNTRY WITH GALLANT RIVERS.
The colonists, he wrote, had successfully established themselves in
a fertile country, with gallant rivers, stately harbors and a people
(Indians) tractable, if only they were discreetly dealty with. To be
sure, the ship, Mary and John, had brought no such cargo as would
satisfy the expectation of those who had furnished the funds for fin-
ancing the undertaking, and this fact, he said, might be used to the
disadvantage of the enterprise, but it should be remembered, he added,
that the colonists during the two monts following their arrival at
the mouth of the Sagadahoc had been busily engaged in establishing
themselves in a secure position there. But this was not the whole
story, and Gorges was compelled to add that already among the colon-
ists there were discordant elements, occasioned by the "defect and
want of understanding of some of those employed, to perform what
they were directed unto, from whence there did not only proceed con-
fusion, but, through pride and arrogancy, faction and private reso-
lution, concerning which, he would inform his Lordship more fully at
another time.
But though Gorges evidently was considerably discouraged on account
of the reported condition of things among the colonists, he had no
difficulty in finding excellent reasons why his associates in the
enterprise should not steadfastly resolve to follow it up with
energy and hopefulness. Such reasons he found in "the boldness of
the coast, the easiness of navigation, the fertility of the soil,
and the several sorts of commodities that they are assured the
country to yield, namely, fish in the season in great plenty, all
along the coast mastidge for ships, goodly oak trees and cedars
with infinite other sorts of trees, rosin, hemp, grapes very fair
and excellently good, whereof they have already made wine, much
like the claret that comes out of France; rich furs, if they can
keep the Frenchmen from the trade; and as for metals, they can
say nothing, but they are confident there is in the country, if
they had the means to seek for it, neither could they go so high
as the alum mines are which the savages do assured them there is
great plenty of". The manufacture of alum from pyritic shale was
at that time exciting public interest not only in England but upon
the
p.89 THE POPHAM COLONY.
MAINE'S PYRITIC SHALE - ALUM.
SAGADAHOC.
-1607-
continent; and the fact that thus early the colonists satisfied
themselves of the existence of deposits of pyritic shale in the
Sagadahoc country was one expecially welcome to Gorges.1
Popham.
In a second letter to Cecil, dated December 3, 1607,2 Gorges
gives fuller expression to the reports he had received with re-
ference to the general confusion already existing among the colo-
nists. President Popham, he described as "an honest man, but old
and of an unwieldly body, and timorously fearful to offend or
contest with others that will or do oppose him; but otherwise a
discreet, careful man".
Gilbert.
Concerning Gilbert, the second in command, Gorges says he is de-
scribed by those who returned in the ship, Mary and John, as "de-
sirous of supremacy and rule, a loose life, prompt to sensuality,
little zeal in religion, humorous, headstrong and of small judge-
ment and experience, other ways he is valiant enough".
REVEREND ROBERT SEYMOUR.
Of the other officials, the preacher, Reverend Robert Seymour,
was especially commended "for his pains in his place and his
honest endeavors.
CAPTAIN ROBERT DAVIES & DR. TURNER.
Honorable mention is also made of Captain Robert Davies and Mr.
Turner, the Company's physician. But of the colonists in general,
little was said. Evidently they were regarded by Gorges as unfit
for employment in such an undertaking. "childish factions" had al-
ready developed among them.
Naturally, Gorges was disturbed on account of this condition of
things in the new colony; and he expresses to Cecil the wish that
the King, "unto whom by right the conquest of kingdoms doth appert-
ain", would take the matter into his own hands, and so not allow the
project to fail. Delicacy did not allow Gorges to withhold the
suggestion that in case this were done he would be "most happy to
receive such employment" from the King as his highness shall deem
him fitted, and he had no doubt that, with
Footnotes. 1. "Large deposits of pyritic shale, or more popularly
alum stone, exist near the Sagadahoc. It occurs at the mouth of
Sprague's river, near Small Point, in Georgetown; and an extens-
ive belt of it extends through the towns of Lisbon and Litchfield.
On Jewell's Island, alum has been successfully manufactured from
pyritic shales within a recent period." Baxter, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and his Province of Maine, III, 156, note. 2. Ib., III,
158-160.
p.90 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"very little changes", he would be able "to bring to pass infinite
things".
In all probability Cecil laid before the King this discouraging
report. We have no reason to believe, however, that it gave the
easy-going monarch any part of that deep anxiety that disquieted
his devoted servant in command of the fort at Plymouth; and Gorge's
suggestion concerning the man for the hour evidently received no
consideration whatever. But there was occasion for anxiety, as
Gorges well knew. If, as he desired, government assistance in
supporting the colony could not be obtained, there was no lack of
whole-heartedness in his continued endeavors to render all possi-
ble aid with reference to English colonization in the new world.
Information concerning affairs at the mouth of the Sagadahoc after
the departure of the ship, Mary and John, is derived for the most
part from Strachey's narrative; but such information is exceed-
ingly meagre. The colonists, he says, finished the fort and for-
tified it with twelve pieces of ordnance. They also built fifty
houses within the inclosure, besides a church and a storehouse.
In this mention of the number of houses erected by the colonists
there is evidently an error. No such number was required for pre-
sent occupancy. Moreover, the plan of the fort found in the library
at Simancas, which apparently was drawn with reference to complete-
ness of design, shows not a third of the number of buildings mention-
ed by Strachey. To have completed, before winter set in, even the
number indicated on the plan, would have required a force of work-
men far beyond that which was at Popham's command. The most that
was attempted, doubtless, was to provide for the colonists as com-
fortable quarters as the means at their disposal admitted.
Added information with reference to the colonists is furnished in a
letter1 written by Gorges on February 7, 1608, to Secretary Cecil,
informing him of the arrival of the ship, Gift of God, in the harbor
of Plymouth. Probably the date of the letter is the date of the
arrival of
Footnote. 1. Ib., III, 161-164.
p.91 THE POPHAM COLONY.
ship, The Gift, as Gorges was not likely to lose any time in con-
verying to the government this latest intelligence from the mouth
of the Sagadahoc. First of all, he refers to the severity of the
cold at Sagadahoc, by which the colonists had been sorely pinched,
although it was probably not later than the middle of December when
the ship, Gift's return-voyage was commenced and the winter then was
only in its early stages. The health of the colonists, however, was
good.
But the troubles among them which had appeared even before the de-
parture of the ship, Mary and John, were still operative, and Gorges
was compelled to report "idle proceedings" and the existence of "divi-
sions", "factions", each "disgracing the other, even to the savages".1
The picture was a dark one and might have been made even darker. Cer-
tainly Gorges could have found in the report, little encouragement,
either to himself or Cecil, with reference to the success of an under-
taking to which he had given his best endeavors.
In fact, his only hopes in connection with English colonixation upon
American soil seemed now to hang upon the King, "the chief spring from
of our happiness...who at the last must reap the benefit of all our
travail, as of right it belongs unto him"; and so he urges upon the
secretary careful consideration of the whole matter, adding his own
public and private reasons in seeking to extend the glory of England
beyond the sea - namely "the certainty of the commodities that may be
had from so fertile a soil as that is, when it shall be peopled, as
well for building of shipping, having all things rising in the place
werewith to do it." This, also, would be for "the increase of the
King's navy, the breeding of mariners, the employment of his people,
filling the world with expectation and satisfying his subjects
Footnote.1. Thayer (The Sagadahoc Colony, 205-211) has a very care-
fully prepared paper on the "Character of the Colonists". The review
he presents is unfavorable. After quoting various writers he says
(212): "In the dim reflected light of these few expressions, we get
a blurred but not wholly misleading view of the colonists, as at
least in part, a low class of men, of light weight in character by
former practices, or by reaction from former pressure of severe ad-
ministration of law, inclined to be lawless and emulous of base and
wicked deeds."
p.92 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
with hopes, who now are sick in despair and in time will grow
desperate through necessity." Moreover, to abandon American
colonization would afford an opportunity for others to seize the
prize, which England might have. "At this instant", adds Gorges,
"the French are in hand with the natives to practice upon us,
promising them, if they will put us out of the country, and not
trade with none of ours, they will come unto them", etc. "The
truth is", he adds, "this place is so stored with excellent har-
bors and so bold a coast, as it is able to invite any actively
minded endeavor the possessing thereof, if it were only to keep
it out of the hands of others". These words of Gorges indicate
a strong and even statesmanlike group upon problems that had much
to do with the future of the Island kingdom; and they admirably
illustrate the prevalent thought and purpose of those best in-
formed in England, not only then but in the generations that follow-
ed, until the inspiring dream of England's hold upon American soil
had finally been realized.
Of course, in the present state of affairs at the mouth of the
Sagadahoc, if anything was to be done by the government, it must be
done quickly; and Gorges suggests to Cecil that the King furnish for
the undertaking "one of his middle sort of ships, with a small pinn-
ace, and withal to give his letters, and commission, to countenance
and authorize the worthy enterpriser". This would put new life into
the colony, and Gorges, ready to serve his sovereign and the country,
declared his willingness to take command for the discovery of the
whole American coast "from the first to the second colony".
FORTY-FIVE REMAINED AFTER GIFT OF GOD SAILED FOR ENGLAND.
In this letter to Cecil, Gorges makes no mention of the fact that
a part of the colonists returned to England on the ship, the Gift
of God. Purchas, however, in his Pilgrimes, published in 1614,
says in his reference to the Popham colony that "forty-five re-
mained there, after the departure of the ship Gift of God, and
refers to a letter written by President Popham as his authority
for the statement. Captain John Smith, in his General History of
New England, published then years later (1624) says, "they were glad
to send all but forty-five of
A photocopy of the letter to King James by
Pesident Popham, December 13, 1607.
p.93 THE POPHAM COLONY.
their company back again". As none of the colonists returned in
the ship, Mary and John, so far as is known, the reference must be
to the colonists who returned in the ship, the Gift of God. Such a
lessening of the number of the colonists before even a single winter
had passed was the most discouraging fact which the arrival of the
gift revealed to Gorges, and he had heart to make it known to Cecil
in this first report of the arrival of the second vessel.1.
One added report from the colony is found in a letter to King James
written by President Popham, December 13, 1607.2 Gorges makes no
reference to it and of its existence there was no knowledge until
it was discovered a little more than half a century ago by George
Bancroft, the historian, while making some researches in the Records
Office in London. The letter was written in Latin that cannot be
called classic, and abounds in those flattering, adulatory words and
phrases that were so pleasing to the heart of the King. Popham makes
no mention of discouraging circumstances. He had no reference even to
the winter cold that had chilled so thoroughly the interest of so many
of the colonists. It is his "well-considered" opinion "that in these
regions the glory of God may easily be evidenced", the empire enlarged,
and its welfare speedily augmented. His report concerning the pro-
ducts of the country, however, is not so well considered; for he in-
forms the King that "there are in these parts shagbarks, nutmegs and
cinna, besides pine wood and brazilian cochineal and ambergris, with
many other products, and these in the greatest abundance".
Allowance must be made for the exaggeration of enthusiasm, but evid-
ently the president's nutmegs, cinnamon and Brazilian cochineal were
the products of excited imaginations.
February 5, 1608, two days before Gorges wrote to Cecil concerning
the arrival of the ship, the Gift of God, President Popham died.
Gilbert and the remaining colonists doubtless gave him fitting
Footnotes.1. There is a very full statement concerning the "Colonists
Sent Back" in Thayer's Sagadahoc Colony, 197-199. 2. Thayer, The
Sagadahoc Colony, pp. 116-119. The letter and a translation by
Leonard Woods, D.D., President of Bowdoin College, were printed in
1857 in the Maine Historical Society's Collections, Series I, 5, 344-
360.
p.94 BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
burial within the enclosure of Fort St. George. Georges says, "he
had long been an infirm man". High aims and purposes, however,
still animated him. He was not one who whould turn back in any
worthy enterprise. The opportunity for securing for his King and
Country a stronghold upon the American continent, he clearly saw,
and he embraced it with whatever of toil and hardship it might
bring to him personally. We have no information concerning his
last days. No other member of the Colony died from sickness that
winter. In fact, the health of the colonists throughout that winter
season was exceedingly good. In all probability on account of his
extreme age, the leader of the enterprise was ill-prepared to en-
dure the exposures to which an unusually severe winter subjected him
and his followers.1 Whether, however, the end came suddenly, or after
prolonged illness, Popham manfully fulfilled all the duties devolving
upon him as the head of the colony, and worthily finished his course.
Gorges, writing many years afterward, paid beautiful tribute to
Popham's steadfast loyalty to God and native land, in the words:
"However heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in acting some-
thing that might be serviceable to God and honorable to his country."
Meanwhile Gorges, Sir Francis Popham and others, were busily employ-
ed in securing supplies and forwarding them to the colonists at the
mouth of the Sagadahoc. Writing to Cecil March 20, 1608, Gorges said2
"As concerning our plantation, we have found the means to encourage
ourselves anew, and have sent two ships from Topsham for the supplies
of those that be there, with victuals and other necessaries, having
set down the means how we shall be able, by May next, to send one more
of two hundred tons".
Footnotes. 1. A bit of information concerning the hard experiences
of the Popham colonists that winter is mentioned by Gorges in his
"Briefe Narration", in the statement that during the winter the
store house and most of their provisions were burned." Baxter, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 15. In the "Rela-
tion", published in 1622 by the Council for New England, it is
stated that "their lodgings" also were burnt. 2. Baxter, Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 16. 3. Ib., III, 165.
p.95 THE POPHAM COLONY.
The two vessels thus despatched brought to the colonists the intel-
ligence of the death of Sir John Popham in the preceding June. This
was a loss as unexpected as it was severe. But the welcome arrival
of these two ships with abundant supplies was ample testimony to the
fact that the colonists still had in England ardent friends of the
enterprise. In the reports that have come down to us concerning the
arrival of these two vessels, there is no mention of any increase in
the membership of the colony by recruits from England. Gorges refers
to supplies only. Of course there was need of these; but it was not
by any means the only need of the men, who, notwithstanding past dis-
couragements, were loyally sustaining Sagadahoc interests; and it is
impossible to think of any such gathering of supplies by Gorges and
his associates that was not at the same time accompanied by the most
earnest efforts to reinforce the little company of forty-five left
with Popham and Gilbert on the departure fo the ship, Gift of God, in
the middle of December. Such efforts, however, seem to have been un-
successful.1
But the affairs of the colonists brightened with the arrival of the
two vessels from England. The winter with its cold and its storms
was behind them. Gilbert had succeeded George Popham as President of
the colony. The Virginia had been launched and was ready for service.
With the promise of a third vessel and added supplies soon to be on
their way, the outlook for the future of the colony was certainly a
more favorable one. Evidently neither on the part of the supporters
in England, nor on the part of the leaders of the enterprise at Fort
St. George, was the possible abandonment of the undertaking in any way
under consideration.
Concerning the condition of affairs under the direction of Gilbert,
we have no information whatever. All we know is that his
Footnote.1 "No evidence whatever shows subsequent accessions to
the depleted company....The several writers make references to a
new supply furnished, necessaries to supply them, ships sent back
with supplies....but there is joined no word respecting men also,
whether laborers, mechanics, planters or persons for special duty."
Thayer, Sagadahoc Colony, p.198.
p.96 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. 1602-1658.
Death of Sir John Gilbert, July 5, 1608.
presidency was brought to an unexpected end by the tidings brought
to the Sagadahoc by the third vessel despatched thither. When Gorges,
March 20, wrote to Secretary Cecil concerning this third vessel, he
thought it might be ready to sail in May, but for some reason unknown,
there was a delay in the preparation for the voyage, and in all proba-
bility the vessel did not leave England until July. This is a well-
founded inference from the fact that Sir John Gilbert, the elder
brother of President Ralegh Gilbert, died July 5, 1608.1 The third
vessel, bringing this intelligence to President Gilbert, could not
have left England before that date.
THE COMPLETE ABANDONMENT OF ST. GEORGE.
Probably there was not much added delay in despatching the vessel,
and if this was the fact the arrival of the vessel must be placed
about the first of September, or a little later. President Gilbert
was his brother's heir, and on account of the large personal inter-
ests involved in this fact, it became necessaary for him to make
preparations for an early return to England. The situation was a
peculiar one. Among the little company remaining there was no one
who possessed the requisite qualifications for the successful
administration of the affairs of the colony. To continue the enter-
prise, therefore, seemed out of the question. Accordingly, the
complete abandonment of St. George and all for which it stood,
followed, and preparations at once were made for dismantling the
fort and removing the ordnance and stores to the vessels anchored
near by. How much time was required in accomplish this transfer is
not known. In all probability the embarkation of the colonists
occurred as early as the close of September.
In the records that have come down to us concerning the return of
the colonists, there is not a hint that the departure brought any
sorrow or even disappointment to those who constituted the great
body of Gilbert's Company. Their interest in the undertaking was
of the slightest kind. In all probability, the experiences of a
single winter at the mouth of the Sagadahoc made welcome to them
the opportunity to return thus early to more desirable conditions
of life in their native England. Far otherwise was it with
Footnote.1. The Sagadahoc Colony, 195.
p.97 THE POPHAM COLONY.
THREE VESSELS ARRIVE HOME AT PLYMOUTH, ENGLAND.
Gorges and other steadfast friends of English colonization in
America, when about the close of November, or early in December,
the three vessels arrived at Plymouth Harbor, and announced the
abandonment of the colony.
This was chilling information, and years afterward, Gorges, in re-
ferring to its effect upon himself and other patrons of the under-
taking, could only say, "all our former hopes were frozen to death."2
The collapse of the colony was complete. Strachey says: "all embarked,
and set sail for England."3
Why was not the Popham Colony assigned to a more southerly location
on the American coast, one in which the colonists would have avoided
that severity of the winter season to which they were unaccustomed in
their homes in England? Certainly it was not from any lack of know-
ledge concerning the unfavorable conditions in which they found them-
selves after the location of the colony.
Nor was it because of insufficient information with reference to
the characterr of the country farther down the coast. There had
been careful exploration of the territory to the southward as far
nearly as Narragansett Bay (Rhode Island) Pring, whose explorations
largely determined the location of the Popham colony, was familiar
with the coast as far as Massachusetts bay. What advantage, then,
Footnotes.1. The pinnace was one of the vessels of the fleet that
sailed from England to the southern colony in 1609.
2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his ship, Province of Maine,
II, 17. 3. The Sagadahoc Colony, 85, 86. Baxter's Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 17. In "A Description of New
England, obtained in England by Mr. Henry F. Waters, and published in
the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, January, 1885,
we get a glimpse of the remains of Fort St. George at a little later
period. The description is supposed to have been written about 1660
by Samuel Maverick, who came to this country in 1624, which is thought
to be the approximate date of the visit. He says: "Three leagues dis-
tant from Damerell's Cove is Sagadahock at the mouth of the Kennebeck
river, on which place the Lord Popham's people settled about fifty
years since, but soon after deserted it and returned to England;
I found roots and garden herbs and some old walls there, when I
first went over, which showed it to be the place where they had
been."
p.98 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
had the location at the mouth of the Sagadahoc over places in a
more congenial climate?
Evidently one of the determining factors in its selection was the
great value of the fisheries in the immediate vicinity of Fort St.
George. The early explorers on the coast, in their printed reports,
and much more by word of mouth, had called attention to the rich re-
turns that these fisheries promised. English fishermen also were al-
ready acquainted to some extent with the fishing privileges in these
waters. Those who were especially interested in the establishment
of the colony were merchants of Plymouth and Bristol, long connected
with fishing interests and attracted hither by the reports of the
greater abundance of fish on the American coast. Certainly, these
fishing grounds had a value that could not be overestimated. France
was endeavoring to seize and hold these grounds, but England claimed
them and their possession was deemed worthy of a supreme effort on
the part of the English nation.
Another determining factor in the location of the Popham colony is
to be found in the opportunity that the river Sagadahoc offered for
profitable trade with the Indians, especially in valuable furs. There
was no such opportunity farther down the coast.
From a commercial point of view, therefore, the location of the
Popham Colony seems to have been amply justified.
Why then, did the colony fail? Primarily, the death of the Pophams,
Sir John in England and Captain George, the president of the colony,
at Fort St. George, was a heavy stroke, inasmuch as among the other
colonists, no one could be found, who was capable of taking Gilbert's
place. This statement however, reveals only partially the diffi-
culties of the situation. Not only were the Popham colonists generally
lacking in those sturdy qualities that such an enterprise demands, but
if we may accept the testimony that is furnished by contemporary
writers, the company comprised the vagrant and dissolute to such an
extent that Gorges is
p.99 THE POPHAM COLONY.
believed to have stated the fact midly when he wrote, that they were
"not such as they ought". Indeed, as later he reflected upon the dis-
astrous ending of the undertaking, he felt, and had reason for feel-
ing, that if he and others interested in American colonization would
achieve success in connection with their desires and endeavors,
"there must go other manner of spirits" than were found so largely
in the Sagadahoc colony.1
Footnote.1. The tercentenary of the landing of the Popham colony was
celebrated by the Maine Historical Society, August 29, 1907. It was
one of the fairest and brightest of summer days. The site of Fort St.
George was first visited. The literary exercises that followed were
held in the Popham Beach village meetinghouse. Addresses were de-
livered by Honorable James P. Baxter, President of the Society, and
Professor Henry L. Chapman of Bowdoin College. A poem, The Virginia
of Sagadahoc, by Mr. Harry L. Koopman, Librarian of Brown University,
was read by Reverend Dr. John Carroll Perkins of Portland, Maine.
On the rocky eminence overlooking the site of Fort St. George, and
a part of the fort enclosure, a memorial had been placed with this
inscription:
THE FIRST ENGLISH COLONY
ON THE SHORES OF NEW ENGLAND
WAS FOUNDED HERE
AUGUST 29, N.S. 1607
UNDER GEORGE POPHAM
The Memorial was unveiled by Mrs. William Addison Houghton, Presi-
dent of the Maine Society of Colonial Dames, and Mr. Fritz H. Jor-
dan, Governor of the Maine Society of Colonial Wars; and addresses
were made by the Reverend Henry S. Burrage, D.D., and Mr. Fritz H.
Jordan. Following the unveiling, the U. S. Revenue Cutter, at her
anchorage north of the site of Fort St. George, fired a governor's
salute in honor of George Popham, the first governor of the Popham
Colony - who died at Fort St. George and was buried within the en-
closure.
p.100 CHAPTER VII.
THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
So great, however, was the disappointment in England over the fail-
ure of the Popham Colony, that the adventurers in the enterprise made
no attempt to renew the undertaking. As Gorges says, the colonists had
branded the plantation "as being over cold, and in respect of that,
not habitable by our nation." Besides, he says, "they understood it
to be a task too great for particular persons to undertake". This
also seems to have been the opinion of Gorges, who would have the
King manifest an interest in American colonization as a matter of
national importance. England, as a growing power, was not playing
the influential part in matters across the sea, which in his view,
the opportunity demanded. In fact, Gorges, who had had high hopes
for the future of his nation in connection with the opening of the
new world, was for a time utterly cast down because of this lack of
interest in England in extending the national domain. It was a de-
pressing thought that he could not find the men who were willing to
second him in an attempt to revive the colony. But though cast down,
he was not destroyed, "not doubting", he says, "but God would effect
that which man despaired of"1. As for the coldness of the climate
at Sagadahoc, he said, he had had too much experience in the world
to be frightened by such a blast, "as knowing many great kingdoms
and large territories more northerly seated and by many degrees
colder"; and so, though others abandoned hope, he would not.2. If
organized effort had failed, however, there was still an opportunity
for individual enterprise; and Gorges makes mention of Sir Francis
Popham,
Footnotes.1 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 17.
2. Ib., II, 18.
p.101 THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
Sir John's only son and successor, who, "having the ships and provi-
sions which remained of the northern company and supplying what was
necessary for his purpose, sent divers times to the coast for trade
and fishing", but his endeavors likewise proved fruitless; so that,
as Gorges says, Sir Francis "was necessitated at last to sit down
with the loss he had already undergone".
It was Gorges greatest anxiety with reference to English interests
in America, however, that while England was neglecting the opportun-
ity for planting colonies on the northern American coast, France,
disappointed at the failure of de Monts' colony at St. Croix Island,
would now make a new and stronger effort to secure a foothold.
What Gorges forsaw, and naturally greatly deprecated, soon happened;
"the Frenchmen", he says, "immediately took the opportunity to settle
themselves within our limits"1.
The reference is to such facts as are recorded in the book Relation2
of Father Pierre Biard of the Society of Jesus. Sieur de Monts'
entire company, abandoning Port Royal, and returning to France in
October, 1607, preceded the return of the Popham Colony to England.
Even before de Monts left Port Royal, Jean de Biencourt (de Poutrin-
court) requested a gift of that place, which de Monts granted, stipu-
lating only "that within the two succeeding years, Sieur de Poutrin-
court should go there with several other families to cultivate and in-
habit it, which he promised to do".2
The deed of gift was made, and Poutrincourt laid it before Henry IV,
requesting him to ratify it. The king acceded, and in the interest
of mission work among the Indians, in connection with colonial under-
takings, he appealed to the head of the Jesuit order for the appoint-
ment of missionary priests to accompany the expedition. Toward the end
of 1608, such an appointment was received by Father Biard, then a
teacher of theology in Lyons;
Footnotes. 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I. 207.
2. The Relation, in both French text and English translation, com-
prises volumes III and IV of the Jesuit Relations and Allied Docu-
ments, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, and published by the Burrows
Brothers, Cleveland, Ohio, 1897. 3. The Jesuit Relations, III, 161.
p.102 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
but on repairing to Bordeaux as directed, he found he had been as
much "deceived in regard to the place, as the time".1
About a year later Poutrincourt appeared in Paris, and the King,
learning to his surprise that he had not left France, addressed
him with such severity of words and manner that Pontrincourt has-
tened to make preparations for the voyage. Father Biard again
offered the services of himself and others of his Order in conn-
ection with the expedition; but evidently adverse to the presence
of missionaries in the colony, Poutrincourt advised him to await
developments on the American coast, saying "that as soon as he
arrived at Port Royal, he would send his son back to France, and
that with him all things being better arranged, such persons should
come as it might please the King to send".2
Poutrincourt finally sailed toward the end of February, 1610, and
arrived at Port Royal about the beginning of June. When, however,
the son returned to France, and failed to fulfill the promise of
his father concerning the Jesuit missionaries, Madam de Guercheville3
who had become much interested in the religious work among the Indians
took the matter in hand with the result that Father Pierre Biard and
Father Enemond Masse were able to make arrangements for their de-
parture. There were still added delays, it is true; but at length
they were received on board a small vessel that sailed from Dieppe,
January 26, 1611, and arrived at Port Royal on June 22, following.
The little colony was found to be in straits even with the supplies
that the newly arrived vessel brought; and Poutrincourt, about the
middle of July, sailed for France, leaving his son, Bien-
Footnotes. 1. The Jesuit Relations, III, 163. 2. Ib., III, 165.
3. She was a lady of honor to Marie de Medici, the Queen of France,
and is characterized by John Fiske in his New France and New England
(74,75) as one whom King Henry IV "wooed in vain". She had purchased
all the rights and claims of de Monts to lands in Acadia, and she had
also obtained from the boy King, Louis XIII, a grant of all the terri-
tory between the river St. Lawrence and Florida. Father Biard refers
to her as "ardently zealous for the glory of God and the conversion
of souls". III, 167.
p.103 THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESSERT.
court, in command of the colony. With a view to added exploration
evidently, Biencourt proceeded down the coast. Father Biard accom-
panied him, and the party reached the Kennebec toward the close of
October. In his "Relation", Father Biard makes brief mention of
such information as was received at this time and place concerning
the Popham colonists,1 who, they were told, had been driven away by
the Indians. "They made excuses to us for this act", says Father
Biard, "and recounted the outrages that they had experienced from
these English; and they flattered us, saying that they loved us very
much", etc. In relating this story as to the cause of the abandon-
ment of Fort St. George, the Indians evidently flattered themselves
as well as their French visitors.
The story is without support of any kind. Friendly relations the
Popham colonists desire and sought in their brief stay. The Indians,
doubtless, were glad to witness their departure, and probably be-
lieved their own story that the compelling force in the departure
of the Popham colonists was to be found in them; but, as is well
known, the flag of St. George at the mouth of the Sagadahoc was
lowered by remote circumstances, with which the Indians on the
Kennebec had no connection whatever.
BIENCOURT SETS OUT ON RETURN TO PORT ROYAL.
Biencourt remained at the Kennebec with his party until November
4th or 5th, and then set out on the return to Port Royal.
At Pentegoet,2 he found an assemblage of eighty canoes and about
three hundred Indians. Then, passing up the coast, he visited the
site of de Monts' settlement at St. Croix Island. Finally, on an
unknown date, the exploring party reached Port Royal, where snow
began to fall on November 26th.
Father Biard's narrative shows that the relation of the Jesuits
to the other members of the colony at Port Royal, during the winter
that followed, was by no means an harmonious one. Evidently complaints
of hindrances of various kinds, if not of ill treatment and open oppo-
sition, were made by the Jesuits to their friends in
Footnotes. 1. Father Biard assigns to the Popham Colony the years
1608 and 1609. They should be 1607 and 1608. III, 223. 2. The
present Castine.
p.104 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
France.1 Meanwhile the missionaries devoted themselves to the
study of the language of the Indians, and to such other matters as
opportunity offered, displaying considerable adaptability to their
surroundings. At length relief from unhappy conditions was at hand.
In response to the appeal of the missionaries, Madame de Gerche-
ville and her friends in France fitted out a vessel "to take the
Jesuits away from Port Royal, and to found a new French settlement
in a more suitable place".2
Such is Father Biard's statement concerning this added effort to
advance French interests on the American coast. Zeal for religion
was a motive of importance in connection with the movement; but it
had also another motive, namely, the establishment of "a new French
settlement in a more suitable place than Port Royal". That more
suitable place was only to be found within the English claim farther
down the coast, a movement which Father Biard, who had been as far as
the Kennebec, had doubtless urged.
The French Captain Saussaye.
Father Enemond Masse.
At the head of this new expedition in the interest of religion and
French colonization, was Captain Saussaye. He was to take with him
two Jesuits, Father Quantin and a lay brother, Gilber du Thet, and
on his arrival at Port Royal, he was to receive on board his vessel
Father Biard and Father Enemond Masse. His entire company, includ-
ing sailors, numbered forty-eight persons. Charles Flory, "a dis-
creet, hardy and peaceable man", was the vessel's Master, which was
not only amply provided with provisions for a year, also with horses
and goats for domestic purposes, but the Queen contributed "four of
the King's tents, or pavilions, and some munitions of war".
Footnotes. 1. "A lay brother named Gilbert du Thet, had brought out
supplies, and on his return to France, he acquainted the Marchioness
de Guercheville, the patroness of the mission, with the wretched state
of the two fathers, and the wrong done to them, and sought to make some
arrangement which would leave the missionaries at liberty to prosecute
their labors. Failing in this, she resolved to found in some other spot
a mission colony." History of the Catholic Missions amont the Indian
Tribes of the United States, 1529 - 1854, by John Gilmary Shea, 131.
2. Relations, III, 261.
p.105 THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
The expedition sailed from Honfleur, France, March 12, 1613, and in
two months, la Saussaye reached Cape la Have on the coast of Acadia,
where he landed and erected a cross, upon which he placed the coat-of-
arms of Madame de Guercheville, "as a sign of his having taken poss-
ession there in her name".1 Thence the vessel proceeded to Port
Royal, but the date of the arrival is unknown. The Royal command, in
letters to the Queen, "to release the Jesuits", was at once presented,
the arrangements for the departure were soon made, and, in a few days,
la Saussaye, having taken the missionaries on board, left Port Royal
and started down the coast "to go to the river Pentegoet, to the
place called Kadesquit,2 the site destined for the new colony", and
a most advantageous place, it was believed, for such an enterprise.
"But God ordained otherwise", wrote Father Biard. A dense fog en-
veloped the vessel on the way, and the wind not permitting the
Captain to stand out to sea, all on board were in imminent peril
from breakers and rocks throughout two days and nights.
Mount Desert, which the savages called Pemetiq.
Prayers were offered for divine help. "When evening came on",
says Father Biard," we began to see the stars, and by morning
the fogs had all disappeared". At once the position of the vessel
was made out by those on board who were familiar with the coast.
"We recognized that we were opposite Mount Desert (au devant des
Monts deserts)3 an island, which the savages called Pemetiq. The
pilot turned to the eastern shore of the island, and there located
us in a large and beautiful port, where we made our thanksgiving to
God, raising a cross and singing to God his praises with the sacri-
fice of the holy mass. We called this place and port, Saint Sauveur."4
Footnotes. 1. Relations, III, 263. 2. The Kenduskeag River enters
the Penobscot River at Bangor; and Kenduskeag is evidently a corrupt-
ion for Kadesquit, the junction of the two rivers being the site of
the Indian village, the proposed site of the colonly. 3. Ib., III,
265. 4. John Gilmary Shea, History of the Catholic Missions among
the Indian Tribes, writes carelessly concerning locations mentioned
in Father Biard's Relation. For example, he tells us that la Saussay
"sailed for Mt. Desert, (continued, footnotes, p.106)
p.106 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
BAR HARBOR.
This port, on the eastern shore of Mount Desert, is easily identi-
fied with that of the present Bar Harbor. But Saint Sauveur was not
Kadesquit, and a dispute soon arose between the sailors and the lead-
ers of the colony, because of a difference in interpreting the con-
tract drawn up in France concerning the voyage. The sailors held
that the period of three months, for which they were holden after
the arrival of the vessel at a port of Acadia, should commence with
the arrival at Mount Desert. When it was explained to them that Kade-
squit was the designated place, not Saint Sauveur, and that the three
months would not be counted until they were there, the pilot, who was
in agreement with the sailors, maintained "that a ship had never gone
so far as Kadesquit, and that he had no intention of becoming the
discoverer of new routes". "Nothing but argument", wrote Father Biard,
"a bad augury for the future."1. So it seemed.
But more favorable omens were discovered. During this wrangling, a
party of Indians signaled to the vessel, and in the conference that
followed, the Indians learned that the Port Royal fathers were on the
ship. They asked to see Father Biard, whom the had met at Pentegoet.
Father Biard came on shore, and when in the conversation that followed
he asked the Indians the way to Kadesquit, they replied, "If you wish
to stay in these regions, why not remain with us?" affirming that they
had as good and beautiful location for the colony as Kadesquit. Father
Biard records that he was not moved by these appeals, for "he knew
that the savages did not lack that with which almost everyone is
abundantly provided, namely, the ability to praise his own wares";2
but when the Indians informed him that their chief,
Footnotes, continued. at the mouth of the Kennebec", and he locates
the colony on "the east side of the island". He is also exceedingly
free in his use of Father Biard's Relation, when he writes, "Their
pilot, by some mistake, carried them to the east side of the island"
(Mount Desert). The book Relation has no hint even of a mistake on
the part of the pilot, but clearly states the circumstances connect-
ed with the approach to Mount Desert. 1. Jesuit Relations, III, 267.
2. Ib., III, 269.
p.107 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
Asticou, was sick unto death and wished to be baptized, saying that
if the chief did not receive baptism before death he would not go to
heaven, Father Biard yielded to an argument "so naively deduced", and
with two of his associates started in a canoe for Asticou's camp.
On their arrival they found the Chief sick, but with a cold only; and
having assured themselves of Asticou's favorable condition, and finding
they had plenty of leisure for a visit to the promised better location
for a settlement, Father Biard and his associates made their way thith-
er. The Indians had not overpraised the location. Nothing more desir-
able could be expected; and on their return to the ship, Father Biard
confirmed the statement of the Indians. The other members of the Colony
were asked to examine the location; they did so, and on their return
it was an unamimous agreement that the colonists ought not to look
for anything better, and all thought of proceeding to Kadesquit was
at once abandoned. The following is Father Biard's description of
the accepted location of the Jesuit colony:
"This place is a beautiful hill, rising gently from the sea, its
sides bathed by two springs; the land is cleared for twenty or
twenty-five acres, and in some places is covered with grass al-
most as high as a man. Its aspect is to the south and east, like
that at the mouth of the Pentegoet,1 and looking to where several
attractive brooks, abounding in fish, discharge themselves. The
soil is dark, rich and fertile. The port and harbor are as fine as
can be seen, and are in a position favorable to command the entire
coast. The harbor especially is as safe as a pond. For besides being
sheltered2 by the great island of Mount Desert, it is still more pro-
Footnotes. 1. The reference apparently is to the situation of Castine.
2. Father Biard says: "Car outre qu'il est repart de la grande Isle
des Mots deserts il l'est encores de certaines petites Islettes, qui
roment les flots & les vents & fortifient son entrle." The trans-
lation, as given in connection with the text, is as follows: "For be-
sides being strengthened by the great Island of Mount Desert, it is
still more protected by certain small island which break the currents
and the winds, and fortify the entrance" (Jesuit Relations. III, 270,
271.). The word Strengthened evidently misses the meaning of report.
It is the sheltered, protected situation of the location that the
(continued, footnotes, p. 108)
p.108 BAR HARBOR
tected by certain small islands which break the currents and the
winds and fortify the entrance. There is not a fleet which it is
not capable of sheltering, nor a ship so deep that could not
approach within a cable's length of the shore to unload. It is
situated in latitude forty-four and one-third degrees, a posi-
tion less northerly than that of Bordeaux."
This careful description clearly indicates the location. It was
on the western side of Somes Sound, about a mile from the open
sea, and near where the eastern and western mountains on the
ocean front of the island are divided by the waters of the sound.
The place is now known as Fernald's Point, and its beautiful slope
is as attractive in these days as it was when Father Biard and his
associates looked upon its green, grass-grown acres.
THE HARBOR.
The harbor, too, has all the advantages indicated in the descrip-
tion; and the claim in our time has been made, perhaps somewhat
boastfully, that it is "the third for majestic amplitude in all
the world".1 Moreover, the two springs are as noteworthy today
as then.
But Father Biard, in his description of the location, had in
view something more than a favorable spot for a mission. The
real significance of Saint Sauveur he grasped and proclaimed
when he made mention of its position as "favorable to command
the entire coast". It could be made of national use in ex-
tending the boundaries of New France. Moreover, Father Biard's
statement converning the latitude of the place establishes the
fact that he knew
writer plainly has in view. Parkman,
(Pioneers of New France, 304) has 'separt for repart' in this
passage, and adds that Father Biard "was evidently mistaken in
this (that he could go from the eastern part of the island to
St. Sauveur and return in an afternoon). St. Sauveur being on
the east side of Mount Desert, there is no place separated
from it, and answering to his description, which he could have
reached within the time mentioned". Parkman was misled by his
wrong text. He fails also in the passage to notice that two
locations are mentioned in Father Biard's Relation, the St.
Sauveur of the landing on the east side of the island and the
St. Sauveur of the settlement on Somes Sound.
Footnotes. 1. Biard's Relation of 1616 and St. Sauveur, by Rev.
R. C. Cummings, Maine Historical Society's Collections, Series
II, 5, 99.
p.109 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
the locatiion was within the limits of the English claim, which
was to the latitude forty-five north.
La Saussaye, having brought his vessel to the accepted location,
landed the colonists and the work of establishing them there was
commenced. But this was all, for also commenced "the quarrels, a
second sign and augury of our ill-luck", says Father Biard. The
occasion of this new outbreak of dissension was attributed to la
Saussaye, who is said to have "amused himself too much in culti-
vating the land, while all the chiefs of the enterprise were urg-
ing him not to employ the laborers for that purpose, but to get
to work without delay upon the houses and fortifications, which
he did not wish to do."1 The French commander seems not to have
had even a dream of insecurity for himself and his colony, and
was in no wise moved by the appeals of Father Biard and his assoc-
iates. How long la Saussaye was left to his enjoyment in the culti-
vation of the rich, fertile soil of this delightful location is un-
known.2 It may have been several weeks and perhaps months. But the
day for which la Suassaye had not looked, and for which he was
wholly unprepared, at length came.
CAPTAIN SAMUEL ARGALL.
Captain Samuel Argall3 connected with the Virginia Colony at
Footnotes. 1. Jesuit Relations, III, 273. 2. The dates are wholly
lacking in Father Biard's Relation. 3. Captain Samuel Argall, though
a young man, was an experienced navigator in 1609, when he was select-
ed to find a direct passage to Virginia. He accomplished the task
assigned to him, and in the following year also he made a voyage to
the New England coast (Brown, Genesis of the United States, I, 428-
439), where he engaged in fishing, thus making the beginning of the
fishing voyages from Virginia to this vicinity. He returned to England
in 1611, and was again in Virginia in 1612, with a commission to re-
main in Virginia and to drive out foreign intruders from the country
granted to Englishmen by the three patents of King James I. (Genesis
of the United States, II, 815.) He returned to England in 1614 and to
Virginia in 1615. In 1617, he was made deputy governor and admiral
of Virginia. In the distribution of "the land of New England by lots
in 1622", Cape Cod fell to him.
The date of his death is unknown, but it was probably in 1633. His
mother was married (a 2nd marriage) to Lawrence Washington, an an-
cestor of George Washington. Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,
II, 309.
p.110 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
EXPEL THE FRENCH FROM KING JAMES' PATENT OF 1606.
Jamestown, and described as "an ingenious, active, forward young
gentleman",1 arrived one day on the coast. He had come hither for
the purpose of supplying the Virginia colonists with fish; but
having in view the possibility of French encroachments within the
limits of England's claims, Sir Thomas Dale, Governor of Virginia,
had given Argall orders,2 when starting north, to expel the French
from any settlements they might have made within the limits of King
James' patent of 1606. Because of the return of the Popham colonists
in 1608, Governor Dale evidently deemed it incumbent on him, as
England's representative on the American coast, to protect the
nation's interests in northern Virginia, as well as in the terri-
tory under his immediate command; and he saw to it that Argall's
vessel, before proceeding northward, was properly armed and equipped.
Accordingly, when Argall, having reached the vicinity of Mount Desert,
learned from some Indians that there weere white colonists in the
neighborhood - Frenchmen, as he surmised from their use of the word
"Normandia" which the Indians had caught up, as well as from certain
reported acts of courtesy which Argall and his company "recognized
as French ceremonies of civility and politeness", - he at prepared
for action; and guided by one of the Indians, who supposed he was
doing the French colonists a favor in bringing
Footnotes. 1. Howe's Chronicles in Brown's Genesis of the United
States, II, 751. 2. The Virginia council, in response to a request
from the privy council in England for a statement of the affair,
wrote: "It is true Captain Argall did take a French ship within
the limits of our colony, who were about to plant contrary to the
extent and privilege of his Majesty's letters patent to us granted.
That he did it by the command of the Governor of our colony by his
commission to him given under the seal of the colony, and by virtue
of such authority as is to him derived from his Majesty's great seal
of England". Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 731. As to
Governor Dale's authority for his orders to Argall, it should be said
that the Virginia charter of 1606 conferred upon the two colonies power
to "encounter, expulse, repel, and resist, as well by sea as by land,
by all ways and means whatsoever, all and every such person and persons,
as without the especial license of the said several colonies and planta-
tions, shall attempt to inhabit within the said several precincts and
limits of the said several colonies and plantations, or any of them".
Genesis of the United States, I, 59.
p.111 THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
the ship in, Argall, with all sails set to a propitious breeze,
entered Somes Sound with "the banners of England flying and three
trumpets and two drums making a horrible din", and opened fire upon
everything French in sight.
La Saussaye was on shore, and disappeared when the attack upon the
settlement was made, showing no signs of fitness for leadership. The
captain of the French ship was as unprepared for the attack as were
the colonists on the land, his sails even having been arranged as
awnings for the deck; and when, as a response to Argall's terrific
volley, he cried to his men, "Fire!" the cannoneer was not at his
post. Gilbert du Thet, a lay brother, obeyed the command, however,
but "unfortunately", says Father Biard, "he did not take aim"; and
his associate, who was on shore at the time, naively adds, "if he had,
perhaps there might have been something worse than mere noise."1
Moving rapidly, having fired a single volley only, Argall sought to
place his vessel alongside of the French ship; but Captain Flory,
making no sign of surrender, the English commander renewed the
attack at close quarters. His wound was a mortal one and he died
the next day. Two young men, who had leaped from a boat in order to
swim to the shore, were drowned, possibly having first been wounded.
The French now surrendered.2
Argall at once landed and sought for la Saussaye, but he was not to
found. The French now surrendered.3 Argall at once landed and sought
for la Saussaye, but he was not to be found. Then, the locks of the
French commander having been skilfully picked, a search, a search was
made for his commission and other papers. Having found the commission,
Argall carefully returned the papers, leaving the trunks as if they
had not been opened. On the following day, la Saussaye came out of
his hiding-place and gave himself up. First of all, Argall asked to
see his commission. Not suspecting from the appearance of his trunks
that they had been opened, la Saussaye turned to them
Footnotes. 1. Jesuit Relations, III, 281. 2. Ib., III, 283.
p.112 THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
confidently; but the papers he sought could not be found. Argall at
once assumed an appearance of indignation and exclaimed, "You give
us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you
cannot produce any evidence of it", adding that he regarded him and
his company as "outlaws".1
It was harsh treatment, but not as severe as Father Biard and his
associates anticipated. "We expected only death or at least slavery",
he wrote, having in mind the hard experiences of others in the inter-
national conflicts of that time. Argall took down the cross that had
been erected at Saint Sauveur, and removed the French armament and
stores to his own ship; but he seems to have acted discreetly, for
Father Biard, while designating him as "a very shrewd and cunning
captain", added that nevertheless he was "a gentlement of truly noble
courage; nor were his men inhuman or cruel to any of us."2 In fact,
Father Biard has only words of commendation for the personal bearing
of the English commander so far as the French colonists were concern-
ed.
In various ways, and after many mishaps, two-thirds of the French
company captured at Saint Sauveur were enabled to make their way back
to France in French vessels farther up the coast.3 Those remaining
with Argall, including Father Biard, were distributed among the
vessels of Argall's fleet, namely, Argall's own ship, la Saussaye's
captured vessel and a bark of twelve tons, also taken from the French.
Argall's own ship, la Saussaye's captured vessel and a bark of twelve
tons, also taken from the French. Argall, with his party of the French
colonists, returned to Virginia, where he received a hearty greeting
from the Governor, who, pleased with the results of Argall's work at
Saint Sauveur, directed him to return and complete the work of re-
moving every landmark of France "along the entire coast as far as
Cape Breton". Argall was prompt in his response; and sailing north-
ward with his own and the captured vessels, having with him also
Father Biard and other French captives, he soon reached Saine Sauveur,
where he destroyed the French fortifications
Footnotes. 1. Jesuit Relations, IV, 11. 1. Ib., IV, 17. 3. Ib, IV 27.
p.113 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT, MAINE.
locations and raised another cross, carving upon it the name of
King James I, as a sign of English cominion on American soil. Then
he made his way to St. Croix Island in the St. Croix river, where
he destroyed all traces of "the name and claims of France" left by
de Monts' company when they withdrew to Port Royal in 1605.
Argall had difficulty in finding St Croix Island, but he was in far
greater straits in his search for Port Royal. At length, "by dint of
much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring and skillful maneuver-
ing", he captured an Indian Chief, "a very experienced man and well-
acquainted with the country", who guided the English commander safely
to his desired port. No one was found at Port Royal when Argall land-
ed, and taking possession of the French stores and other property at
the fort without opposition of any kind, he set the buildings on fire
and destroyed all "monuments and evidences" of French cominion at that
place.1
Having thus accomplished the task assigned to him by the governor of
Virginia, Argall, with his three vessels set sail for the return voy-
age, on November 9, 1613. His own vessel reached the James River in
about three weeks, but la Saussaye's vessel, under the direction of
Captain Turnel, Argall's second in command, was driven by a storm far
out of her course; and Turnel, losing all hope of being able to reach
Virginia, decided to make the Azore Islands and await more favorable
conditions. At Fayal, however, where Turnel remained three weeks, all
further effort to return to the American Coast was abandoned. The
vessel then proceeded on to England, and arrived at Milford Haven
in Wales on an unknown date, but probably in February of 1614.
After a short delay, Father Biard and the other Frenchmen on board
were released and returned to France. The French ambassador at London,
England, commenced negotiations for the surrender of la Suassaye's
vessel and reparation for the losses sustained by the French at Saint
Saint Sauveeur. The vessel was given up, but the claim for reparation
was denied, the Privy Council stating in a communication
Footnote.1 Jesuit Relations, IV, 35-39.
p.114 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE 1602 - 1658.
addressed to the ambassador, "As to Madame the Marchioness of
Guercheville, she has no reason to complain, nor to hope for any
reparation, seeing that her ship entered by force, the territory
of said colony to settle there, and to trade without their per-
mission, to the prejudice of our treaties and of the good under-
standing there is between our Kings".1
The governor of Virginia based his action in this affair on the
following facts. In the Charter of 1606, granted by King James
to the southern and northern colonies of Virginia, that part of
North America between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifty degress
of north latitude was plainly recognized as belonging to Great
Britain. The Grant was in response to a petition for Royal per-
mission "to make habitation, plantation and deduce a colony of
sundry of our people into that part of America, commonly called
Virginia, and other parts and territories in America, either
appertaining unto us, or which are not now actually possessed
by any Christian Prince or people, situate, lying and being all
along the sea coasts, between four and thirty degrees of north-
erly latitude from the equinoctial line, and five and forty de-
grees of the same latitude". The King agreed to these "humble
and well-intended desires", and granted to the two colonies the
territory indicated in the petition.2
It has been claimed by some writers3 that the clause "not now
actually possessed by any Christian Prince or people" was vio-
lated in Argall's destruction of the Saine Sauveur colony; that
the
Footnotes. 1. Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 734. 2.
Ib. I, 52, 53. 3. For example: "It (the South Virginia Colony)
was able in 1613 to fit out an armed vessel, commanded by Captain
Argall, which broke up the French settlements at Port Royal, Mount
Desert, etc., and compelled their inhabitants to retire towards
Canada; protesting all the while that whatever abstract rights
Great Britian might possess, if any there were, the Virginia
Charter expressly excepted in its grants regions already occu-
pied by any Christian Prince or people, they (the French) being
a Christian people." History of Grants under the Great Council
for New England, by Samuel F. Haven, in Early History of Massa-
chusetts. Lectures before the Lowell Institute in Boston by
members of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 142.
p.115 THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
the French on the shores of Somes Sound, being a Christian people,
were, by the Charter of 1606, expressly declared to be in rightful
possession, although they had located within the territorial limits
mentioned in the Charter. It should be noticed, however, that the
words of the petition, "not now actually possessed by any Christian
Prince or people", are not repeated in the King's Grant; moreover,
even if they had been represented, no appeal in behalf of the Saine
Sauveur colony could be made to this clause inasmuch as it had re-
ference to the time when the Charter was granted - "not now actually
possessed" and not to a subsequent occupation, as was the case at
Saint Sauveur.
England's claim to territory in North America, however, was not based
primarily on King James' Charter of 1606, but on Cabot's discovery in
1497. This fact was recognized in the Charter which Queen Elizabeth
bestowed on Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578, in accordance with which,
in 1583, he took possession of Newfoundland in the name of the Queen.
Continuous possession in that locality did not follow, it is true.
At that early period matters pertaining to territorial rights on
this side of the sea were in an unsettled state. But the English
claim within certain definite limits, was renewed in the Charter of
1606, which virtually was a public announcement that the portion of
North America between thirty-four and forty-five degrees north lati-
tude, under the name Virginia, was territory belonging to the English
Crown.
Sir Thomas Dale, therefore, was entirely within what he regarded the
rights of the mother country when he gave Argall a well-armed vessel
and directed him, properly commissioned, to destroy any French settle-
ments on the Atlantic coast as far as the forty-fifth degree north lati-
tude. Saint Sauveur, St. Croix island and Port Royal were within the
limits laid down by the Crown, and though no word of command had come
to the Governor from the King, he evidently deemed that he needed no
such word of command. To call him a "self-constituted champion of
British rights"1 does him injustice. He was the acknowledged repre-
Footnote. 1. Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 313.
p.116 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
tative of English sovereignty on American soil; and recognizing this
fact, having in view the just requirements of his office, he doubt-
less considered that he would fail in his allegiance to the crown if
he allowed any encroachment upon territory within the limits esta-
blished by the Charter of 1606.1
"NEW ENGLAND WAS RESERVED FOR THE ENGLISH."
So far as English interests in the new world were concerned, the
importance of Argall's mission to our coast in 1613 can hardly be
overestimated. As has well been said, "New England was reserved for
the English, by Argall's decisive action".2 England's privy council
not only refused to disavow that actiion by the punishment of Argall,
but continued him in higher and higher commands. Here, at Somes Sound,
was the beginning of that long struggle between England and France for
dominion on American soil. Grand tactics later were displayed on both
sides. The prize to be won was an alluring one. Nothing is clearer than
that from this early period the determination was strong, and ever
stronger in English minds and hearts, to maintain at any cost, the
English claim to American territory. Naturally there was conflict,
and that conflict was long continued. In the course of time the right
of discovery was exchanged for the right of conquest, until in 1763,
by treaty, New France disappeared from the map of North America, and
the whole of England's claim to territory on this side of the sea was
finally established.3
Footnotes. 1. "In this manner England vindicated her claim to Maine
and to Acadia". Bancroft, History of the United States, I, 113. 2.
Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 816. 3. Concerning the legal
points involved in such cases, see A Digest of International Law by
John Bassett Moore, I, 258, and the following. Chief Justice Marshall,
in 1828, Johnson vs McIntosh, said: "On the discovery of this immense
continent the nations of Europe were eager to appropriate to themselves
so much of it as they could respectively acquire....The potentates of
the Old World, found no difficulty in convincing themselves that they
made ample compensation to the inhabitants of the New, by bestowing
on them civilization and Christianity, in exchange for unlimited in-
dependence. But, as they were nearly all in pursuit of the same ob-
ject, it was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements
and consequent war with each other, to establish a principle which
all should acknowledge as the law by which the rights of acquisition,
which they all asserted, should
p.117 THE FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT.
be regulated as between themselves. This principle was that dis-
covery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by whose
authority it was made, against all other European governments, which
title might be consummated by possession. The exclusion of all other
Europeans necessarily gave to the nation making the discovery the sole
right of acquiring the soil from the natives, and establishing settle-
ments upon it". Moore, Digest, etc., I, 258, 259.
p.118 CHAPTER VIII.
VOYAGES BY CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
Notwithstanding Strachey's explicit statement asserting the complete
collapse of the Sagadahoc colony at the mouth of the Kennebec - a
statement abundantly confirmed by other contemporary writers -
attempts have been made to give apparent support to vague surmisings
that some of the colonists remained in the country.1 "However first
originated", these statements "have been elaborated and promulgated
by various persons, have been supported by sundry considerations with
insistence and repetition. They have assumed a place in history and
literature, have been frequently set before the public eye in the
newspapers and been enforced on occasion in historical or public
assemblies. It is believed they are quite widely diffused among
reading people, and have been accepted partially, or fully, by many
persons interested in the history of the locality, or the state".2
Especially has the effort been made to locate at Pemaquid, Popham
colonists, who are said to have remained on the coast after the
abandonment of Fort St. George. There is no evidence,
Footnotes. 1. The latest, perhaps, is in Herbert Edgar Holmes'
Makers of Maine, Lewiston, Maine, 1912, p.149: "When the Popham
colonists at the end of the year returned to England, they return-
ed in the ship, Mary and John, and the Virginia of Sagadahoc' !
The ship, "Gift of God," with forty-five men, remained behind.
What became of these men and their ship is doubtful, but the weight
of evidence tends to prove that they went to Pemaquid and Monhegan
and became those scattered settlements of Englishmen along the coast
of Maine." There is no evidence whatever that these men went to
Pemaquid and Monhegan. The persistence of such statements that over-
look well-established facts is one of the surprises of well-informed
readers concerning our Colonial history. 2. Collection of the Maine
Historical Society, Series II, 6, 64.
p.119 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
however, upon which such an attempt can be based with any show of
reason. Not only is there positive testimony, which the sources of
this part of our history abundantly furnish, that all the colonists
connected with the Popham plantation at the time of its abandonment
returned to England, but there is no evidence that there was any
English occupation of Pemaquid following the breaking up of the
settlement on the Kennebec. When, for example, it is said that
French missionaries report English people at Pemaquid in 1608 and
in 1609, a good illustration is furnished of the foundation upon
which this claim of English occupation at Pemaquid at this time,
is made to rest. The reference plainly is to the statement made by
Father Biard, in his Relation, that the Indians told him "they drove
away the English who wished to settle among them in 1608 and 1609".
But the connection shows that Father Biard, in this statement, had in
mind the Popham colony at the mouth of the Kennebec, whither he went
with Biancourt in the Autumn of 1611. It is true that he makes a mis-
take in the date he gives and should have written 1607 and 1608, the
dates of the Sagadahoc settlement; but the error is easily corrected
by the reader, as Father Biard has no record of any visit to Pema-
quid in his narrative of this trip. In the passage to which reference
is made, he is recording what he learned from the Indians during his
visit to Kennebec (Kinibequi) with Biancourt, allusion to which is
made in the preceding chapter. Other statements, presented as a basis
for Pemaquid settlement at this time are equally without foundation.
They are figments of the imagination only.1 Certainly if any one had
known of English settlers on the Maine coast immediately following the
return of the Popham colonists to England, it would have been Sir Ferd-
inando Gorges, who was so bitterly disappointed at the outcome of an
enterprise into which
Footnote.1. For a clear and exhaustive statement concerning "Beginnings
at Pemaquid" see a paper with that title, read before the Maine Histori-
cal Society, September 7, 1894, by Reverend H. O. Thayer, and printed
in the Society's Collections, Series II, 6, 62-85; also The Sagadahoc
Colony, Gorges Society, IV, 217-239.
p.120 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
he had put so much of heart and hope. His writings, however, lack even
a hint of any such information.
Already, under the reign of King James I, the condition of affairs in
England, was such as to awaken serious consideration among thoughtful
men. Two letters of Gorges,1 written to Lord Salisbury in 1611, touch
upon this unhappy condition. Matters connected with English commerce
especially distressed Gorges, who, at Plymouth, was made familiar with
the piratical assaults of English adventurers upon the vessels of
London merchants in the English channel, and with the contempt with
which these free-booters regarded both the King and the Government.
Gorges also was distressed because of the very large number of men in
the great cities and towns who were out of employment. Accordingly,
with his thoughts still busy with reference to the opportunities for
English expansion on this side of the sea, he ventured the suggestion
to Cecil that in this unhappy state of affairs in the Kingdom, relief
might be sought, as had been done before in the history of nations,
by "the planting of colonies in barbarous and uninhabited parts of the
world", to the great honor and happiness of all concerned.
But his suggestion, if it found support in Cecil, evidently found
little support elsewhere, and the country continued to drift on and
on into a still deplorable condition.
Between 1608 and 1614, no evidence whatever is found in authoritative
sources that there were English colonists on the coast of Maine, and
they afford only glimpses - provokingly faint glimpses - of English
vessels. In the Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of
New England, prepared by the "President and Council for the affairs
of New England" and published in 1622, after a reference to the break-
ing up of the Popham colony in 1608, and the return of "the whole com-
pany" to England, and the discouragement that followed so that "there
was no more speech of settling any other plantation in those parts for
a long time after", it is added: "Only Sir Francis Popham, having the
Footnote. 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, III,
171-176.
p.121 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
CAPTAIN HENRY HARLEY
and
The Indian, Epenow, of Martha's Vineyard.
ships and provisions which remained of the company, and supplying what
was necessary for his purpose, sent divers times to the coasts for
trade and fishing".1. Gorges makes mention of a voyage made by Capt.
Henry Harley to the New England coast about this time; and he adds
that Harley was "one of the plantation sent over by the Lord Chief
Justice", in other words, a member of the Popham Colony - it is
difficult to think of him as Master of a vessel in New England waters
and not making his way to the coast of Maine. On his return, Captain
Harley called on Sir Ferdinando at Plymouth, bringing with him an
Indian whose name was Epenow,2 a native of the Island at Capawick,
or, Martha's Vineyard. "At the time, this new savage came to me",
writes Gorges, "I had recovered Assacumet, one of the natives I
sent with Captain Chalownes (Challons) in his unhappy employment"2
This Indian, Assacumet, will be recognized as one of
Footnotes: 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
I, 207. 2. Gorges says he was "a person of goodly nature, strong and
well proportioned", and that he was "taken upon the main with some 29
others by a ship of London, that endeavored to sell them as slaves in
Spain; but being understood that they were Americans, and found to be
unapt for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one
of them they refused. How Captain Harley came to be possessed of this
savage, I know not, but I understood by others how he had been showed
in London for a wonder". Gorges, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Prov-
ince of Maine, II, 20. Some writers mention Epenow as one of the
Indians captured by Hunt; but as Epenow was placed by Gorges on
Hobson's vessel, which sailed from England in June, 1614 (Briefe
Narrative, II, 22), he could not have been included in Hunt's capt-
ives, as Hunt had not, at that time, captured the Indians he took to
Spain.
TISQUANTUM, A CAPE COD INDIAN.
SQUANTO.
Tisquantum, a Cape Cod Indian, was probably captured by the same party
that captured Epenow. He is mentioned in Bradford's History of Plymouth
Plantation under the name of Squanto. The Pilgrims came to know him
through Samoset, as one who could speak better English than himself.
He taught the Pilgrims corn planting and befriended them in many ways.
In recording Squanto's death in 1622, Bradford says (History of Ply-
mouth's Plantation, 155) that he desired "the governor to pray for him
that he might go the the Englishmen's God in Heaven, and bequeathed
sundry of his things to sundry of his English friends, as remembrances
of his love, of whom they had great loss".
Footnote. 2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 22.
p.122 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
those captured by George Waymouth in 1605 and taken to England. He
accompanied Challons in the voyage of 1606, and with him and the rest
of his company, was captured and taken to Spain.
CAPTAIN JOHN BARLEE.
CAPTAIN NICHOLSON HOBSON.
In August, 1607, Captain John Barlee wrote to Secretary Cecil, in
England, enclosing in his letter, a list of Challon's prisoners at
Seville, and urged him to use his influence in the recovery of two
savages, Manedo (Maneddo) and Sassacomett (Saffacomoit)1. Doubtless
there was delay in the matter, and it may have been several years be-
fore Saffacomoit arrived at Plymouth. His return, however, whether
sooner or later, quickened Gorges' interest in American matters, and
in June, 1614,2 he despatched a vessel under Captain Nicholson Hobson
to the New England coast - the company including three Indians:
"Epenow, Assacomet and Wanape", who were to be used as pilots after
the vessel's arrival at its destination.
But the voyage, apparently directed primarily to Martha's Vineyard
(where, it would seem, the adventurers were to search for a gold
mine), was a failure and Gorges, after telling briefly the story,
recorded his added disappointment in connection with this new enter-
prise in these words: "Thus were my hopes of that particular made
void and frustrate, and they returned without doing more, though
otherwise ordered how to spend that summer to good purpose".3
HOBSON.
Search for the gold mine might prove a failure, but fishing on the
coast of Maine had promise of success and in his supplemental orders
doubtless Gorges directed Hobson to make his way thither.
ASSACOMET.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
Assacomet probably returned to England with Hobson, though he is not
again mentioned. At this time a picturesque figure appeaared on the
Maine coast in the person of Captain John Smith, who says4 that "in
Footnotes. 1. Thayer, Sagadahoc Colony, 164. 2. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 23. 3. Ib, II, 25. A somewhat
different account appears in The Discovery and Plantation of New England,
published by the President and Council for New England in 1622. Baxter,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I. 209, 210. See also,
Captain John Smith's "A Description of New England: Veazie reprint of
edition of 1616, Boston, 1865, 67, 68. 4. A Description of New England,
Veazie reprint, 19.
p.123 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Captain John Smith and Others.
MONAHIGGON ISLAND
The first appearance in print of the name New England.
And, the first time appears the Indian name of
MONHEGAN ISLAND.
(which Waymouth renamed "St. George's Island".)
month of April, 1614, with two ships from London", he "chanced to
arrive in New England, with two ships from London", he "chanced to
to arrive in New England, a part of America, at the isle of Monahiggon
in 43-1/2 of northerly latitude". In this record is found the first
appearance in print of the designation New England. And here, also,
appears for the first time, the Indian name of Monhegan Island, which
Waymouth named "St. George's Island".1
Captain Smith became interested in new world enterprises after many
adventures in European countries.2 This, he records, was two years
before the departure of the Jamestown colonists, who left England
December 19, 1606, and whom he accompanied. He was a member of the
first Virginia council, and was elected president of the colony in
1608. This office he held until he was arrested in September, 1609,
and sent to England "to answer to some misdemeanors", probably as the
result of factional conditions in the colony, which Smith, doubtless,
had a share in creating. He remained in England until 1614; and though
he was not again identified with affairs in Virginia, he seems to have
so
Footnotes. 1. Rosier's Relation of Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of
Maine in 1605, Gorges Society, 1887, 1838. 2. These are recounted by
himself in True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John
Smith, in Europe, Asia, Africa and America. Replublished in Richmond,
Virginia, in 1819, from the London edition of 1629. Smith's trust-
worthiness as a historian has been strongly assailed during the past
half century by some writers, especially by Alexander Brown in his
Genesis of the United States, Boston, 1890, II, 1006-1010. "Smith's
position in our early history", he says, "is a remarkable illustration
of the maxim, 'I care not who fights the battles, so I write the dis-
patches'"; and he adds, "He was certainly incapable of writing correct
history when he was personally interested". On the other hand, the
article on Captain John Smith in the 1911 edition of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica is exceedingly favorable to him, and defends him against
the charge of untrustworthiness. The writer is inclined to think that
the truth is not on the one side or the other, but between the two.
Smith died in the house of Sir Samuel SALTONSTALL.
Insert: Source: Bond's Watertown - p.415 - Sir Richard
Saltonstall, the son of Sir Samuel Saltonstall and the
grandson of Gilbert Saltonstall, Esq., of Yorkshire,
England, was the 1st named associate of the six original
Patentees of Massachusetts, and one of the first Assistants.
Smith's Description of New England is certainly a work for which we
owe to him grateful remembrance. He had his faults, but he had also
his excellences. He died in London, in the house of Sir Samuel
Saltonstall, June 21, 1631 and was buried in St. Sepulchre's Church,
on the south side of the choir, where an elaborate epitaph still re-
cords his deeds in eulogistic lines. The original monument, however
was destroyed by fire in 1661.
p.124 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
far made good his defense against the Virginia charges as to secure
general confidence in England, so that some London merchants furnish-
ed him with two vessels for a venture to the territory assigned to the
North Virginia Colony.1
One object of the voyage, he says, "was there to take whales and make
trials of a mine of gold and copper. If these failed, fish and furs",
he added, "was then our refuge." Evidently, in his preparation for
the undertaking, Captain Smith had interviewed his predecessors in
voyages to the New England coast, and doubtless had obtained from
them reports of whales in American waters, and suggestions as to the
possibility of discovering mines of gold and copper. But he knew that
other fisheries than the whale fishery had proved remunerative, as
also had fur-trading with the Indians. Accordingly, he felt reason-
ably confident that in his prosecution of the enterprise he was
warranted in looking for such returns as would satisfy the London
adventurers. He acted wisely, therefore, in broadening the scope of
his intended operations.
The fitness of Monhegan as a favorable location for the prosecution
of such an undertaking was doubtless suggested to him
Indians, Dohoday and Tantum - Dehamda.
Footnote. 1. In his General Historie, II, 206, Smith mentions two
Indians in connection with his voyage of 1614, Dohoday, "one of their
greatest Lords, who had lived long in England", and another called
Tantum, whom he says, "I carried with me from England and set on
shore at Cape Cod". The first, doubtless, is to be identified with
Tahanedo, mentioned by Rosier in his list of the five Indians captured
by Waymouth in 1605 (Rosier's Relation, Gorges Society reprint, 161)
and takes to England; also mentioned by Gorges as Dehamda (Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 14). He was returned
with Pring in 1606, and was visited by the Popham colonists in 1607.
Indians, Tantum & Tisquantum.
Monhegan.
Footnotes, continued. Rosier designates him as Sagamo or Commander",
and Smith here calls him "one of their greatest lords". But if we are
to identify Tantum with Tisquantum (Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his
Province of Maine, I, 104) he certainly was not one of the Indians
treacherously seized by Hunt after Smith left Monhegan for England,
as Smith says he set him "on shore at Cape Cod"; and this he must have
done before Hunt's capture of the Indians, if Smith has correctly re-
corded his disposal of Tantum, inasmuch as it is hardly supportable
that having landed on Cape Cod, the Indian hurried back to Monhegan in
time to fall into Hunt's hands, and so was carried by him to Malaga.
p.125 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
before he left England; and on his arrival there, if not before,
whale fishing was attempted, but without success. "We found this
whale fishing a costly conclusion", he said. "We saw many, and spent
much time in chasing them, but could not kill any: they being a kind
of Inbartes, and not the whale that yeilds fins and oil as we expect-
ed". The search for gold and copper also wa snot attended with succ-
ess. How the search came to have a place in the proposed objects of
the voyage, Captain Smith relates: "For our gold, it was rather the
master's (Hunts) device to get a voyage that projected it, than any
knowledge he had at all of any such matter".
But invaluable time was consumed in these endeavors. There was "long
lingering about the whole", says Captain Smith. The best opportunity
for obtaining furs from the Indians, and for coast fishing, "were
past ere we perceived it", he adds, "we, thinking that their seasons
served at all times; but we found it otherwise, for by the midst of
June, the fishing failed. Yet in July and August, some was taken, but
not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry
fish, we made about 40,000, or corfish1 about 7,000".2
MONHEGAN HARBOR.
Monhegan harbor, in which Captain Smith found anchorage for his
vessels, must have represented a busy scene during that summmer of
1614. It was a scened that became a familiar one on the Maine coast.
Without doubt others, in previous years, had erected stages there and
dried their fish; but now, for the first time, the parties are known
and it is not difficult to reproduce in imagination, the fishermen on
the harbor beach and the stages on the grassy slopes not far away;
while between the beach and the stages, were scattered here and there
boats, cordage, canvas and the various articles or any kind or another
connected with fishing interests.
While the larger number of the men of the two vessels were employed in
fishing, Smith himself, with eight or nine others who
Footnotes. 1. Corned fish. 2. Smith, Description of New England,
Veazie reprint, 19, 20.
p.126 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
MONHEGAN.
"might best be spared", gave some attention fo fur-trading with the
Indians. "We ranged the coast both east and west much further", he
says, "but eastwards our commodities were not esteemed, they were so
near the French who affords them better; and right against, in the
main, was a ship of Sir Francis Popham's, that had there, such aquaint-
ance, having many years used only that port, that the most part there
was had by him. And forty leagues westward, were two French ships, that
had made there great voyage by trade, during the time we tried those
conclusions, not knowing the coast nor the savages' habitations."
NEW HARBOR, PEMAQUID PENINSULA.
WAYMOUTH, 1605, MEETS THE PEMAQUID INDIANS.
CAPTAIN GILBERT AND SHIP, THE MARY & JOHN.
The Indian, Skidwarres.
The Indian, Nahanada.
Popham's ship evidently was at what is now known as New Harbor, on the
eastern side of Pemaquid peninsula. The words, "right against, in the
main", plainly point to the place. Here it was that Waymouth, in 1605,
met the Pemaquid Indians, and came to the determination to capture some
of them and take them to England.1 It was here that Captain Gilbert, of
the ship, Mary and John, landed Skidwarres, when the Popham colonists
came to Pentecost Harbor, two years later.2 Nothing could be more natural
than that the Master of Sir Francis Popham's vessel should anchor there,
or that he should secure "the most part" of the trade with the Pemaquid
Indians, because of acquaintance with Nahanada, the Chief of that tribe,
who had been in England, and kindly treated.
But Captain Smith did not confine his personal attention to the fur
trade alone, he was a careful, busy observer and passing along the
coast "from point to point, isle to isle, and harbor to harbor", he
gathered materials for a map.2. Soundings were made and recorded.
Rocks and landmarks were located. The map was not as perfect as he
desired. The haste of other affairs prevented further details, but
it was all that the circumstances allowed, "being sent", he writes,
"more to get present commodities than than knowledge by disoveries
for any future good - yet it
Footnotes. 1. Rosier's Relation, Gorges Society reprint, 129.
2. Thayer, Sagadahoc Colony, 57, note 78. 3. The map has often been
reprinted. Alexander Brown reproduces it in his Genesis of the United
States, II, 780. There is also a good reproduction of the map in the
Veazie reprint of Smith's Description of New England.
p.127 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
will serve to direct any shall go that way to safe horbors and the
savages' habitations".1
Captain Smith's 'Description' comprises the New England coast from
Penobscot Bay to Cape Cod. It is full of valuable information, giving
the results of intelligent observation. The following is his account of
his observations of the Maine coast from Penobscot Bay to the Pisca-
taqua.
DESCRIPTION BY CAPTAIN SMITH.
"The most northern part I was at was the Bay of Penobscot, which is
east and west, north and south, more than ten leagues; but such were
my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them. I found in
the bay, that the river ran far up into the land, and was well in-
habited with many people;2. but they were from their habitations,
either fishing among the isles, or hunting the lakes and woods for
deer and beavers. The Bay is full of great islands, of one, two, six,
eight or then miles in length, which divides it into many fair and
excellent good harbors. On the east of it the *Tarrantines, their
mortal enemies, where, inhabit the French2 as they report that live
with those people, as one nation or family.
Insert: The Tarratines
Source: History of Concord, Mass.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth.
Nanapashement was the great king or sachem of these Indians. His
principal place of residence was Medford, near Mystic pond. "His house was
built on a large scaffold six feet high, and on the top of a hill. Not far
off, he build a fort with palisades 30 or 40 feet high
having but one entrance, over a bridge. This also served as the place
of his burial, he having been killed about the year 1619 by the Tarrantines,
a warlike tribe of eastern Indians at another fort which he had built
about a mile off." He left a widow, Squaw Sachem and five children.
MECADDACUT & THE TARRANTINES.
And northwest of Penobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high
mountain, a kind of a fortress against the Tarrantines adjoining to
the high mountains of Penobscot, against whose feet doth beat the
sea. But over all the land, islands or other impediments, you may
well see them sixteen or eighteen leagues from
St. Sauveur on Mount Desert.
Footnotes: 1. Veazie reprint of Smith's Description of New England,
23. 2. The reference, of course, is to the Penobscot Indians. 3. This
report can have no reference to a French settlement at Castine (called
by the English, Penobscot, and by the French, Pentegoet) There were no
Frenchmen residing there in 1613, for Father Biard, who had opportuni-
ties for receiving information from Indian sources, would have known it
and have mentioned it. Moreover, Argall had no knowledge of French
occupation there, or at any other place on the French coast in that
year, except at St. Sauveur on Mount Desert.
PENOBSCOT BAY - 1614.
In his map-making in Penobscot Bay in 1614, Captain John Smith was at
Castine. "The principal habitation northward we were at, was Penobscot",
Description of New England, Veazie reprint, 26, - but he makes no men-
tion of finding Frenchmen there. The report made to him conerning the
French at the eastward doubtless had its foundation in some mention of
the French colony at St. Sauveur, which was broken up by Argall in
1613.
p.128 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Segocket - Nasconcus - Pemaquid and Sagadahock
and,
the Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebec and others.
Aucocisco.
their situation. Segocket is the next, then Nasconcus, Pemaquid and
Sagadahock. Up the river, where was the Western plantation, are the
Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck and divers others, where there are some corn
fields. Along the river, forty or fifty miles, I saw nothing but
great high cliffs of barren rocks overgrown with wood; but where the
savages dwelt, there the ground is exceedingly fat and fertile. West-
ward of this river is the country of Aucocisco in the bottom of a
large, deep bay, full of many great isles, which divide into many good
harbors. Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large, sandy bay,
which hath many rocks and isles, but few good harbors but for barks,
I yet know. But all this coast, to Penobscot, and as far as I could
see eastward of it, is nothing but such high craggy cliffs, rocks and
stony isles, that I wondered such great trees could grow upon so hard
foundations. It is a country rather to affright than delight one.
And how to describe a more plain spectacle of desolation or more
barren, I know not. Yet the sea there is the strangest fish pond I
ever saw; and those barren isles so furnished with good woods, springs,
fruits, fish and fowl, that it makes me think though, the coast be
rocky and thus affrightable, the valleys, plains and interior parts
may well, (notwithstanding) be very fertike.
NEW ENGLAND IS GREAT ENOUGH...
ACCOMINTICUS AND PASSATAQUACK.
But there is no kingdom so fertile hath not some part barren; and
New England is great enough to make many kingdoms and countries, were
it all inhabited. As you pass the coast still westward, Accominticus
and Passataquack are two convenient harbors for small barks; and a good
country, within their craggy cliffs".1
One has little difficulty in following the writer in this description
of so large a part of the Maine coast. The obvious physical features
of the country are mentioned in such a way as to be readily recognized.
Of course distances are estimates only, and are easily exaggerated in
the narrative, as is illustrated not infrequently in the writings of
the early voyagers upon the coast.
The Androscoggin (Aumuckcawgen) and the Kennebec, are
Footnote. 1. Smith, Description of New England, 41-43.
p.129 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
Old Orchard Bay (Inian name, Sowocotuck)
Casco Bay - (Indian name Anococisco).
Passataquack (Piscataqua)
cleary noted. So also are Casco Bay (Ancocisco) and Old Orchard bay,
under the Indian name Sowocotuck; together with Accominticus (Aga-
menticus, or York) and Passataquack (Piscatataqua). It has been
doubted1 if Smith's map of New England, accompanying his Description,
was drawn from his own surveys as he claims. However this may be,
certainly there can be no doubt whatever, that the above description
of the Maine coast is Smith's own work. We have the narratives of the
earlier explorers upon the coast except that of Pring or Hanham in
1606; but as they were obliged to cut short their work of exploration
by reason of the approach of winter, and were on the coast only four
weeks, as is conjectured from all the available facts in the absence
of dates, it is probable that they could not have made any such ex-
tended examination of the coast as that made by Captain Smith, espe-
cially as the explorations of Pring and Hanham determined the loca-
tion of the Popham Colony at the mouth of the Kennebec - a work that
in the short period available for exploration would necessarily be
confined to that part of the Maine coast that is in the vicinity of
the mouth of the Kennebec, where the settlement was made.
In his mention of "The Landmarks" Captain Smith, referring to the
Islands, says: "The highest, or Sorico (is) in the bay of Penobscot;
but the three isles and a rock of Matinnack are much further in the
sea. Metinicus is also three plain isles and a rock, betwixt it and
Monahigan; Monahigan is a round high isle; and close by it, Monanis,
betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride. In Damerils Isles is
such another. Sagadahock is known by the name Satquin, and four or
five isles in the mouth. Smith's isles (Isle of Shoales) are a heap
together, none near them, against Accominticus."2.
Monanis here has its first recorded mention, and in connection there-
with, the location of Smith's two vessels during the summer
Footnotes. 1. Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 780.
2. Description of New England, Veazie reprint, 46, 47.
p.130 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
FIRST MENTION OF DAMARISCOVE ISLANDS/DAMERIL'S ISLES.
HUMPHREY DAMERILL OF BOSTON.
of 1614 is definitely fixed. Here, also, we have the earliest
mentionn of Damariscove Islands under the designation of Dameril's
Isles.
Humphrey Damerill of Boston, dying about 1650, claimed to own a
part or all of this Island.
INSERT - SAVAGE DICTIONARY
DAMERILL, HUMPHREY, Boston, a master mariner, apprais. of whose est.
to be div. betw. wife and ch. was had 27 Apr. 1654. His wid. Sarah
m. 15 Sept. 1654, John Hawkins. JOHN, Boston 1657, s. of the preced.
p.130 Continued.
Humphrey Damerill or another of that name, fishing on the coast, may
have used its harbor and shore privileges several years before 1614.
Damaris Cove, as a variation of the name, appears among the various
references to the island found in the writings of that century per-
taining to matters on the coast of Maine.1.
"THEM OF THE PENOBSCOT"
AUGOCISCO OR, MOUNT WASHINGTON.
In his further description of the country, after referring to the
mountains - "them of the Penobscot" (the Union and Camden mountains),
the "twinklinng mountain of Augocisco (Mount Washington), and the
great mountain of Sasanou" (Agamenticus), all indicated on his map,
Captain Smith makes mention of the various kinds of trees, birds,
fishes, animals, etc., that had come under his observation in ranging
the coast. He also enlarges here and there on "the main staple" fish,
and alludes to the seasons favorable to fishing, calls attention to
the fertility of the soil 2., and to the great value of its products
and refers to many other matters indicating the suitableness of the
country for plantation and development.
In fact, he was so favorably impressed with what he saw during his
summer on the American coast, that he wrote:
I WOULD RATHER LIVE HERE THAN ANYWHERE.
"Of all the four parts of the world that I have yet seen not inhab-
ited, could I have but means to transport a colony, I would rather
live here than anywhere."3.
Footnotes. 1. In the words, "In Damerills isles is cuch another",
the reference is to the unique harbor in the outer island of the
group. Thayer, Maine Historical Society's Collections, Series II,
6, 80. 2. "The ground is so fertile, that questionless, it is
capable of producing any grain, fruits or seeds you will sow or
plant ... But it may be not every kind, to that perfection of
delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarry, we have yet tried
near the sea-side, than we find in the same height in Europe or
Asia. Yet I made a garden upon the top of a rocky isle, four
leagues from the main (Monhegan) in May, that grew so well
as it served us for salads in June and July." - A Description
of New England, Veazie reprint, 34, 35. 3. Ib., 28.
p.131 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
"A New England"
The summer passed - a summer that awakened in the adventurous
spirit of Captain John Smith, bright visions of a New England,
and the greater glory of the mother country by reason of Eng-
land's expansion on this side of the sea. "Here, nature and
liberty, he wrote, "afford us freely which in England we want,
or it costeth us dearly"1. His mind aglow with this thought,
and evidently with a purpose to impress it upon the hearts of
his countrymen, Captain Smith sailed out of Monhegan harbor as
summer drew to a close. The date of his sailing, he does not
give, but he records the fact that he arrived in England "with-
in six months" after his departure from the Downs",2 which was
in the month of April. He landed at Plymouth, England, where he
informed Gorges concerning his venture, and gave him such an en-
thusiastic report concerning the country and its capabilities,
that Gorges interest in English colonization on the American
coast was at once reawakened.3 Smith's report had the same
effect upon other members of the Plymouth company. It was the
general feeling of those interested in the territory of the
northern colony that Captain John Smith was the man for the
task to which the Popham colonists proved unequal; and forth-
with, negotiations with him were opened with reference to a
new colonial undertaking. "I was so encouraged and assured to
have the managing their authority in those parts during my life,
and such large promises", wrote Smith, "that I engaged myself to
undertake it for them".4
Smith disposed of his cargo of fish readily. The other vessel,
of which Thomas Hunt was Master, tarrying awhile longer at
Monhegan, at length sailed for Spain, and the cargo was sold at
Malaga, Spain. Before Hunt left the coast, however, thinking to
make it difficult for Smith to accomplish his purpose to esta-
blish a colony there,5 he seized twenty-four Indians whom he had
enticed on
Footnotes. 1. A Description of New England, Veazie reprint, 56.
2. General Historie, London edition of 1629, Richmond, Virginia,
1819, II, 176. 3. A Description of New England, Veazie reprint,
66. 4. General Historie, II, 177, 178. 5. Ib., II, 176.
p.132 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
HUNT'S TREACHERY - HE SOLD MAINE INDIANS AT MALAGA.
board his vessel, and on his arrival at Malaga, sold them "for
little private gain". He received punishment, in part, however,
for as Smith says, "this vile act kept him ever after from any
more employment to those parts":1 but the prejudical effects of
Hunt's treachery must have lingered long, embittering the Indians
against the English and attaching them even more strongly than
hitherto, to their French rivals.
Having made an agreement with the Plymouth company to take the
leadership in planting an English colony on the American coast,
Smith proceeded to London to report to the Adventurers at the
metropolis, the results of their undertaking under his super-
vision. When on his arrival he announced his engagement with
the Plymouth company, he found some who promised their assist-
and in this new enterprise; but there were others, and in all
probability, those who had fitted out the two ships with which
he had summered at Monhegan, who evidently thought that they had
a prior claim to his services because of existing relations; and
they offered him employment in a similar undertaking.
This added offer, Smith was obliged to decline, on account of the
agreement he had concluded with the Plymouth company. "I find my
refusal hath incurred some of their displeasure, whose favor and
love I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly enjoy it", he wrote;
but, he added, "though they do censure me as opposite to their
proceedings, they shall yet still, in all my words and deeds, find
it their error, not my fault, that occasions their dislike; for
having engaged myself in this business to the west country, I had
been dishonest to have broken my promise".2 These words
HUNT & HIS SALE OF INDIANS.
Footnotes. 1. General Historie, II, 176. The president and council
for New England in A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation
of New England, state that Hunt sold "as many as he could get money
for" and add: "But when it was understood from whence they were
brought, the Friars of those parts took the rest from them, and kept
them to be instructed in the Christian faith (Catholic); and so dis-
appointed this unworthy fellow of the hopes of gain he conceived to
make by this new and devilish project." Reprint in Baxter's
"Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine", I, 210.
2. Ib., II, 179.
p.133 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
CAPTAIN MICHAEL COOPER.
FOUR SHIPS.
are exceedingly creditable to their author. The London adventurers
pressed their case with urgency; and failing to move Smith from his
position, they proceeded to fit our four ships which they placed
under the direction of Captain Michael Cooper, and they were ready
for sea before the Plymouth company "had made any provision at all",
as Smith, in his disappointment over condition at Plymouth (England)
records.
CAPTAIN MICHAEL COOPER'S ADVENTURE.
THE HARBOR AT MONHEGAN, MAINE.
Concerning Captain Cooper's adventure, only meager details have
come down to us. The vessels sailed in January following Smith's
return and arrived at Monhegan in March. Here they remained until
June, Cooper employing his men in fishing. The four vessels taking
the place of Smith's two, in the preceding season, the little harbor
at Monhegan must have presented a busy scene day by day, boats moving
out of the harbor on their fishing rips to the waters around the
island, and later returning heavily laden with their abundant catches
to be cured when landed on the sandy beaches of the harbor. One of
the vessels, a ship of three hundred tons, was sent in June directly
from Monhegan to Spain, loaded with fish, but was captured by Turks
on the way.
Another vessel, also loaded with fish, was sent to the South Virginia
colony and a third vessel returned with fish and oil to England,
probably to London. Concerning Captain Cooper's fourth ship, there
is no information.1.
RICHARD HAWKINS, 1615.
In the same year, 1615, Richard Hawkins, who at that time was
president of the Plymouth company, made a voyage to the New
England coast, leaving England in October. Only a brief record
of his undertaking has been preserved. In all proability, he
made his way to Monhegan, Maine, and anchored in its picturesque
harbor. He seems to have spent some time in fishing there. Thence,
making explorations along the coast, he visited the South Virginia
colony and returned to England by way of Spain, whither he went
to sell his fish.2
Footnotes. 1. Narrative and Critical History of America, III, 181.
2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 25, 26.
p.134 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
was done by any of us that year".1 In 1616, there were signs
of activity. In his Description of New England, which was published
in London, June 18, 1616, Captain John Smith (in the closing pages,
which were probably added to his manuscript in the year of public-
cation), says, "From Plymouth this year are gone four of five sail,
and from London, as many."2 He is careful to add, however, that
they were not voyages with reference to colonization, but "voyages
of profit" only.
It was during this year, it is thought, that Gorges became owner
of a vessel and sent it to the coast of Maine "under color of fish-
ing and trade". Among those connected with this voyage was Gorges'
trusted friend, Richard
Insert.
SIR RICHARD VINES.
p.10 (Genealogy of Edward Small.)
A full google book online.
Deputy Governor Thomas Gorges sailed for England in 1644, lEAVING
Mr. Richard Vines* (Sir Richard Vines) at the head of the govern-
ment, as Deputy Governor of the Province of Maine. Vines was re-
elected to the same office, in 1645, and he and the councillors
were always Provincial Magistrates. William Waldron was chosen
Recorder, and a limited administration was organized.
The first session of the Court held under Vines, was at Saco (Maine)
in August, 1645, and which five members of the Council were present:
"Henry Jocelyn
Richard Bonython
Nicholas Shapleigh
Francis Robinson
Roger Garde."
At the "Generall Court" held at Saco, Maine, October 21, 1645,
only three of the standing Councillors were present. The board
to the number of seven was filled by the election of four other
Councillors (or Magistrates) each of whom was chosen and "sworne
for one whole year:"
"Richard Vynes, Deputy
Mr. Francis Robinson, Magistrate
Governor Mr. Arthur Mackworth, Magistrate
Mr. Richard Bonithon, Esq.
Mr. Henry Joselin, Esq.
Mr. Edward Small, Magistrate.
Mr. Abraham Preble, Magistrate.
The Grand Jury sworne to enquire for our Soveraigne Lord, the King:
George Cleeve, Gentleman.
Arthur Mackworth, Gentleman
Thomas Page, Gentleman
Richard Tucker, Gentleman
William Cole, Gentleman
Mr. Thomas Williams
Mr. George Froste
Mr. Richard Foxill
Mr. Jonathan West.
Mr. Jonathan Smith.
Mr. Edward Smale
Mr. Thomas Smith
Sir Richard Vines has passed the winter of 1616-17 at Winter Harbor
now known as Biddeford Pool, at the mouth of the Saco River, with his
four fishing ships from London and Plymouth, England, from which
circumstance the place is supposed to have derived its name; although
Hubbard states that is was so called from one John Winter, whose land
"encompassede one side of the necke of land." Vines is also credited
with commencing a settlement there, with Oldham and others, about the
year 1623. See also, Williamson's History of Maine, p.300. Early
Records of Maine, vol. I, p. 107.; Williamson's History of Maine,
p.300. Also Early Records of Maine, Vol. I: p. 100.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
It was during this year, it is thought, that Gorges became owner of
a vessel and sent it to the coast of Maine "under the color of fishing
and trade" Among those connected with the voyage was Gorges' trusted
friend, Richard Vines. In his account of this voyage, Gorges is pro-
vokingly brief - but that he received some encouragement from the
venture is indicated in the statement that from those connected with
it, probably Vines, he came to be truly informed "of so much as gave
him" assurance that in time "he should want no undertakers".
Vines is said to have landed at the mouth of the Saco River, where he
spent the winter in the wigwams of the savages, then so sorely afflict-
with the plague (small pox) "that the country was in a manner left voit
of in-habitants". Vines and his company happily were unaffected by it,"not
one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed there".
THE SHIP, NACHEN,commanded by Captain Edward Brawnde.
During the following year a voyage was made hither in the Nachen,
a vessel of two hundred tons, commanded by Captain Edward Brawnde,
whose account of his experience is contained in a letter addressed
to: "His worthy good friend, Captain John Smith,
EPISCOPALIAN - ANTAGONIZED THE PURITAN RULE.
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Provinde of Maine,
II, 26. 2. A Description of New England, Veazie reprint, 77. 3. Vines
is supposed to have made earlier voyages to the coast of Maine. Later
we find him at the mouth of the Saco river, where he established him-
self. Baxter says of him, "Richard Vines was a man of high character,
but being an Episcopalian, was antagonistic to the Puritan rule, which
was finally extended over the Province of Maine, hence in 1645, he re-
moved to Barbadoes, where he was engaged in the practice of medicine
until his death in 1651." Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of
Maine, I, 132, note; also II, 18, 19.
p.135 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
admiral of New England". Brawnde is said to have sailed from
Dartmouth, England, March 8, 1616, and to have reached Monhegan
on April 20th. In his letter, he makes mention of a difficulty
with Sir Richard Hawkins, who detained his boats; but he has
only good words concerning the country and the opportunities
there afforded for fishing and fur traffic with the Indians,
whom he described as "a gentle natured people", well disposed
toward the English.1
Meanwhile the lack of energy displayed by the Plymouth company
must have had a depressing effect upon Smith. "At last, however",
he would write, "it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Master Dr.
Sutliffe,2 Dean of Exeter, to conceive so well of these projects
and my former employments, as induced them to make a new advent-
ure3 with me in those parts, whither they have so often sent to
their loss". A few gentlemen in London, friends of Smith, had a
part in the enterprise, but mostly the adventurers were from the
west country. A vessel of two hundred tons, and one of fifty,
were secured and made ready for the voyage. Smith does not mention
the date of his sailing from Plymouth, but he tells us that he had
not proceeded one hundred and twenty leagues, when his own vessel
not only lost all her masts in a storm but sprang a leak, and under
a jury mast he returned to the harbor he had just left. While the
smaller vessel, her captain not knowing of Smith's mishaps, was
making her way to Monhegan, Smith secured a barque of sixty tons,
in which, June 24th, with thirty men, he again set sail.
But ill fortune a second time attended the undertaking, for he had
not proceeded far when French privateers bore down upon him and al-
though the vessel returned to Plymouth, Smith himself was held a
captive by the French, partly it would seem by the mutinous conduct
of some of his subordinates.4. After
Footnotes. 1. Narrative and Critical History of America, III, 181,
182. Brawnde's mention of Sir Richard Hawkins is an indication that
the latter passed the winter of 1615-1616 at Monhegan, Maine. 2.
Captain John Smith, General Historie, II, 205-206. 3. He says it
was in the year 1615. General Historie, II, 218. 4. A fuller account
of the affair is given in Smith's General Historie, II, 209.
p.136 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
various vicissitudes and brief delays in Rochelle and Bordeaus, he
was finally liberated1 and made his way back to Plymouth, England.
An investigation of the circumstances attending the voyage was held
at Plymouth, England, December 8, 1615. The result proved favorable
to Smith, who, to use his own words, "laid by the heels" such "chief-
tains of the mutiny" as could be found.2
Unquestionably, Smith's misfortunes in connection with his employ-
ment by the Plymouth Company disheartened those who had discovered
in him just such a leader as was needed in order successfully to
plant a colony upon the American Coast. Though he raised money in
London for another venture, there was no enthusiasm at Plymouth,
England, for joining in Smith's London friends in the proposed en-
terprise. However, he was not to be turned aside by the indiffer-
ence of his former Plymouth associates, and he spent the summer of
1616 visiting Bristol, Exeter, Barnstable, Bodwin, Penryn, Fowey,
Millbrook, Saltash, Dartmouth, Absom, Totnes and the most of the
gentry in Cornwall and Devonshire giving them books and maps.
By this help and information he had secured, personally, with re-
ference to the fishing interests upon the New England coast, he
endeavored to enlist support in further efforts. Such success
attended him in this campaign of publicity, that, he says, a
promise of twenty ships to go with him to the American coast in
the following year - was made to him; and he adds that the west-
ern commissioners in behalf of themselves and the rest of the
Plymouth company, together with those who should join them, con-
tracted with him, "by articles indented under our hands", that in
the renewing of the company's letters patent he should be nominat-
ed "Admiral of that Country" during his life, while the profits were
to be divided between the patentees and Smith and his associates.
Smith claimed that the promise was not fulfilled. "I am not the first
they have deceived", 2 he wrote.
Footnotes. 1. Smith tells us that he wrote his Description of New
England while a captive at that time. See Veazie reprint, 72. 2.
General Historie, III, 213. 3. Ib., III, 218.
p.137 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
Yet notwithstanding these many discouragements, Smith did not
cease his activities in new world enterprises; and in 1617, he
succeeded in securing three vessels for another attempt at colon-
ial undertakings. But the ill fortune that had attended his efforts
since his return from Monhegan in 1614, followed him still.
When at length his vessels were ready for the voyage, he was de-
tained by contrary winds with a hundred other sail in the harbor
at Plymouth, England, three months, during which time the adventur-
ers of the expedition seem to have lost heart to such an extent
that the undertaking was wholly abandoned.1 Gorges makes no men-
tion of Smith in any of his writings that have come down to us; and
now, upon this added discouragement, he evidently dismissed all
hopes concerning the "Admiral's" availability in connection with
English colonization upon the coast of Maine.2
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH'S REMARKABLE PERSONALITY.
Admirable qualities are easily discoverable in Captain John Smith's
somewhat remarkable personality. He was resourceful, energetic, cour-
ageous, optimistic. He saw clearly, indeed much more clearly than many
of his countrymen, that on this side of the Atlantic, England's oppor-
tunity for empire-building was large and inviting. But, on the other
hand, he never lost sight of Captain John Smith. His own fortunes were
ever held in full view. He found it difficult to abide long in harmoni-
ous relations with others unless the chief direction of affairs was
given to him.
Because of these defects in his temperament and character, not with-
standing his great services in connection with early American under-
takings, he failed to obtain a place among the successful founders of
states.
But, Captain John Smith, notwithstanding the many discouragements
connected with his attempts to promote English interest on the coast
of Maine, kept a watchful eye in this direction; and
Captain John Smith's Letter to Lord Bacon, 1618.
Footnotes. 1. Purchas, his Pilgrimes, IV, 1839. 2. In the Public
Records Office, London, there is a letter of Captain John Smith to
Lord Bacon, written in 1618, in which "he offered to adventure with
five thousand pounds "to bring wealth, honor and a kingdom' to the
King's prosperity'". Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province
of Maine, I, 102.
p.138 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
in his General Historie1 he makes mention of four good ships pre-
pared at Plymouth, England in 1618 for voyages thitherward. Disa-
greements, however, attended the fitting out of the expedition,
with the result that so much of the season was spent in discuss-
ing these differences that only two of the vessels crossed the
Atlantic, one of two hundred tons, which made a successful voy-
age, returning to Plymouth, England within five months, and the
other, of eighty tons, which was equally successful, and disposed
of her cargo of fish at Bilboa, Spain.
CAPTAIN EDWARD ROCROFT TO MONHEGAN.
CAPTAIN THOMAS DERMER.
NEWFOUNDLAND.
About the same time, evidently, Gorges sent Captain Edward Rocroft
to Monhegan with a company he "had of purpose hired for the service",
with instructions to await there the arrival of Captain Thomas Dermer,
formerly associated with Captain John Smith in one of his unfortunate
voyages, but who now was at Newfoundland.
THE INDIAN, TISQUANTUM.
There he met the Indian Tisquantum, who, having been released from
captivity in Spain, had succeeded in proceeding thus far in an en-
deavor to return to his old home and his own people. His description
of the country further down the coast interested Dermer to such an
extent that the latter proceeded to make his way thither. While on
the Maine coast, impressed by what he saw and by the knowledge he
had gained concerning the great opportunities for English coloniza-
tion that country offered, Dermer wrote letters to Gorges, in which
he made mention of these impressions and suggested that a commis-
sion should be sent to meet him there, promising to come from New-
foundland for a conference with such a commissiion if the suggest-
ion should be favorably received. It was because of these letters
that Gorges sent Rocroft to the coast of Maine in the hope that he
would meet Dermer. On Rocroft's arrival or soon after however, he
fell in with a French barque of Dieppe, engaged in fishing and in
trading within what were regarded as English sovereignty rights. He
accordingly seized the vessel, and placing the French captain and his
crew on his own vessel, Rocroft transferred his crew, provisions, etc.,
to the captured barque. The
Footnote. 1. Richmond, Virginia, edition 1819, II, 218.
p.139 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
French captain, on his arrival at Plymouth, England, laid his case
before Gorges, who acted with tact in his disposal of it. Reverring
to the French captain as "being of our religion", he wrote, "I was
easily persuaded as "being of our religion", he wrote, "I was easily
persuaded upon his petition to give content for his loss".1
Rocroft, in possession of the captured barque, concluded to remain
on the coast that winter, "being very well fitted both with salt,
and other necessaries"; but he soon discovered that some of his men
had entered into a conspiracy to take his life, seize the vessel and
seek "a new fortune where they could best make it".
SAWAGUATOCK - OR, SACO, MAINE.
ROSCROFT KILLED.
Rocroft, however, proved equal to the emergency and arresting the
conspirators "at the very instant that they were prepared to begin
the massacre", he put them ashore at a place called "Sawaguatock"
or, Saco, Maine; and though the barque was now weakly manned, and
"drew too much water, to coast those places that by his instructions
he was assigned to discover", without waiting for Dermer, he set sail
for Virginia, where in a storm, the vessel was wrecked, and where also,
at length, Rocroft, in a quarrel, was killed.2
The conspirators did not remain long at Saco, but made their way to
Monhegan, where they spent the long, cold winter "with bad lodging
and worse fare". One of their number died on the Island, and the rest
returned to England in a vessel sent to make a fishing voyage and
"for Rocroft's supply and provision".
But meanwhile, Captain John Mason,* then at Newfoundland, had ad-
vised Dermer to go to England and consult with Gorges and others
before returning to the Maine coast. This he did, taking with him
Tisquantum; and because of this change in his plans, he was not "at
the usual place of fishing", namely, Monhegan
Footnotes. 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Privince of Maine, II,
27. 2. A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New
England by the President and Council for New England, 1622. Baxter,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I, 212-215. 3. After-
ward prominently associated with Gorges in colonial enterprises.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
When, November 7, 1629, they divided their Province of Maine, Mason
received that part of the Grant lying between the Merrimac and the
Piscataqua Rivers, which then received the name of New Hampshire.
Captain Mason died in London in 1635.
p.140 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
gan, when Rocroft arrived. But when, in the spring of 1619, he
reached the island in one of the Plymouth company's fishing vessels,
he learned from the conspirators, who were still there, that Rocroft
had gone to Virginia. Until he heard at length of the misfortunes
that befel Rocroft there, he was hopeful of his return.
CHESAPEAKE BAY.
Then he took the pinnace assigned the year before to Rocroft for
Dermer's use, and with Tisquantum as a guide, he explored the coast
as far as Cape Cod, returning June 23rd, to Monhegan, where, on a
vessel, about to sail for Virginia, he placed a part of his pro-
visions and other stores, and then, in the pinnace, he proceeded
to follow the coast as far as Chesapeake Bay.
The Indian, Epenow.
In a letter to Samuel Purchas,1 Dermer gave an interesting account
of his adventures by the way. At Cape Cod, he left Tisquantum, who
desired now to return to his own people. On the southern part of
Cape Cod, he was taken prisoner by the Indians, but fortunately
succeeded in making his escape. At Martha's Vineyard, he met
Epenow, the Indian who accompanied Hobson to the American coast
in 1614. "With him", says Dermer, "I had such conference" that he
"gave me very good satisfaction in everything, almost, I could de-
mand". Continuing his journey he passed through Long Island sound2
"to the most westerly part, where the coast begins to fall away
southerly", and thence, through New York Bay,3 down the coast to
Virginia. Here, as was the case, with most of his men, Dermer was
"brought even unto death's door" by a burning fever, but he re-
covered. In the spring of 1620 he returned to Monhegan, and having
spent the summer in exploration on the coast, he again started for
Virginia. At Martha's Vineyard, he tarried to visit with Epenow;
but this time,
Footnotes. 1. Purchas his Pilgrimes, IV, pp. 1178, 1179. 2. "Dis-
covering land about thirty leagues in length heretofore, taken for
main" - the first record of a passage through the Sound. 3. "In
this place I talked with many savages, who told me of two sundry
passages to the great sea on the west, offered me pilots, and one
of them drew me a plot with chalk upon a chest, whereby I found it
a great island, parted the two seas; they report the one scarce for
shoals, perilous currents, the other no question to be made of."
A POSSIBLE ROUTE TO CHINA.
Dermer seems to have had in mind a possible route to China as he
records this interview.
p.141 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
THE DEATH OF DERMER.
with the Indian it was war, not peace; and in the sudden, unex-
pected conflict that followed his landing, all of Dermer's men
except one, were slain; and Dermer himself was so severely wounded
in the desperate encounter, that although he managed to escape and
reach Virginia, he died soon after his arrival. His death was a
great loss to the northern colony. He possessed the confidence of
Gorges and those associated with him in the affairs of the Plymouth
company. The president and council for New England in their refer-
ence to his services and death, make mention of him as, "giving us
good content in all he undertook".1
From what is known of Dermer, Gorges and his associates at Plymouth
were fully justified in their expectations concerning him. Such was
his ability for the successful administration of important affairs,
and such promise did he give of steadfastness of purpose and energy
in overcoming difficulties, at the same time possessing considerable
experience in matters pertaining to his country's interest upon the
American coast, that hopes concerning English colonial opportunities
had been happily re-awakened.
Fishing Interests at Monhegan.
By the tidings of Dermer's death, however, these hopes again re-
ceived an unexpected blow. By this time the fishing interests that
centered at Monhegan were becoming quite prosperous. All of the
prominent voyagers to the coast of Maine, from Gosnold's explora-
tion in 1602, had emphasized the very great value of the coast
fisheries. The waters around the island kingdom, and even those of
the North Sea to which English fishermen were wont to repair, offer-
ed no such opportunity for successful fishing as the waters about
Monhegan.
Plymouth and Bristol were ports from which vessels had long made
their way "to exercise the trade of fishing". Indeed it was be-
cause of her fisheries that England possessed the hardy
Footnote. 1. July 10, 1621, there was reed before the Virginia
Company in London a relation of "Mr. Dermer's discoveries from
Cape Charles to Cape Cod, up Delaware river and Hudson's River,
being but twenty or thirty leagues from our plantation, and with-
in our limits, within which rivers were found divers ships of
Amsterdam and Horn", etc. Brown, Genesis of the United States,
II, 877.
p.142 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
QUEEN ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND.
MARTIN FROBISHER.
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
SIR WALTER RALEGH.
and daring seamen, who won her great victory over Spain in the
the defeat of the Armada. Down to the time of Queen Elizabeth,
the foreign trade of England is said to have been largely in the
hands of German merchants. But the fishing fleets of the Kingdom
were so many schools for training experienced seamen. Plymouth was
the birth place of great sailors, and furnished men for great
enterprises.1 It was a native of Plymouth, Martin Frobisher, who
sailed from that Port in 1576 to explore the coast of Labrador. It
was from Plymouth, England, that Sir Francis Drake in 1577 sailed
on his celebrated voyage around the world. It was from Plymouth,
England that Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1584 made his way to Newfound-
land to take possession of the Island and safeguard national inter-
ests in the name of Queen Elizabeth. It was from Plymouth, England,
also, that Sir Walter Ralegh obtained sailors for the vessels he
secured in his efforts to plant an English colony on the American
coast.
JOHN CABOT.
Bristol, England, likewise, early had its large fishing interests
and became a port for the supply of hardy fishermen. When King
Edward III, invaded France in 1337, Bristol, England contributed
twenty-four ships and six hundred and eight men, while larger Lon-
don contributed twenty-five ships and six hundred and sixty-two
men. It was from Bristol, England that John Cabot sailed on the
voyage of discovery that furnished the basis for the English claim
to the possession of so large a part of North America.
CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.
Bristol, England's Master John Whitson & Master
Robert Aldworth.
When Captain Martin Pring, a native of Bristol, England, sailed in
1603 for the New England coast, he was sent thither by Master John
Whitson, Master Robert Aldworth and other of the chiefest merchants
of Bristol, England. Notwithstanding discouragements with reference
to colonization, therefore, the merchants of Bristol and Plymouth,
England, in 1620, had, at Monhegan, Maine, and
HAWKINS.
FROBISHER - The North-west passage.
DRAKE, COMMANDER OF THE PRIVATEERS.
Footnotes. 1. Plymouth Municipal Records, R.N. Worth, F.G.S., p.203.
"Small, however, as the English ships were, they were in perfect trim;
they sailed two feet for the Spaniards' one; they were manned with
9,000 hardy seamen, and their Admiral was backed by a crowd of
captains who had won fame in the Spanish seas. With him was Hawkins,
who had been the first to break into the charmed circle of the Indies,
Frobisher, the hero of the northwest passage; and above all, Drake,
who held command of the privateers." Green, A Short History of the
English People, p.419.
p.143 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS.
the waters near it, vessels successfully employed in fishing and in
building up profitable trade relations with the Indians on the main-
land.
But up to this time since the return of Popham colonists in 1608,
nothing is heard concerning permanent settlements on the Maine
coast.1 Even of winter occupants, we have no information what-
ever, except what has come down to us concerning Vines' company
at the mouth of the Saco in 1616 and 1617 and the Rocroft cons-
pirators at Monhegan in 1618 and 1619. Captain John Smith, who,
as already stated, carefully examined the coast in the summer of
1614, says: "When I went first to the north part of Virginia where
the western colony had been planted, it had dissolved itself within
a year, and there was not one Christian in all the land".2 In his
General Historie, although he refers to the various efforts he and
others had made in the hope of establishing a colony on the New
England coast, the record for the most part is a record of failures.
Books, pamphlets, maps, he freely distributed among his countrymen
as he went hither and thither, spending nearly a year in these busy
endeavors to establish plantations in so goodly a land as he describ-
ed; but it was of no avail. One might as well, "try to hew rocks with
oyster shells", he said, as to induce merchants and others to furnish
funds for colonization undertakings.3
PEMAQUID.
Footnotes. 1. "It is well known that this (Pemaquid) was a gathering
place for voyagers, fishermen and temporary sojourners from the later
part of the sixteenth century." Report of the Commissioners in charge
of the Remains of the Ancient Fortifications at Pemaquid, December 13,
1902. There is no foundation whatever for this statement. The earliest
mention of Pemaquid by any voyager is in connection with Waymouth's
voyage of 1605. As to fishermen and fishing vessels at Pemaquid,
neither de Monts nor Waymouth, who were on the coast in the summer
of 1605 report any. In the Relation of the colonists, 1607-8, there
is no mention of either men or vessels at Pemaquid. They visited the
Indians there, but found no "voyagers, fishermen or temporary so-
journers". In fact, it was late in the first quarter of the seven-
teenth century before any such gathering at Pemaquid could have been
reported. 2. True Travels, Adventures and Observations, Arber's
reprint, 1884, 89. 3. Richmond, Virginia, Ed. 1819, II, 220.
p.144 CHAPTER IX.
THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
But while Gorges and those associated with him in the administrat-
ion of the affairs of the northern colony had failed in all their
efforts to plant permanent settlements on the coast of Maine, the
southern colony in Virginia, notwithstanding many difficulties, had
succeeded in obtaining there, a firm foothold. But the Virginia
colonists lacked the fishing privileges that attracted their own
vessels, as well as vessels from England, to the waters in the
vicinity of Monhegan; and they desired to extend their boundaries
farther north so as to bring the fisheries of the northern colony
within their own limits. Accordingly, after the breaking up of the
Popham colony, the Council of wrote to the Mayor and Aldermen of
Plymouth1 inviting them, inasmuch as on account of "the coldness
of the climate and other connatural necessities" their "good be-
ginnings" had not "so well succeeded as so worthy intentions and
labors did merit", to unite with them in their efforts farther
down the coast, where the conditions, as they viewed them, were
more favorable. But the members of the Plymouth company, although
greatly disappointed and discouraged by the return of the Popham
colonists to England, were not ready to abandon their interests.
Long continued ill success, however, had had a depressing effect
upon all of them, and Captain John Smith, in recording his ex-
periences in connection with the Plymouth company, had some reas-
on for his assertion that the Charter of the company was virtually
dead.2
IT WAS NOT DEAD.
Nevertheless, it was not dead; but there was need of the influ-
ence of new forces, and a revival of colonial interests in the
west-
Footnotes. 1. Calendar of the Plymouth Municipal Records, R.N.
Worth, F.G.S., 203. 2. General Historie, Richmond, Virginia,
Edition II, 177.
THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
p.145 ern countries of England, if anything was to be accomplished in
connection with the Charter. Some important lessons had been
learned from the London or South Virginia company, which twice
(in 1609 and 1612) had secured an enlargement of its privileges,
and was now enjoying considerable prosperity. Accordingly, an
application for a like enlargment was made by the Plymouth
company, March 3, 1619. After mention of the "great charge and
extreme hazard" that had attended the efforts of the Company in
its "continued endeavor to discover a place fit to entertain such
a design, as also to find the means to bring to pass so noble a
work", the company asked for like privileges as the Virginia
company." In response to this request a warrant was obtained for
a patent giving to the adventurers of the northern colony "like
liberties, privileges, powers, authorities, lands ..... as were
heretofore granted to the company of Virginia", with an exception
as to freedom of customs.2
THE GREAT PATENT OF NEW ENGLAND.
Notwithstanding opposition on the part of the Virginia Company,
a patent, known as the "Great Patent of New England", was issued
by King James I, November 3, 1620, to the "Council established at
Plymouth in the County of Deven, England, for the planting, ruling,
ordering and governing of New England in America."3
Gorges, who had been prominent in the affairs of the Plymouth
company, as long as it had any affairs, was no less prominent in
this new movement, cherishing the hope that he might yet secure
the ends at which he had aimed with so much labor and loss.
Evidently he had given to many men of influence within his circle
of friends sound reasons for securing an enlargment of privileges
by a re-incorporation of the Plymouth company; but now, he says,
"I was bold to offer the sounder considerations to divers of his
Majesty's honorable privy council, who had so good liking there-
unto, as they willingly became interested themselves therein
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 15-18. 2. Ib., 18, 19.
3. Ib., 20-45.
p.146 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
as patentees and counselors for the managing of the business, by
whose favors I had the easier passage in the obtaining his majesty's
royal charter to be granted us according to his warrant to the then
solicitor-general."1 This proposed re-incorporation of the Plymouth
company, whose territorial limits were from the thirty-eighth degree
north latitude to the forty-fifth, changed those limits so that they
included the territory from the fortieth degree to the forty-eighth,
and from the Atlantic westward to the Pacific.
THIRTEEN PEERS OF THE REALM.
Its affairs were entrusted to forty-eight patentees, thirteen of
whom were Peers of the Realm, and all men of distinction. They
were to have not only the planting, ruling and governing of this
vast territory, but they were also "to have and to hold, possess
and enjoy" the firm lands, soils, grounds, havens, ports, rivers,
waters, fishing, mines and minerals, as well royal mines of gold
and silver, or other mine and minerals, precious stones, quarries
and all, and singular other commodities, jurisdictions, royalties,
privileges, franchises and pre-eminencies, both within the same
tract of land upon the main, and also within the said islands and
the seas adjoining.2
COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND.
RESTRICTIONS.
No other of the King's subjects could enter and visit any of the
ports of New England in America, or trade or traffic therein, with-
out a license from the Council for New England, on penalty of the
forfeiture of both ships and goods.
THE REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
To a certain extent monopolies had flourished during the reign of
Queen Elizabeth. In fact, toward the close of her reign, they
flourished to such an extent that, as Macaulay2 says, "There was
scarce a family in the realm which did not feel itself aggrieved
by the oppression and extortion which this abuse naturally caused.
Iron, oil, vinegar, coal, saltpetre, lead, starch, yarn, skins,
leather, glass, could be bought only at exhorbitant prices". This
condition of affairs aroused strong opposition and in the Parliament
of 1601, the first great battle with monopoly was successfully fought
Footnotes. 1. Gorges, Briefe Narration. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and
his Province of Maine, II, 30, 31. 2. Farnham Papers, I, 33.
3. History of England, I, 49.
p.147 THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
in the House of Commons, the Queen, with admirable tact, placing
herself at the head of the party redressing the grievance, and
leaving to her successor, says Macaulay, "a memorable example of
the way to deal with public movements".
KING JAMES.
But, King James, a stout asserter of royal perogatives, did not
follow Queen Elizabeth's wise, tactful example. Gorges, who was a
most devoted Loyalist, had the King's ear, as well as the ears of
those nearest to the throne; and in the patent of 1620, a gigantic
monopoly was created. In the patent of 1606, the privilege of "fish-
ings" was conferred upon the patentees; but this may have meant "fish-
ings" in rivers and ponds only and not in the seas adjoining the main.
THE PATENT OF 1620.
In the patent of 1620, however, the words "seas adjoining"1 are used
in connection with the privileges granted, and "sea waters" in conn-
ection with "fishings".
THE VIRGINIA COMPANY.
SIR EDWIN SANDYS.
The southern, or, Virginia Company, was the first to protest against
such a denial of the rights of free fishing on the seas. Early infor-
mation concerning the privileges for which Gorges and his associates
asked, seems to have reached the members of the Virginia company; and
the treasurer of the company, Sir Edwin Sandys, at a meeting held on
March 15th, only a few days after Gorges and his associates made their
request for a new Charter, called the attention of the members of the
company to the purposes of the northern company; and a committee was
appointed to appear before the privy council on the following day, and
protest against this attempt to overthrow the right of free fishing on
the New England coast.2
THE DUKE OF LENNOX & THE EARLY OF ARUNDELL.
At the interview, Gorges was present. As a result of the conference,
the matter at issue was referred to two members of the Council, the
Duke of Lennox and the Earl of Arundell, both of whom were interested
in the re-incorporation of the Plymouth company. In their report they
suggested and recommended a modification of the Charter, so that each
company should have the right to fish within the limits of the other,
with the provision that
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 33. 2. Narrative and Critical
History of the United States, III, 297.
p.148 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE GREAT PATENT OF NEW ENGLAND - 1620.
such fishing should be "for the sustentation of the people of the
colonies there". This was not acceptable to either company, and
council, its members confirmed the recommendation of March 16th;
and July 23, 1620, the warrant for the preparation of a patent for
the northern company was granted by the King and the issue of the
great patent of New England followed, November 3, 1620.
THE MONOPOLY CREATED.
MONHEGAN AND DAMARISCOVE, MAINE.
HARBOR OF PLYMOUTH, ENGLAND OR, SUTTON'S POOL
But the Sough Virginia company was not the only party affected
by the monopoly thus created. Far heavier was the blow that now
fell on the merchants of Plymouth, Bristol and other western Ports
of England - whose vessels, in increasing numbers, now made their
way, annually, to Monhegan and Damariscove (Maine). As from the
ancient harbor of Plymouth, England, known as Sutton's Pool1
from whence the Mayflower colony sailed in 1620 2 - fishing
vessels at the pres-
Footnotes. 1. Plymouth, England, is on the south side of the rive,
Plym, and was called by the Saxons, Tameorworth, and afterwards,
Sutton or South-Town, and was divided into Sutton Prior and Sutton
Ralph. As far back as 1383, it had occasionally received the name
name of Plymouth, England, and in a petition to Parliament in 1411,
it was called Sutton. In the reign of King Henry II, it was little
more than a small fishing village; but in 1253, it had grown into
such importance that a market was established there. In 1377, only
three towns in England had a larger population, viz., London, York
and Bristol, England. Historical, Practical and Theoretical Account
of the Breakwater at Plymouth Sound, England, by Sir John Rennie,
F. R. S., 5. Footnote 2. There is no spot in Plymouth, England,
of so great interest to a native of New England, as the pier whence
the ship Mayflower sailed on her memorable voyage. For many years be-
for 1620, hardy Plymouth fishermen had passed this entrance to Sutton's
Pool, as they left Plymouth, England on their way to Monhegan and the
waters of the Maine coast. In the pavement in the middle of this pier
is this record:
MAYFLOWER COMPACT
1620.
INSERT.
http://www.themayflowersociety.com/pilgrim.htm
Mayflower Compact 1620
Agreement Between the Settlers at New Plymouth : 1620
IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. We, whose names are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Having undertaken for the Glory of God, and Advancement of the Christian Faith, and the Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to plant the first Colony in the northern Parts of Virginia; Do by these Presents, solemnly and mutually, in the Presence of God and one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil Body Politick, for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions, and Officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony; unto which we promise all due Submission and Obedience.
IN WITNESS whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names at Cape-Cod the eleventh of November, in the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, Anno Domini; 1620.
Mr. John Carver
Mr. William Bradford
Mr Edward Winslow
Mr. William Brewster
Isaac Allerton
Myles Standish*
John Alden
John Turner
Francis Eaton
James Chilton John Craxton
John Billington
Moses Fletcher
John Goodman
Mr. Samuel Fuller
Mr. Christopher Martin
Mr. William Mullins
Mr. William White
Mr. Richard Warren
John Howland
Mr. Steven Hopkins Digery Priest
Thomas Williams
Gilbert Winslow
Edmund Margesson
Peter Brown
Richard Britteridge
George Soule
Edward Tilly
John Tilly
Francis Cooke
Thomas Rogers
Thomas Tinker
John Ridgdale
Edward Fuller
Richard Clark
Richard Gardiner
Mr. John Allerton
Thomas English
Edward Doten
Edward Liester
http://www.themayflowersociety.com/pilgrim.htm
MYLES STANDISH
MYLES STANDISH
New England Marriages Prior to 1700
by Clarence Almon Torrey.
p.700
Alexander Standish (ca 1626-1702) & 1st wife, Sarah (Alden) (1629-1685?) d. many years before
1686?) ca. 1650/2? Duxbury?
Alexander Standish (ca 1626-1702) & 2nd wife, Desire (Doty) (Sherman) Holmes (ca 1645-1732)
w William, w Israel; 1686?; Marshfield.
Ebenezer Standish (1672-1755) & Hannah Sturtevant ca 1679-1759; b. 1698, Plympton.
James Standish (-1679) & Sarah ____? who m. (2) Richard Hutchinson ?1670, 1679?; m. (3)
Thomas Root, 1682, 1683, ca 1638/1640? Salem/Manchester/Lynn.
Josiah Standish (-1690) & 1st wife, Mary Dingley (-1655, 1665) Dec 19, 1654, Marshfield.
Josiah Standish (-1690) & 2nd wife, Sarah (Allen)? (1639-); after July 1, 1665, Duxbury/Preston, CT.
Myles Standish (1584-1656) & 1st wife Rose ____? (-1621); b. 1620; Plymouth.
Myles Standish (1584-1656) & 2nd wife Barbara (Allen)? (-1659+) between July, 1623 & April 3,
1624; Plymouth/Duxbury.
Myles Standish (-1663) & Sarah Winslow (1638, 1636-1726) m. (2) Tobias Paine, 1665; m. (3)
Richard Middlecot 1673; July 19, 1660, no issue - Boston.
Myles Standish & & Mehitable (Cary) Adams (1670-) w. of Eliashib; Dec 5, 1700; Bristol,
R.I./Preston, Conn.
Thomas Standish1 (1612-1692) & 2nd wife, Susanna Smith (1624-1692); b. 1660; Wethersfield, CT.
Thomas Standish (1660-1735) & 1st wife, Mary Church (-1705) m. Mar 20, 1690; 1689/90?;
Wethersfield, Conn.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
The Last Will and Testament of Myles Standish.
March 7, 1655
The Last Will and Testament of Captaine Myles Standish, exhibited before the Court held att Plymouth, Mass. the 4th of May, 1657 on the oath of Captain James Cudworth; and ordered to bee recorded as followeth:
Given under my hand this March 7th 1655, witnesseth these prsents tha I Myles Standish, Snr. of Duxburrow being in perfect memory yett deseased in my body and knowing the fraile estate of man in his best estate, I doe make this to to be my last will and Testament in manor and forme following:
1. My will is that out of my whole estate my funerall charges be taken out & my body to be buried in decent manor andif I die att Duxburrow my body to bee layed as neare as conveniently may bee to my two daughters Lora Standish &Mary Standish my daughter-in-law.
2. My Will is that out of the remaining parte of my whole estate that all my just and lawful debts which I now owe or att the day of my death owe, bee paied.
3.
4. I have given to my son Josias Standish upon his marriage one young horse, five sheep and two heiffers which I must upon the contract of marriage make forty pounds yett not knowing whether the estate will bear it att prsent, my Will
is that the resedue remaie in the whole stocke and that every one of my four sons, viz, Allexander Standish, Myles Standish and Charles Standish may have forty pounds appeec; if not that they have proportionable to ye remaining parte be it more or lesse.
5. My Will is that my oldest son Allexander shall have a double share in land.
6. My will is that soe long as they live single that the whole bee in partnership betwixt them
7. I do ordaine and make my dearly beloved wife Barbara Standis, Alexander Standish, Myles Standish and Josias Standish joynt exequitors of this my last Will and Testament.
8. I doe by this my Will make and appoint m y loveing friends Mr. Timothy Hatherley and Captain James Cudworth supervisors of this my last Will and that they wil bee pleased to do the office of Christian love to bee helpful to my poor wife and children by theire Christian counsell and advise; and if any difference should
arise which I hope will not, my Will is that my said supervissors shall determine the same and that they see that my poor wife shall have as comfortable maintainance as my poor state will beare the whole time of her life which if you my loveing friends pleasse to doe though neighter they nor I shall bee abel to recompence. I doe not doubt but the Lord will; by mee Myles Standish.
Further My Will is that Marcye Robenson whome I tenderly love for her grandfather's sake shall have three pounds in something to goe forward for her two yeares after my decease which my Will is my overseers shall see performed.
Further, my will is that my servant John Irish, Jr., have forty shillings more than his Covenant which will appear upon the towne booke alwaies provided that hee continue till the time he convenanted be expired in the service of my executors or any of them with theire joynt concent. March 7th, 1655 by mee, Myles Standish
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE SHIP, MAYFLOWER.
1620.
In the wall on the seaward side of the pier, a bronze tablet bears
this inscription:
"On the 6th of September, 1620, in the mayoralty of Thomas Townes,
after being kindly entertained and courteously used by divers friends
there dwelling, the Pilgrim Fathers sailed from Plymouth, England in
the ship, Mayflower, in the providence of God, to settle in New England
and to lay the foundation of the New England States. The ancient cause-
way, whence they embarked
p.149 THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
THE LITTLE HARBORS AT
MONHEGAN AND DAMARISCOVE, MAINE.
present time sail out of its narrow entrance on their way to their
accustomed fishing grounds, so was it then. So also was it with fish-
ing vessels then, as now, at Bristol, England, whence John Cabot sail-
ed on his voyage of discovery in 1497. For nearly a score of years,
at least, the great value of the fisheries on the coast of Maine had
been sufficiently attested to the people of England by both explorers
and fishermen, and the little harbor at Monhegan, Maine and that at
Damariscove, as well as the waters about these islands, presented
busy scenes as vessels from England's ports came hither with each
opening spring. Not only, therefore, did this assault upon free
fishing call forth the protest of the Virginia colonists, but it
aroused a feeling of intense indignation on the part of the mer-
chants and fishermen conected with the fishing interests of the
western counties of England; and with united voices they insisted,
"Fishing is free!" The state of feeling in Plymouth, England, and
vicinity, found strong expression in the following letter1 addressed
to Cranfield, the Lord Treasurer of England, February 12, 1621:
LETTER TO LORD CRANFIELD, LORD TREASURER OF ENGLAND.
FEBRUARY 12, 1621.
"It pleased your Honor upon the motion of Sir Warwic Hele,
to signify your pleasure that our ships bound on their fish-
ing voyages for the northern parts of Virginia should not be
stayed, or interrupted in their proceedings as was by some,
intended, for which your humble favor the inhabitants of this
town, and others in these western parts do acknowledge them-
selves much bound to your Lordship; yet seeing some threats
have been given out by Sir Fernando Gorges, either to disturb
the poor men in their present voyages, or to procure their
trouble in their return, and being that it is suspected he is
now in pursuit of such his intention; we, being assured that
no such thing can be
Footnotes continued from above.
was destroyed not many years afterwards; but the site of their
embarkation is marked by the stone bearing the name of the May-
flower in the pavement of the adjacent pier. This tablet was
erected in the mayoralty of J. T. Bond, 1891, to commemorate
their departure and the visit to Plymouth in July of that year
of a number of their descendants and representatives."
1. Public Records Office, London, England, I. S. P. Dom. King
James, V., 127, 92.
p.150 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
effected, but your Honor must have notice thereof, both in re-
spect your Lordship is a patentee in that patent for New England,
as also in regard of your other honorable places, we humbly be-
seech your Lordship that you would be pleased to give order that
nothing be done against us in this business until we have been
heard both for the interest we have in regard of your former ad-
ventures and employments that way, and the general estate of these
western parts of the Realm, having little or no other means left
to them for employment of their people and shipping. Humbly sub-
mitting the consideration hereof to your Honor's grave wisdom, do
in all duty, remain, Your Honor's to be commanded,
John Bownd, Mayor.
Also: ROBERT RAWLIN
THOMAS SHERWILL
JAMES BAGG
NICHOLAS SHERWILL
LEONARD POMERY
THOMAS TOWNES
JOHN SCOBETT.
Plymouth, England, this 12th of February, 1621.
THE RIGHT OF EVERY ENGLISHMAN TO FREE FISHING UPON THE SEAS.
The feeling was intense not only at Plymouth, England but in
Bristol, England and other seaport towns. The monopoly thus
created meant to each English fishing vessel on the New England
coast, a charge of about eighty-three cents a ton, which, con-
sidering the probable average size of the fishing vessels of the
period, was a demand of more than one hundred dollars for each
vessel.1 Moreover, the right to take wood for the erection of
stages and other uses, was denied, a matter of importance to all
fishing vessels making their way hither. In response to this popu-
lar uprising against Gorges and his associates, the British House
of Commons, more responsive to popular feeling than ever before, be-
came the field on which was to be fought the battle in behalf of the
immemorial right of every Englishman to free fishing upon the seas.
Footnotes. 1. Sabine, Report of the Principal Fisheries of the
American Seas, 43. In 1623, Melshare Bennet of Barnstable, England,
paid to the Plymouth Council, £162, 13s, 4d, for a fishing license
for his ship, the Eagle, Witheridge, Ship's Master. The vessel was
on the coast of Maine in that season. Maine Historical Society's
Collection, Series I, 5, 186, note 2. (459 KBS, transcription to
date) Janice Farnsworth
p.151 THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
PARLIAMENT'S ACT FOR FREER LIBERTY OF FISHING & FISHING VOYAGES.
1621.
For the first time in seven years, Parliament met January 16, 1621.
The matter of monopoly received early attention, and, April 17th,
following, an act was introduced, entitled "An act for the freer
liberty of fishing and fishing voyages, to be made and performed
on the sea-coasts and places of Newfoundland, Virginia and New
England and other coasts and parts of America".1
Discussion followed April 25, 1621, and was opened by Sir Edwin
Sandys. Two colonies, the northern and the southern, he said,
had been granted land in America. The southern colony, at an
expense of one hundred thousand pounds, had established a foot-
hold there.
THE NORTHERN COLONY, KNOWN AS NEW ENGLAND.
The northern colony had not been as successful; but it now de-
sired to proceed in its territory known as New England, on whose
coast there is fishing twice a year and far better than at New-
foundland. As the new patent of this company confers upon the
patentees, the sole right to fish there, the attention of the
King has been called to the matter and he has stayed the delivery
of the patent. By reason of the monopoly thus secured, English
fishermen are denied their free fishing rights, a loss to them
and to the nation, for the privilege costs the Kingdom nothing,
while these fisheries give employment to men and ships and secure
a profitable cash trade with Spain, fish being an article of food
that can lawfully be carried to Spanish ports. He therefore moved
"free liberty for all the King's subjects for fishing there", say-
ing it was "pitiful that Englishmen should be denied a liberty en-
joyed by the French and the Dutch, who come and will fish there,
notwithstanding the Company's monopoly - and he added, "The
northern company also prohibiteth timber and wood, which is of
no worth there, and they take away the salt the merchants leave."
Mr. Glanvyle, continuing the debate, thought there should be some
government control of the fishermen, who "spoil havens with casting
out ballast", etc.
Secretary Calvert said the sub-committee had not heard the other
side. The fishermen are hinderers of the plantations.
Footnotes. 1. Journal of the House of Commons, I, 591, 592. The
discussion is reported in brief as was the custom at that early
period.
p.152 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"They burn a great store of wood and choke the havens", as
mentioned. While he would not strain the King's prerogative
against the good of the Commonwealth, at the same time, he did
not think it fit to make laws for those countries that have not
as yet been annexed to the crown.
Mr. Neale said that at least three hundred vessels had gone to
Newfoundland this year out of these parts. Earlier complains had
been made to the Lords and the Council. No public good but private
gains were sought by the monopolists. From the time of King Edward
VI, there had been liberty for all subjects to fish in American
waters. In various ways the fishermen had been hindered. London
merchants, by restraining trade, and imposing upon trade, undo all
trade.
Mr. Guy thought the London merchants were to be commended, "howso-
ever their greediness in other things" was an occasion for complaint.
He claimed that the King, by his Great Seal, had already done as
much as could be done by the act now before the House. Provision
might be made for the fishermen to secure wood and timber.
Mr. Brooks said, "We may make laws here for Virginia; for if the
King consents to this Bill, passed here by the Lords, such action
will control the patent".
It was then voted to commit the Bill to Sir Edwin Sandys for a
hearing upon the matter by the Burgesses of London, York and the
seaport towns of England - "all that will come to have voice, this
day seven-night exchequer changer". So far as is known, this
meeting was not reported; but that it was held hardly admits of
doubt, so strong was the popular feeling in the communities in-
terested in the proposed Bill.
May 24, 1621, Mr. Earle reported the Bill for Free Fishing upon
the Coast of America, also amendments, which, with the bill, were
twice read.1 Mr. Guy claimed that the Bill pretended to make
fishing free, but in fact, it took this liberty away from those
who had established themselves at Newfoundland. This, Mr. Neale
Footnote. 1. Journal of the House of Commons, I, 626.
p.153 THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
denied. Secretary Calvert again raised the objection that the Bill
was "not proper for this House, because it concerned America". The
fishermen must be ruled by laws. He would have the word "unlawful"
added to the word "molestation". This was done. After added dis-
cussion by Sir Edward Sandys and Sir Edward Gyles, the bill was
recommitted.
Further action with reference to the Bill was delayed, however,
by a message received by the House of Commons from the House of
Lords, June 4, 1621, conveying the information that the King,
under the Great Seal of England, had sent a commission adjourn-
ing Parliament until November 14th. The commission had been read
and the House of Lords had adjourned. It was his Majesty's pleas-
ure, it was added, that all matters before Parliament should be
left in the same state as at present. The announcement evidently
greatly embittered the opponents of the King and Sir Robert Philips
objected to the reading of the King's missive. Then, according to
the Journal of the House of Commons, "Mr. Speaker letteth them
know that this House taketh notice of his Majesty's pleasure, by
his commission for the adjournment of Parliament, and that the
House will adjourn itself accordingly".
After proceedings expressive of indignation and even derision,1
the speaker declared the House adjourned until November 14, 1621.
Notwithstanding the strong opposition to the patent in that it
gave the sole right of fishing on the American coast to the pat-
tentees, the privy council, November 18, passed an order deliver-
ing the patent to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, with a provision that
both the northern and southern companies should have like free-
dom for drying nets, taking and curing fish, also wood for nec-
essary uses; the patent to be renewed in accordance with these
premises, and the southern company to have the privilege of ex-
amining the
Footnote. 1. "Then Sir Edward Coke, standing up, desired the
House to say (after him) and he recited the collect for the King
and his children, with some alteration:
"Oh Almighty God, which hath promised to be" -
Journal of the House of Commons, I. 639.
p.154 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
patent before it was engrossed and delivered to the patentees.1
Parliament re-assembled in November according to adjournment, and
November 20, it being represented that Gorges had executed a pat-
ent, since the recess,2 and had by letters from the Lords of the
Council not only stayed,3 the fishing vessels ready to sail, but
had "threatened to send out ships to beat them off from their free
fishing", Mr. Glanvyle moved to speed the Bill for free fishing on
the coast of America. Sir Edward Coke also asked that the patent4
should be laid before the Committee for Grievances.5
JOHN PIERCE.
THE MAYFLOWER COLONISTS.
CAPTAIN JOHN MASON.
NOVA SCOTIA, 1621.
June 1, 1621, the Council for New England had issued a patent to
John Pierce and his associates - the patent for the Mayflower
colonists. Furthermore, the King, influenced by Captain John Mason6
who was now in London, had requested Gorges in "a gracious message"
to hae the council for New England convey the northern part of the
territory he had granted to the Council for New England to Sir
William Alexander, which was done, and it was confirmed to him by a
Royal Charter, September 10, 1621, the territory receiving the
designation, Nove Scotia.7. Evidently it was supposed, that though
the New England patent had
Footnotes. 1. Narrative and Critical History of the United States,
III, 299. 2. The reference is to the Pilgrim patent which was grant-
to John Pierce, June 1, 1621 by the Council for New England, not by
Gorges. Doubtless its source was attributed to Gorges because he was
so prominent in the Council's affairs, and also because of his promin-
ence in securing the patent. In this patent, the Pilgrims received
"free liberty to fish in and upon the coast of New England" - a
recognition of the Council's monopoly. Strictly stated, the patent
was issued three days before the recess occurred. 3. "This was true",
said Sir W. Heale; "but my Lord Treasurer hath given order that the
ships shall go forth presently without stay". Journal of the House
of Commons, I, 641. 4. The reference is to the great patent for New
England. 5. The Journal of the House of Commons, I, 646. 6. He had
been Governor of a plantation in Newfoundland. His term of office
having expired, he returned to England. For an extended account of
his various activities, especially later in connection with inter-
est of Sir Ferdinando Gorges on this side of the Atlantic, see
Captain John Mason, edited by John Ward Dean and published by the
Prince Society, Boston, 1887. 7. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 55, 56.
Insert - Bond's Watertown, Index - page references for John Mason of
Watertown, Mass. pp. 357, Volume I
JOHN MASON, WATERTOWN, was son of Capt. Hugh Mason - John Mason m. Elizabeth
Hammond. Among other children, first child was John Mason b. 1677 m. Elizabeth
Spring and their 1st child was John Mason b. 1701 who m. Lydia Loring.
p.155 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
passed the Seals, its delivery to the Council for New England had been
stopped pending the consideration of the grievances it had called forth
and which had been received by the House of Commons. The Bill for free
fishing was again before the House, on December 1, 1621, when Mr. Guy
tendered a proviso in "parchment", insisting that the Bill took away
"trade of fishing from those who are inhabitants of Newfoundland".
Secretary Calvert was of the opinion that without this proviso the Bill
would never receive Royal assent. Mr. Sherwell and Mr. Glanvyle were
opposed to the proviso and it was rejected. The Bill was then passed.
On February 19, 1624, there is no record in the Journal of the House of
Commons after December 18, 1621. The reason is not far to seek. On that
day, the members of the House, alleging that the King had threatened that
body for exercising liberty of speech, entered in the Journal their famous
"Protestation"
THE ENGLISH BIRTHRIGHT.
in which they declared "That the liberties, franchises, privileges and
jurisdictions of Parliament are the ancient and undoubted birthright and
inheritance of the subjects of England, and that the arduous and urgent
affairs concerning the King, the State and defence of the Realm, and of
the Church of England and the making and maintenance of Laws and Redress
of grievances, which daily happen within this Realm, are proper subjects
and matter of Council and debate in Parliament".2 The significance of
this declaration, the King clearly saw, and he answered it with a char-
acteristic exhibition of passion. Having sent for the
Footnotes. 1. The Journal of the House of Commons, I, 668, 669. Gorges
(Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 35-43) says
he appeared three times before the House of Commons concerning this free-
fishing matter (the 2nd and 3rd time with Counsel) and gives quite a vivid
account of the proceedings in connection with his appearance. 2. Green,
A Shorter History of the English People, 492, 493.
p.156 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE KING'S EXHIBITION OF TEMPER.
Sir Edward Coke & Sir Robert Philips committed to the Tower.
journal, he tore out the pages1 on which the "Protestation" was record-
ed, saying, "I will govern according to the common weal, but not accord-
to the common will". This, however was not the limit of the King's ex-
hibition of temper. Having dissolved Parliament he immediately pro-
ceeded to inflict punishment upon the most conspicuous leaders of the
House of Commons. Sir Edward Coke and Sir Robert Philips were committed
to the Tower, while those less conspicuous were made
But Gorges and those associated with him in the Council for New England,
while recognizing "these troubles" as "unfortunately falling out",2 still
relied on the assistance of the King in maintaining their Charter privi-
leges, especially as Parliament had been dissolved, and they no longer felt
the restraints of popular feeling manifested in the House of Commons.
Fishing in the waters of Monhegan & Damariscove, Maine.
CAPTAIN FRANCIS WEST.
Meanwhile, however, without securing license form the Council, fishermen
were taking fish as formerly, in the waters in the vicinity of Monhegan
and Damariscove; and the council adopted measures for bringing "these
troubles", if possible, to an end. Robert Gorges,2 a younger son of
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, was sent to New England as Governor and Lieuten-
ant General of the territory conveyed to them by their patent. And hither,
also came Captain Francis West,
MESSACHUSIACK.
MASSACHUSETTS.
Footnotes. 1. "The Commons put themselves on their strongest ground when
they entered in the Journals of the House, a just and sober protestation
of their privilege to speak freely on all subjects. King James put him-
self as much as possible in the wrong, when he sent for the book and tore
out the page with his own hand". Trevelyan, England Under the Stuarts,
127. 2. He brought with him a patent from the Council for New England,
granted November 3, 1622 for "all that part of the mainland in New Eng-
land aforesaid, commonly called, or known by the name of Messachusiack,
(MASSACHUSETTS).... for ten miles in a straight line towards the north-
east....and thirty English miles unto the main land ... to be executed
according to the Great Charter of England and such laws as shall here-
after be established by public authority of the state assembled in Parlia-
ment in New England". Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 51-54. The re-
turn of Robert Gorges to England, after a brief stay, led to the abandon-
ment of this patent.
p.157 THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
REV. WILLIAM MORRELL.
who was made Admiral of New England, and the Reverend William Morrell,
who was to superintend the establishment of churches in New England in
connection with the Church of England. Bradford 1 says West preceded
Gorges, arriving at the end of June, 1623, while Governor Gorges reached
the coast in the middle of of September.2 West had authority "to re-
strain interlopers, and such fishing ships as come to fish and trade
without a license from the Council of New England, for which they should
pay a round sum of money. But he could do no good of them, for they were
too strong for him, and he found the fishermen to be stubborn fellows".3
Unable to accomplish anything, therefore, West4 made his way back to
England not long after, as also did Gorges, "having scarcely saluted the
country in his government", says Bradford, "not finding the state of
things here to answer to his quality and condition".5
King James' fourth Parliament assembled February 19, 1624. March 15th,
following, "An act for the freer liberty of fishing", previously intro-
duced,6 was committed to a large committee on grievances, of which Sir
Edward Coke was chairman. Two days later the committee reported 7 that
it had condemned one grievance, namely, that occasioned by Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges' patent.8 Coun-
COLONEL FRANCIS WEST.
Footnotes. 1. Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 178. 2. Bradford,
Ib., 169. 3. Ib, 169, 170. 4. West accompanied Newport to Virginia in
1608, and was elected a member of the council in the following year. He
was Commander at Jamestown many years. Having returned to England, he
received the appointment that brought him to New England in 1623. After
he returned to England, he again went to Virginia, where he was elected
Governor in 1627, and was continued in office until March 5, 1627. He is
not mentioned in Virginia records after February, 1633. A Colonel Francis
West was lieutenant of the Tower in London in 1645, and he may be the one
to whom reference is here made. Brown, Genesis of the United States, II,
1047. 5. Bradford, History, 184. 6. The Bill, passed by the House of
Commons, December 1, 1621, was not acted upon by the House of Lords and
so failed. 7. Journal of the House of Commons, I, 688. 8. Here, also,
the reference is to the great patent for New England. See Journal of
the House of Commons, I, 738.
p.158 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
sel for Gorges were heard. As to the clause in the patent, dated
November 3, 1620, that no subject of England shall visit the coast
upon pain of forfeiture of the ship and goods,1 the patentees had
yielded; the English fishermen were not to be interrupted, and were
to have the privilege of drying their nets, salting their fish, and
of whatever was "incident to their fishing", including necessary wood
and timber.
That the Council for New England had yielded, however, did not satisfy
its opponents in the House of Commons. They wished by higher authority
to make void the objectionable clauses in the patent. When, therefore,
the Bill came up for final action in the House, May 3, 1624, Sir Edward
Coke maintained in the debate that the part of the patent forbidding
free fishing should be condemned; that it made "a monopoly upon the sea
which was wont to be free, that it was a monopoly attempted of the wind
and sun by the sole packing and drying of fish". Secretary Calvert said
that "free fishing, prayed for by this Bill, overthrows all plantations
in those countries". In other words, it was of no advantage for the
patentee to hold lands on the New England coast, unless the fishing
rights in the adjoining coast waters were his. All opposition, however,
proved unavailing. At the close of the debate, the amendments proposed
by the opponents of the bill were rejected and the Bill was passed.2
Evidently it was not expected by the members of the House of Commons
that the Lords would sustain this action, or take any notice of it; and
on May 28, 1624, the House adddressed a letter to the King calling his
attention to the grievances they had sustained, and its source in the
King's patent of November 3, 1620, whereby all his subjects visiting
that part of the coast of New England to which fishing vessels were wont
to resort were forbidden to fish without a license from the patentees on
penalty of a forfeiture of ship and goods.
The trade of fishing, the Commons maintained, was a most beneficial one
for the Realm. Shipping
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 37. 2. The Journal of the House of
Commons, I, 795.
p.159 THE FIGHT FOR FREE FISHING.
thereby was enlarged; there was an increase in the number of seamen,
and the commerce of the Kingdom was more widely extended; further-
more, the Council had agreed to relinquish the monopoly which the
great patent created, and of which complaint had been made. It was
asked, therefore, that the King would be pleased to declare the pat-
ent, so far as free fishing was forbidden, also the incidents there-
unto, including the confiscation of ships and good, together with the
restraints and penalties that followed, "void and against your laws
and never hereafter to be put in execution".1
If King James I paid any attention to this address, there is no known
record of the fact. The King evidently was not in a mood for any such
action on his part. He could not, or would not, read the handwriting
on the wall. But Gorges and his associates in the Council for New Eng-
land kept their promise to the House of Commons; and the English fisher-
men in the vicinity of Monhegan, Maine, were allowed to continue their
labors unmolested.
The battle in their interest had been won, and not only had the voice
of the people been heard in the voice of the House of Commons, but it
had been recognized and heeded. Both were voices that were soon to be-
come more and more insistent, and with reference to larger popular de-
mands.
Footnotes. 1. I.S.P. Domestic, King James I, Vol. CLXV, 53, Public
Records Office, London. This document has received no attention from
English historians. It has this title: "Address of the House of
Commons, presenting the grievances of which they request redress, viz.:
I. Sir Ferdinando Gorges' patent for sole fishing on the coasts of New
England, May28, 1624. Against a patent restraining fishing on the sea
coast of New England." On the back of the leaf are the words, "The
Petition to the King to moderate Sir Ferdinando Gorge's patent". Plainly
it was the denial that fishing is free that made the fishing grievance
the most prominent of all grievances to which the House of Commons dir-
ected attention.
p.160 CHAPTER X.
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
"A Battle Royal"
The Coast of Maine.
Naturally during this battle royal for free fishing, the Council for
New England, notwithstanding its new Charter privileges, was not mak-
ing any progress in establishing settlements upon the Maine coast.
In fact, as has already appeared, the affairs of the Council were in
a very languishing condition. Its members, or, more accurately, some
of its members, including Gorges, were still considering plans for ob-
taining funds with which to advance colony planting; but their schemes1
were not received with favor.
Indeed, while they were being put forth, "and likely to have taken a
good foundation", says the Council, "the news of the Parliament flew
to all parts, and then the most factious of every place presently com-
bined themselves to follow the business in Parliament, where they pre-
sumed to prove the same to be a monopoly and much tending to the pre-
judice of the common good".2
The settlement upon the river, Sagadahoc.
One of these schemes had reference to a settlement forty miles square,
"the most convenient upon the river Sagadahoc", to be called the "State
County", the city and county to be equally divided amongst the paten-
tees, who shall cast lots for their serveral shares".3 It was eviden-
tly a dream of Gorges of which the reader will be reminded at a later
period, in Sir Ferdinando's fortunes, when, upon the foundation of Aga-
menticus, he sought to rear the elaborate structure of Gorgeana. The
"State County" on the Kennebec was a dream and a dream only.
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
I, 222, 223. 2. Ib., I, 224. 3. Records of the Council for New Eng-
land in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April 24,
1867, 84, 85. "As for the name of the city, the Council will be humble
petitioners unto the King's Majesty to give the same."
p.161 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
No evidence that English Settlers had foothold on
any part of the coast of Maine in 1622.
Indeed, up to this time, 1622, there is no evidence whatever that
English settlers had gained a single foothold on any part of what
is now the coast of Maine. Extravagant claims have been made, es-
pecially in behalf of Pemaquid, but an examination of of these
claims reveals their worthlessness. They have been well summar-
ized in these words: "It is alleged that Englishmen made seizure
of its (Pemaquid) soil, and introduced colonial life a dozen years
anterior to the patent of John Pierce - 1621.
INSERT.
Wikipedia: Kennebec River
The Kennebec River - just south of Bath
Origin Moosehead Lake
Mouth Gulf of Maine, North Atlantic Ocean
Basin countries United States
Length 149 mi (240 km)
The course of the Kennebec River
The Kennebec River is a river, 150 mi (240 km) long, in the state of Maine in the northeastern United States. It rises in Moosehead Lake in west central Maine. The East and West Outlets join at Indian Pond and the river then flows southward where it is joined, at the The Forks by the Dead River, also called the West Branch then continues southward past the cities of Madison, Skowhegan, Waterville, and the state capital Augusta. At Richmond, it flows into Merrymeeting Bay, a 16 mi (26 km) long freshwater, tidal bay into which also flow the Androscoggin River and five other smaller rivers. The Kennebec then runs past the shipbuilding center of Bath, thence to the Gulf of Maine in the Atlantic Ocean. Ocean tides affect the river height as far north as Augusta. Tributaries of the Kennebec River include the Carrabassett River, Sandy River, and Sebasticook River.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
By rare power of vision, a ship was seen to enter St. John's Bay;
a withered colony was landed, planted and so nursed and guarded
as to maintain life. Errant fancy on wings of theory, gathering
dismembered facts, has built up a showy fabric, though unsub-
stantial."1
In support of this claim of an early settlement at Pemaquid it is
said that there were "granaries" there, and accordingly settlers,
from whom the Pilgrims received supplies in a time of food dis-
tress. The reference is to the conditions at Plymouth in 1622.
DAMARISCOVE ISLAND, NEAR MONHEGAN.
The Pilgrims were in need, and their pressing necessities were
met, but not from "granaries" at Pemaquid. Both Bradford and
Winslow tell the story, the latter in greater fulness, as he was
the one who secured the supplies that relieved the distress of
the Pilgrims. "It was about the end of May, 1622", he writes,
"at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent having
lived long before with a bare and short allowance". In this
exigency it was suggested to the sufferers that help might be
received from the fishing vessels at the eastward; and at the
request of the Governor, Winslow proceeded thither, finding at
Damariscove Island, near Monhegan, "above thirty sail of ships".
From the masters of these English fishing vessels, Winslow re-
ceived kind entertainment, he says, and generous food supplies.
Payment for these, the ship Masters declined, doing "what they
could freely, wishing their store had been such as they might in
greater measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our
necessities; for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to
the utmost of their abiliti -
Footnote. 1. Thayer, Maine Historical Society's Collection,
Series II, 6, 64, 65.
p.162 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ties, which, although it was not much amongst so many a people
as were at the plantation, yet through the provident and dis-
creet care of the Governor, recovered and preserved strength
till our own crop on the ground was ready."1 In this narra-
tive of the transaction, by the principal character in it,
there is no mention of Pemaquid.
SUPPLIES GIVEN TO WINSLOW WERE FROM ENGLISH FISHING VESSELS.
In fact, there was at that time no English settlement at Pema-
quid, and therefore no "granaries", or anything else indicat-
English occupation. The supplies Winslow received came from
England, in English fishing vessels, as the narrative cleary
shows, and the Masters of those vessels should not be robbed
of the beautiful tribute that Winslow gratefully, lovingly
pays to them.
JOHN WINCOB.
When the Pilgrims at Leyden decided to leave the old world for
the new, it was their purpose to make their settlement within
the limits of the South Virginia company, "at some place about
Hudson's River". Accordingly, a patent in their interest, but
in the name of John Wincob, was secured from that company, Feb.
2, 1619. On approaching the American coast, the ship, Mayflower,
having made her landfall at Cape Cod, stood southward in order
to proceed to her destination; but the vessel falling "amongst
dangerous shoals and roaring breakers - and the wind shrinking
upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape",
and came to anchor on the following day in the Cape harbor.2
Making their settlement at length at Plymouth, within the limits
of the territory of the Council for New England, their patent
became void, and on the return of the Mayflower to England, at
their request, a new patent in their interest, and with Gorges'
assistance, as already stated, was issued June 1, 1621,3 by the
Council for New England, to John Pierce of London and his
THE OLDEST STATE DOCUMENT IN THE UNITED STATES.
Footnotes. 1. Good News from New England, Masssachusetts Historical
Society's Collection, VIII, 245, 246. 2. Bradford, History of
Plymouth Plantation, 93. 3. The patent is given in full in the
Farnham Papers, I, 45-53. It was written on parchment of consider-
able size, but in some way disappeared, and was found in 1741 among
some old papers in the Land Office at Boston, Mass. In 1853, it was
deposited in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth. It is believed to be the
oldest State document in the United States.
p.163 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
associates, and the new patent was brought over in the Ship, Fortune
which arrived at Plymouth, November 11, 1621.
INSERT.
Arrived Plymouth, Massachusetts
November 9, 1621
Burthen 55 tons
Thomas Barton, Master
1 John Adams
2* William Basset
3 Mrs. Elizabeth Basset
4 William Beale
5 Jonathan Brewster
6* Clement Briggs
7* Edward Bumpas
8 John Cannon
9* William Conner
10 Robert Cushman
11 Thomas Cushman - son
12* Steven Deane
13 Philipe de la Noye
14 Thomas Flavell & Son
15* ______ Ford
16* Mrs. Martha Ford
17 Martha Ford - daughter
18 John Ford - son
19 Robert Hickes
20 William Hilton
21 Bennet Morgan
22 Thomas Morton
23* Austen Nicolas
24 William Palmer
25 William Pitt
26* Thomas Prence
27 Moses Simonson
28 Hugh Statie
29 James Steward
30 William Tench
31 John Winslow
32 William Wright
Transcriber's Notes:
*9th gr. grandfather of transcriber.
In the book: Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, edited by
William T. Davis on page 303 it states:
"Thomas Prence came over in the Fortune in 1621, about twenty-one years
of age. He married in 1624 Patience, daughter of William Brewster,
who died in 1634. In 1635 he married Mary, daughter of William Collier
and in 1662 Mercy, widow of Samuel Freeman and daughter of Constant
Southworth. (also in my line)
He died in 1673."
Prence, Thomas - Governor of the jurisdiction of New Plymouth, died
29 Mar 1673 at age 71 "After he had served God in the office of
Governor sixteen years, or near thereunto, he finished his course
in the 73 year of his life. He was a worthy gentleman, very pious,
and very able for his office, and faithful in the discharge thereof,
studious of peace, a wellwiller to all that feared God, and a terror
to the wicked, his death was much lamented, and his body honorably
buried at Plymouth the day and year above mentioned" PCR 8:34
(see also MD 3:203-204) His body was interred in Plymouth.
Married 4 x.
Emigrated from London early July 1621 - 9 Nov 1621. He resided in
Duxburrow (Now Duxbury), MA before 2 Apr 1632. He made a will
13 Mar 1672/73 in Eastham, (now Barstable co.) Plymouth Colony
(now MA. Will probated 5 Jun 1673 in Eastham. He married in 1664 to
Patience Brewster, daughter of William Brewster, patriarch of Mayflower
1620 voyage. Brewster, Patience - died at age 32 "she died late in
1634 (in a letter to his son John Winthrop Jr. dated 12 Dec 1634,
John Winthrop reported that "the pestilent fever hath taken away some.
at Plimouth(spl), amoung others Mr. Prence the governor his wife.."
(WP 3:177) from Gt. Mig. 3:1522. Her body was interred at Coles Hill,
in Plymouth.
Passengers:
2 Hotten's lists as Bassite, with wife implied
6 also listed as Brigges
7 also listed as Bompasse
9 also listed as Coner
12 also listed as Dean
13 also listed as De La Nove
15 also listed as Martha, widow with sons William and John and daughter Martha
23 also listed as Austin Nicholas
26 also listed as Prince
Correspondence 12-08-01 passenger #7 Bumpas
1 Thomas Bompase
+Ann Brodford
2 Edouad "Edward Bumpas" Bompasse
b: 1603 in St. Barthalomew Parish, London, England
d: February 03, 1692/93 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts
+Hannah
b: 1607 m: 1628 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts
d: February 12, 1692/93
3 John Bumpas, Sr.
b: June 02, 1636 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts
d: March 07, 1714/15 in Rochester, Bristol, Massachusetts
+Sarah Hunter b: Abt. 1649 in Scituate, Plymouth, Massachusetts
m: 1670 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts d: 1710
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
p.163 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
continued.
associates, and the new patent was brought over in the ship Fortune
(above) which arrived at Plymouth, November 11, 1621, It made no
mention of territorial limits; but gave to each of the colonists
and those who should join them, together with their heirs and
assignees, one hundred acres of land in any place or places "not
already inhabited by any English". So far as is known, this was
the first grant of land made by the Council for New England under
its Charter of 1620. On April 20, 1622, without the knowledge of
the Plymouth colonists, Pierce obtained another patent, superseding
that of June 1, 1621. When this action on Pierce's part came to the
knowledge of the Pilgrims, they were indignant with Pierce and carr-
ied their case to the Council for New England.
Claiming that they had been deceived by Mr. Pierce, they asked the
Council's assistance in obtaining redress, and May 18, 1623, the
patent was yielded to them on the payment of five hundred pounds,
the Council passing an order, that the associates "are left free
to hold the privileges by the said former Grant of the first of
June (1621) as if the latter had never been. And they, the said
associates, to receive and enjoy all that they do or may possess
by virtue thereof, and the surplus that is to remain over and above,
by reason of the later Grant, the said Pierce to enjoy, and to make
his best benefit of, as to him shall seem good".1
THE PIERCE SETTLEMENT, ANCIENT PEMAQUID.
On the ground of this relation of John Pierce to the Pilgrim Grant,
the claim of an early Pierce settlement at Broad Bay, within the
limits of ancient Pemaguid has been advance. It has been shown con-
clusively, however, that this claim cannot be made to rest upon any
such foundation. "No evidence has been found that Pierce ever in-
timated an intention to make such a use of the patent of June 1,
1621; and more important still, so far as we know, his son, Richard
Pierce, during his life-time here, never put for any claim based
upon the provisions of that Charter."2 This
Footnotes. 1. Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts
Historical Society, Ed. 1913, I, 306. 2. Professor John Johnston's
History of Bristol and Bremen, 53. Professor Johnston was a native
of Bristol and devoted many years to the preparation of his valuable
work.
p.164 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
is the statement of a most careful writer of early Maine history,
who says the claim is that of the Pierce heirs of a late generation,
indeed, as late as 1734, and adds; "probably we shall best regard it
as an after-thought, adopted by them to strengthen their supposed
claim to a proprietary interest here, by virtue of the irregular
transactions of their ancestors."1
The beginnings of the ownership of Monhegan.
Sawahquatock.
The Island of Sequin.
WILLIAM CROSS AND ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
At this time, however, we get a glimpse of the beginnings of the
ownership of Monhegan. At a meeting of the council for New England
held July 24, 1622, the matter of a division of the land held by the
Council under the patent of November 3, 1620, was under consideration,
and it was ordered that the Earl of Arundell should have, for his
"devident" from "the middle of Sagadahoc and to go northeast so much
on his side as Mr. Secretary (Calvert) goes on the other side upon the
coast (i.e., west of the Kennebec) and to reach _____2 miles backward
into the main and three leagues into the sea; and to have further into
his devident, the island called Menehigan".3 At this meeting two other
divisions were made, one to the Lord Duke of Lenox and one to Secretary
Calvert. The division of the former was to extend from "the middle of
Sawahquatock", that is, from the middle of the Saco river, half way to
the Sagadahoc, and back into the country thirty miles; while Secretary
Calvert's division was to comprise the territory between the division
assigned to the Duke of Lenox and that assigned to the Earl of Arun-
dell; also the Island of Sequin. This is know as the first Division of
the great patent for New England. At a meeting of the Council held 12
days earlier (July 12, 1622), William Cross and Abraham Jennings,4
merchants, who
Footnotes. 1. History of Bristol and Bremen, 51. 2. The blank was not
filled, but the distance was probably thirty miles, as in the "devident"
of the Duke of Lenox made on the same date. 3. Farnham Papers, I, 62.
4. Although Abraham Jennings was a prominent merchant of Plymouth,
little is known concerning him. So far as the writer is aware, there
is no memorial of him in Plymouth, of any kind. The first volume of the
records of the Parish of St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, goes back to
1581. Abraham Jennings.
p.165 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
apparently were present) were invited "to enter the great pattent",
that is, to become members of the Council for New England. Jennings
was a prominent merchant of Plymouth, and had large fishing interests
on the coast of Maine. Both of the men requested time for the considera-
tion of membership. Jennings was born about that time. The record of
his baptism is not found in the early years of this record. It may be
that he was born before 1581, or that he was not born in Plymouth, Eng-
land. In 1605, he paid for his freedom (Black Book, City Clerk's office,
Plymouth, England, 307, verso), and on May 22, 1608, he married Judith
Cheere, a daughter of Nicholas Cheere of Plymouth, England. The record
of her baptism which occurred November 6, 1586, the writer found in
the first volume of the Parish Records of St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth,
England, under that date. From the City Records of Plymouth, England,
little can be gleaned concerning Abraham Jennings. He was alive in
1641, when an assessment for a poll tax was made by Parliament upon
the inhabitants of Ventre ward. The assessment of the Mayor, William
Byrch, was five pounds, and that of Abraham Jennings, seven pounds.
JENNINGS Key (quay) a part of Hawkin's Key.
ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
Robert Trelawny's assessment was ten pounds. A reference to Jennings'
business interests appears in the fact that a question as to the title
of "Jennings' Key (quay)" Plymouth, came up in 1675. The quay was then
in possession of Jennings and Warren, Jennings being Abraham Jennings'
son, william Jennings1 and in the inquiry then made concerning the
title, it was stated that this quay, known as Jennings' Key, was part
of an ancient quay called Hawkins' Key, which by lease passed to Will-
iam Stalling and from Stalling to Abraham Jennings, "by assignment
sixty seven years since". As this statement was made in 1675, the
quay came into Abraham Jennings' possession in 1608. It is further
stated that "about fifty three years since" (and accordingly about
1622). Abraham Jennings purchased, of Hawkins, and those who claimed
under him, a lease of the Hawkins' interest in the quay; and that
"about thirty six years since", that is, about 1639, he purchased for
himself and heirs "the reversion of one sixth of the Key in question,
which the said Abraham Jennings by his last Will and Testament, gave
to the said William Jennings", his son. The writer, in the summer of
1912, made diligent search for this Will at Plymouth, England and later
in London, but without success. "For divers good causes and considera-
tions" all claims to the Jennings "Key" were released by Jennings and
Warren, to the Mayor and commonalty of Plymouth, and the quitclaim, on
parchment, is preserved in the City Clerk's Office at Plymouth, with
the fine signature and seal of William Jennings, who still spelled his
name "Jennens". In the record of the freedom payment in 1605, the
name is spelled "Jennyngs"; but in the record of his marriage in 1608,
it is "Jennens".
p.166 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE SEIZING OF THE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN, MAINE.
after such consideration accepted membership, and paid one hundred
and ten pounds into the treasury of the Council as the cost of member-
ship, for which a receipt was ordered by the Council on November 27,
1622. Three days later, "A Bill of Receipt of 110 pounds" was sealed
to Mr. Abraham Jennings, "with covenant for his dividend in the main
land of New england".1 At a meeting held nearly two months later,
(January 28, 1622, O.S.), the records of the Council show that on
that date "the commission for seizing the Island of Monhegan, is this
day sealed and signed by the Lord Duke of Lenox" and eight others, in-
cluding the Earl of Arundell".2 A second division of the great patent
for New England, occurred on June 29, 1623, when the King was prsent
and participated in the drawing, which was by lot. "A plot of all the
coasts and lands, divided into twenty parts, each part containing two
shares", had been prepared "with the names of twenty patentees by whom
these lots were to be drawn".
THE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN.
ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
Mr. Abraham Jennings was not present, and his lot, which was the 5th,
was drawn for him by Sir Samuel Argall.3 This division, like the 1st,
was not consummated. There is no evidence that the Earl of Arundell
ever acquired possession of the Island of Monhegan, or that there was
any authority for the seizure of the island, in accordance with the
action of the Council in England, January 28, 1622; but it was in the
possession of Abraham Jennings not long after. It seems probable,
therefore that he acquired possession of the island about the time he
became a member of the Council, and it may be that he accepted member-
ship in this languishing enterprise in order to open the way for its
possession. It certainly was of value to him, because of the advant-
ages it would secure to those who had the management of his fishing &
trading interests on that part of the New England coast.
August 10, 1622, without having consummated its action with reference
to a division of its territory, the Council for New England
Footnotes. 1. Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April 24,
1867, 76. 2. Ib., 82. 3. Farnham Papers, I, 75.
p.167 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
made a second a second grant of land within the limits of its Charter.
The grantees were Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason. From
the success of the Pilgrim Colony at Plymouth, in whose interest the
first grant was secured, Gorges evidently had received new encourage-
ment with reference to colonial undertakings in New England. His
acquaintance with Mason, also, had brought him into relations with a
man of great energy, whose readiness to embark in such undertakings
had greatly strengthened his own former hopes and aims.
They intend to name it, "The Province of Maine".
The first use of the designation in any printed document.
By this action of the Council there was granted to Gorges and Mason
"all that part of the mainland in New England lying upon the sea coast
betwixt the rivers of Merimack and Sagadahock and to the furtherest
heads of the said rivers and so forward up into the new land west-
ward until three score miles be finished from the first entrance of
the aforesaid rivers and half way over, that is to say, to the midst
of the said two rivers ... said portions of lands with the appurten-
ances the said Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason, with the
consent of the President and Council, intend to name, the Province of
Maine". This is the first use of the designation, "Province of Maine",
in any printed document. The grantees were authorized to "establish
such government in the said portions of lands and islands ....as shall
be agreeable as near as may be to the laws and customs of the realm of
England." 1.
Within the limits of this grant to Gorges and Mason, the Council for
New England, (of which Gorges himself was still the leading spirit)
proceeded May 5, 1623, to grant six thousand acres of land to Christ-
opher Levett.2 Beyond a brief memorandum in the Records of the Great
Council and in the Calendar of State Papers, no documentary evidence
of such a grant has as yet been discovered -
PERCIVAL LEVETT
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 64-71. The Province of Maine was
divided by the November grantees, 7, 1692, Mason receiving the terri-
tory between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua. 2. He was born in York,
England, April 5, 1586. His father, Percival Levett, was City Chamber-
lain of York, England, in 1584 and the Sheriff in 1597-8.
p.168 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ered, but contemporary writers supply some added information concern-
ingit.1 Levett had caught the spirit of adventure abroad in English
hearts and homes in the last years of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and
which continued into the reign of King James. Following the seas, as
his chosen occupation, he was mentioned in 1623 as one of the Captains
of His Majesty's ships. But he had now become interested in new world
enterprises. He saw the possibilities which the situation of affairs
on this side of the Atlantic afforded, and he resolved to make his way
hither with the purpose of planting a colony on New England soil.
YORK, MAINE.
In some way, he interested the King in his enterprise, and Conway, the
Secretary of State, by direction of King James, addressed a letter2 to
the Lord President of York, June 26, 1623, calling his attention to the
proposed undertaking, as one "honorable to the Nation and to the parti-
cular County and City of York", as it was Levett's purpose "to build
a city and call it by the name of York". Levett, however, needed
helpers in "so notable a good work". He must have adventurers to join
him in the enterprise, and he must secure fifty men as colonists; also,
contributions for the erection of a fort; and Conway requests the Lord
President "by all fair persuasions, to wean from the County some assist-
ance upon such conditions as may be just and suitable".
Difficulties were encountered in securing the assistance thus sought.
At length, however, a vessel was procured, some colonists were made
ready and Levett, who had been appointed a member of Robert Gorges'
Council, set sail for the New England
Footnotes. 1. Maverick, in his Description of New England, describes
the grant in terms nearly identical with the memorandum in the Records
of the Great Council. Edward Godfrey mentioned it in his "Cattalogue
of such Pattentees as I know granted for making Plantations in New
England". Especially is such information to be found in Christopher
Levett's own story, "A Voyage into New England begun in 1623 and end-
ed in 1624", in James Phinney Baxter's Christopher Levett of York, the
Pioneer of Casco Bay, Georges Society, Portland, 1893. 2. Baxter,
Christopher Levett of York, England, 14, 15.
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
p.169
coast. The auspices certainly were favorable. Levett was in the
as well as of the Council under Robert Gorges, in the latter's
administration of the affairs of New England about to be esta-
blished, he seemed admirably fitted for the work he had under-
taken.
THE ISLES OF SHOALS, 1623.
Robert Gorges and Captain Francis West.
THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ENGLAND WAS NOW EFFECTED.
He reached the Isles of Shoals2 in the autumn of 1623. Landing
at Odiorne's Point3 at the mouth of the Piscataqua, he met Robert
Gorges and Captain Francis West, also two members of the colony at
Plymouth, who were awaiting his arrival; and the organization of
the government of New England was now effected.4
Here Levett remained about a month, and then, the season being well
advanced, he proceeded up the coast with the company he had brought
with him (and those who had arrived in other vessels) to make the
selection of a location for his colony. Fortunately we have his own
record of his explorations.5
York Harbor, or, Aquamenticus
and,
Cape Porpoise
SAWCO.
Two open boats conveyed the party and its stores. First, Levett ex-
amined the vicinity of York harbor, or, Aquamenticus, as he called it.
There he found much land already cleared, "fit for planting corn and
other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the savages, who are
all dead". Thence he proceeded to Cape Porpoise, "which is indifferent
good for six ships, and it is generally thought to be an excellent
place for fish". A good plantation, he indicated, could be made there,
but it would require some labor and expense. The next place he mentions
is "Sawco", four leagues farther east. On his way thither a heavy fog
set-
DAVID THOMPSON, A SCOTCHMAN.
Footnotes. 1. He was made a member of the Council by the payment of
a like sum as did Abraham Jennings. 2."The first place I set my
foot upon in New England," says Levett: and he adds, "Upon these
islands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much
good ground as to make a garden". Baxter, Christopher Levett of
York, 89. 3. David Thompson, shortly before, had established a small
settlement here. He was a Scotchman. Two years later, he removed to
an island in Boston harbor, which still bears his name, and where he
died, two years afterward. Ib., 90. note. 4. Of its brief duration,
mention has already been made. 5. Baxter, Christopher Levett of York.
p.170 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"SAWCO"
settled down upon the explorers, the boats became separated, and a
fierce storm assailing them, they were forced to strike sail and
take to their oars. Night coming on, they anchored, and their anchor
held them securely until morning, when they succeeded in making their
way "into Sawco", which Levett describes as "about one league to the
northeast of a cape land; and about one-eighth mile from the main
lieth six islands, which make an indifferent good harbor. And in the
main there is a cove or gut, which is about a cable's length in
breadth and two cable's length long, where two good ships may ride
being well moored ahead and stern; and within the cove there is a
great marsh, where at a high water a hundred sail of ships may float,
and be free from all winds, but at low water must lie aground, but
being soft oase they can take no hurt".1
OLD ORCHARD BAY.
There they found the other boat and tarried five days, the wind
being contrary. Mention is made of "rain and snow", but not with-
standing the unfavorable weather, Levett followed the shore of
Old Orchard bay as far as the northern extremity of the beach.
SACO RIVER.
The Crystal Hill, - Mount Washington.
In his mention of the Saco river, he says the Indians told him it
had its source at a great mountain called "the Crystal Hill", evi-
dently Mount Washington, "being as they say one hundred miles in
the country, yet is it to be seen at the sea-side, and there is no
ship that arrives in New England, either to the west so far as Cape
Cod, or to the east so far as Monhegan, but they see this mountain
the first land, if the weather be clear.". 2
Making his way still farther up the coast, Levett came to
SACO - FLETCHER'S NECK & BIDDEFORD POOL.
PORTLAND.
Captain Charles Deering & the steamer, Lewiston.
Footnotes. 1. "It is difficult to identify the locality which
Levett calls Saco; but his description plainly comprises Fletcher's
Neck and Biddeford Pool, as well as the islands, Wood, Negro, Ram,
Eagle, Stage and Basket". Baxter, Christopher Levett, 93, note.
2. Approaching Portland from the east and sailing between Monhegan
and the main land for many years, the late Captain Charles Deering,
of the steamer Lewiston, told the writer that he had never seen
Mount Washington from the sea, until he had passed Small Point.
Approaching Portland in one of the New York steamers, Mount Washing-
ton is seen on a clear day when within a few miles of the two lights
on Cape Elizabeth.
p.171 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
QUACK, HE RENAMED YORK.
PORTLAND HARBOR.
"Quack", which, he says, "I have named York" - the name he had
selected for his proposed settlement before he left England. Quack,
he describes, as "a bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands
which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and a half". Clearly,
the reference is to Portland Harbor, the western part of Casco Bay.
YORK
Continuing his narrative, Levett adds: "There are four islands1 which
make one good harbor; there is very good fishing, much fowl and the
main as good ground as any can desire". Fore River, he named Levett's
River.2 As in his boat the explorer passed up into this river and
thought of the York that was his birthplace, and of the York whose
beginnings he purposed to make, imagination kindling at the scene,
he could hardly have failed to catch a vision of the spires and fair
residences of the Portland which Longfellow loved to sing as
"the beautiful town that is seated by the sea".3
"At this place", says Levett, "there fished divers ships of Way-
mouth4 this year", the first fishing vessels of which we have any
record in connection with Portland harbor.
PRESUMPSCOT RIVER.
THE SAGADAHOC.
CASCO.
Continuing his exploration eastward, Levett makes mention of
another river, our Presumpscot: "up which", he writes, "I went
about three miles and found a great fall of water much bigger
than the fall at London bridge at low water". Thence to the
Sagadahoc, he says, "is all broken islands in the sea, with
many excellent harbors, where a thousand sail of ships" might
ride in safety. Especial mention is made of Casco, a place
evidently on the mainland having "a good harbor, good fishing,
good ground and good fowl, and a site for one of the twenty good
towns well-
PORTLAND HARBOR.
Footnotes. 1. Cushing's House, Peak's and Diamond. 2. Levett says,
"I made bold to call it by my own name". It should bear the name
still. 3. All the explorers who preceded Levett, seem to have fail-
ed to enter Portland harbor, and so not to have noticed the fitness
of the location of Portland for settlement purposes. 4. On Waymouth
Bay, between Plymouth and Southampton, England.
p.172 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SAGADAHOC.
seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh waters".1 The
whole distance from Cape Elizabeth to the Sagadahoc, Levett found
exceedingly favorable for plantations. "Of Sagadahoc", he said,
"I need say nothing of it; there hath been heretofore enough said
by others, and I fear too much." Plainly he had no heart to make
any reference to it. Seventeen years had not erased the memories
of the disappointments connected with the failure of the Popham
colony; and yet it is to be wished that so interesting a writer as
Levett had held his feelings sufficiently in control to have given
us a sketch of the ruins of Fort Saint George as he found them at
that time. All he tells us is that "the place is good, there fished
this year, two ships."
THE INDIAN SAGAMORES, MENAWORMET, COGAWESCO & SOMERSET.
Levett then passed on to Capemanwagan, (on the east shore of the
Sheepscot River, and where Samoset, Sagamore of the Pemaquid Indians
lived.) where nine vessels had "fished" that year. In the present
Cape Newaggen, there is evidently an echo from that early period.
The reference may be to Southport, or perhaps, Boothbay harbor.
There he remained four days and met many Indians and their wives
and children, prominent among them, three sagamores, Menawormet,
Cogawesco, (the sagamore of Casco & Quack) and Somerset, who he
mentioned
ROYAL RIVER AT YARMOUTH.
HARRASEEKET AT SOUTH FREEPORT.
MORATTIGGON
MOURT'S RELATION.
Footnotes. 1. Possibley the little harbor at Harpswell Point, as
"well-seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh rivers".
Royal River at Yarmouth and the Harraseeket at South Freeport are
such rivers. 2. He is first mentioned in connection with the Ply-
mouth colonists, whom he saluted March 16, 1621, with the word,
"Welcome", adding that "he was not of those parts but of Moratt-
iggon" as recorded in Mourts' Relation*, and which is there de-
scribed as "lying hence a day's sail with a great wind and five
days by land". By some, accordingly, Morattiggon is identified
Insert.
MOURT'S RELATION
FULL BOOK
*Mourt's Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims in Plymouth was
written ____. Mourt's Relation was first published in London in
1622, presumably by George Morton. Full book online at
http://www.histarch.uiuc.edu/plymouth/mourt1.html
p.172 Continued.
SAMOSET.
THE PLANTATION OF PATUXET.
with Monhegan; but more probably the reference is to someplace on
on the Maine coast in that vicinity. From Somerset, the Pilgrims
learned that the Indian name of their plantation was Patuxet. His
name appears in early records, as above, and is also written -
Samoset, Samosett, Sameset, Sammerset, Sammeset, etc. Bradford,
after a reference to some skulking Indians, had this reference to
him:
"But about ye 26th of March, a certain Indian came boldly amongst
them (colonists) and spoke to them in broken English, which they
well understand but marvelled at it. At length they understood by
discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to
the eastern parts, where some English ships came to fish, with whom
he was acquainted, and could name sundry of them by their names,
p.173 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
tions as "one that hath been found very faithful to the English,
and hath saved the lives of many of our nation, some from starving,
and others from killing". Levett proceeded no farther to the east-
ward, being told by the sagamores mentioned, "that Pemaquid and
Capemanwagan and Monhigon were granted to others", and especially
as Cogawesco said to him, that if he would plant his colony at
either Quack or at Casco, he would be welcome.
CASCO BAY.
Already Levett had settled upon Quack as the location of his
colony, and on the next day, the wind being fair, he set out on
his return, taking with him Cogawesco, also his wife and son, "bow
and arrows, dog and kettle, his noble attendants rowing by us in
their canoe". On his arrival at Quack, now called by Levett -
York, Maine, he was welcomed by the masters of the fishing vessels
there and at once commenced the erection of a house, which he forti-
fied "in a reasonable good fashion." Where the house was located,
he does not record; but Maverick, writing about 1660, and referring
to his visit to Casco Bay in or about 1624, says it was "on an is-
land before Casco river",1 now supposed to be House Island.2
THE INDIAN, SAMASETT or SOMERSET.
But clouds soon settled down upon the little settlement. The master
of one of the vessels in the harbor, "a great ship with seventeen
pieces of ordnance and fifty men", evidently an English trading
vessel, was monopolizing those traffic privileges of the vicinity,
which Levett insisted were his own by reason of his patent of land,
in accordance with which he had now located. Defied amongst whom he
got his language. He became profitable to them in acquainting them
with many things concerning the state of the country in the east
parts, where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them;
as also of the people here, of their names, number and strength;
of their situation and distance from this place, and who were chief
among them. His name was Samasett". History of Plymouth Plantation,
Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed., 1913, I, 199. It was Somerset
who made the Pilgrims acquainted with Squanto or Tisquantum.
Footnotes. 1. The New England Historical & Genealogical Register,
January, 1885. 2. Baxter. Christopher Levett of York 105-107, had
an interesting note concerning the location of Levett's fortified
house.
p.174 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The Council for New England.
by the master of the vessel, Levett reported the case to his assoc-
iates of the Council for New England, as a fit occasion for the
council's vindication of its authority.
Levett completed his house and fortifications, and then, prob-
ably in the summer of 1624, leaving ten men in charge of his inter-
ests in Casco Bay, he took passage for England, doubtless in one
of the returning fishing or trading vessels upon the coast.
PRINCE CHARLES OF ENGLAND.
There he attempted to enlist his countrymen in the settlement
whose beginnings he had made at York. But the times in England
were unpropitious for colonial enterprises. Prince Charles,
after an unsuccessful attempt to conclude a marriage arrangement
with the Princess Maria of Spain, - an unpopular proceeding, -
was now seeking the hand of Henrietta, a sister of the King of
France, who had rival interests in American territory. Moreover,
the discouraging report concerning affairs in New England, brought
back by Robert Gorges, had not been helpful to such an enterprise
as Levett had in hand; and he failed to awaken enthusiasm in his
appeal for assistance. Accordingly, he found himself compelled
to seek employment elsewhere. This he obtained in the autumn of
1625, receiving an appointment as Captain of a ship in the expedi-
tion against Spain under the command of Lord Wimbledon - an un-
successful affair.
After his return from this service, Levett's thoughts again revert-
ed to his interests in Casco Bay, but no way for his return opened.
What, meanwhile, had become of the ten men whom he left in charge
of those interests, is unknown - as no information concerning them
has come down to us. Probably, as Levett failed to return to Casco
Bay, they closed the house and finding employment upon some fishing
or trading vessel, it may be, they succeeded, at length, in making
their way back to England, or repaired to one of the smaller settle-
ments beginning to spring up here and there along the coast soon
after Levett's return to England. Levett found no such settlements
in his explorations from the Piscataqua to Cape Newaggen. Fishing
vessels there were in the
p.175 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
A Vessel at Pemaquid with Witheridge, Master.
coast harbors, but none until he reached Quack, where upon the
islands, the fishermen had doubtless set up their stages. Two
vessels had made their anchorage at Sagadahoc and nine at Cape
Newwaggen. From the master of one of the vessels at Cape New-
waggen, Levett had learned that at Pemaquid there was a Barn-
stable vessel, "Witheridge, Master".1
At Monhegan and Damariscove, the number of fishing vessels was
much larger. But it was inevitable that fishing interests in the
waters along the coasts would lead to settlements upon the main
land; and clear and definite proofs of the beginnings of scuh
settlements have now been reached.
Footnote. 1. Christopher Levett of York, 102.
CHAPTER XI.
BEGINNINGS HERE AND REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
p.176 It should be noticed, however, that connected with these infant
settlements now springing up on the Maine coast, there was no
organization like that which planted the colony at Jamestown in
Virginia, or that which attempted to establish the Popham colony
at the mouth of the Kennebec. It was not even, as it was with
the Pilgrims at Plymouth - a body of men and women who, not find-
in the old world those conditons of civil and religious liberty
under which they desired to live, sought such conditons in the
new world, and associated themselves together for this purpose.
Here, even formal association preliminary to such beginnings was
lacking, and only individaul enterprise, pure and simple, is dis-
coverable.
LEVETT AND THE INDIANS AT CAPE NEWWAGGEN.
JOHN BROWN of New Harbor.
THE FIRST DEED OF LAND IN THE STATE OF MAINE
THE TOWNS OF BRISTOL, NOBLEBOROUGH AND JEFFERSON AND
A PART OF NEWCASTLE.
When Levett was told by the Indians at Cape Newaggen that Pemaquid
had been "granted", the reference evidently was to the beginning of
a settlement that John Brown had made at New Harbor on the eastern
shore of the Pemaquid peninsula. At that time, so far as is known,
there was no such occupation at Pemaquid on the western shore of the
peninsula; but in 1625, John Brown had been a resident on the east-
ern shore long enough to have become known as "John Brown of New
Harbor" - this being his designation in the Deed for a tract of land
acquired by him from the Indians July 15th of that year. As the first
Deed of land within the limits of the territory of the State of Maine,
and compromising most of the town of Bristol, all the towns of Noble-
borough and of Jefferson, also part of the town of Newcastle,1 the
document has especial interest:
Footnote. 1. Report of the Massachusetts Commissioners to Investigate
the causes of the Difficulties in the County of Lincoln (1811), 23.
p.177 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
CAPTAIN JOHN SOMERSET.
NEW HARBOR.
"To all people whom it may concern. Know ye that I, Capt. John
Somerset and Unongoit (sic) Indian sagamores, they being the proper
heirs to all the lands both sides of Muscongus River, have bargained
and sold to John Brown of New Harbor, this certain tract or parcel of
land as followeth, that is to say, beginning at Pemaquid falls and so
running a direct course to the head of New Harbor, from then to the
south end of Muscongus Island, taking in the island, and so running
five and twenty miles into the country north and east, and thence
eight miles northwest and by west, and then turning and running south
and by west to Pemaquid where first begun - to all which lands above
bounded, the said Captain John Somerset and Unnongoit (sic), Indian
sagamores, have granted and made over to the above John Brown of New
Harbor, in and for consideration of fifty skins, to us in hand paid,
to our full satisfaction, for the above mentioned lands, and we the
said sagamores do bind ourselves and our heirs forever to defend the
above said John Brown and his heirs in the quiet and peaceable poss-
ession of the above lands. In witness whereunto, I the said Captain
John Somerset and Unnongoit have set our hands and seals this 15th
day of July in the year of our Lord God, one thousand six hundred
and twenty-five (1625) (signed)
CAPT. JOHN SOMERSET (seal)
Unnongoit (seal)
Signed and sealed in presence of us,
MATTHEW NEWMAN,
WILLIAM COX 1
Footnote.1 Both of these men probably came from Bristol, England with
John Brown. Of the former, Matthew Newman, nothing is known. He may have
died after a short residence in the new world, or he may have returned
to England. Descendants of William Cox have been well-known residents
of Bristol to the present day. Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen,
55, 56.
p.178 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
July 24, 1626, Captain John Somerset and Unongoit, Indian Sagamores,
personally appeared and acknowledged this instrument to be their act
and deed at Pemaquid, before me, Abraham Shurte.
Charlestown, December 26, 1720. Read, and at the request of James
Stilson, and his sister, Margaret Hilton formerly Margaret Stilson,
they being claimers and heirs of said lands, accordingly entered.
Per Samuel Phipps.
One of the Clerks of the Committee for Eastern Lands".1
An early document2 in the records of Bristol, England, men that
this John Brown, as a son of Richard Brown of Barton Regis in
Gloucester, England, and adds that he married Margaret, a daughter
of Francis Hayward of Bristol, England. It is supposed that he came
to the Maine coast directly from Bristol, England, probably in one
of the fishing or trading vessels of that prosperous city. He not
only became the possessor of the large tract of land above mention-
ed, but in 1639, he purchased of the Indians, land3 at what was then
know as Naquasset, now Woolwich, on the Kennebec, a little above Bath,
but on the eastern side of the river, and thither he removed. A daught-
Elizabeth, married Richard Pearce,4 who in 1641 secured an Indian title
to land at Muscongus, a part
Footnote.1. Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 54, 55. An
attested copy of this Deed was recorded in York County Register,
August 3, 1739. With reference to the authenticity of the deed,
those connected with the transaction offfered the deposition of
Simon Frost, formerly Deputy Secretary of the province under Josiah
Willard, Esq., in which he testified that when he was in the office
he drew from one of its books, called The Book of Records, the afore
mentioned deed which was there fairly recorded, and of which the deed
aforesaid is a true copy; and the deponent further testified that when
the Court House in Boston was burnt, about the year 1748, he had reas-
on to believe the said Book of Records was consumed in the fire. See
Report of the Massachusetts Commissioners to Investigate the Causes of
the difficulties in the County of Lincoln (1811), 16. 2. Johnston,
History of Bristol and Bremen, 54. 3. Ib., 237. 4. He was a son of
John Pierce of London, but spelled his name Pearce. Ib., 50.
p.179 THE REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
of the same being within the bounds of Brown's purchase in 1625,
the father-in-law being a witness to the transaction. Brown sold
his land at Naquasset in 1646, and returned to his eastern posses-
sions. In 1654 he was living at Damariscotta. In a deposition of
Benjamin Prescott, made at Salem, Mass. in 1765, Brown is mentioned
as living during the last years of his life, in Boston, with his son,
John Brown, Jr. Another daughter, Margaret, married Sander or Alex-
ander Gould.1
Concerning Somerset, one of the Indian sagamores, from whom John Brown
obtained the large tract of land described in the above deed, mention
has already been made. Unongoit is known only in connection with this
transaction.2
Abraham Shurt,3 before whom the acknowledgment of John Brown's Indian
deed of land was made July 24, 1626, was not on this side of the ocean
when the deed was executed, but came hither in 1626, and soon after his
arrival took up his residence at Pemaquid, where he spent the large
part of his long and useful life, engaged in business relations that
extended to Massachusetts on one side and to Nova Scotia on the other.
In his participation in the acknowledgment of the above deed, Shurt
appended no title to his signature, and probably claimed no legal
authority for
Footnotes. 1. History of Bristol and Bremen, 56. 2. It was credit-
able in Brown that he obtained possession of these lands by a re-
cognition of Indian rights. 3. Johnston, History of Bristol and
Bremen, 56, 57. Evidently he had been in Robert Aldworth's employ
Bristol. In his Will, dated August 30, 1634, Aldworth bequeathed
to him, two hundred pounds in current English money, and mentions
him as "my servant", meaning doubtless one in his employ. Abraham
Shurt was a brother of George Shurt of Biddeford, England. Waters,
Genealogical Gleanings in England, II, 983.
In 1653, he was a witness to an instrument in which he is recorded
as "Abraham Shurt of Chartlestown" in the Colony of Massachusetts
Bay. York Deeds, II, folio 84. He lived to a ripe old age. In conn-
ection with a deposition made by him, December 25, 1662, he is said
then to have been "aged fourscore years or thereabouts". Accordingly
at the time of this transaction, he was about forty-four years old.
Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 59, says, "It is altogether
probable that he ended his days at Pemaquid".
p.180. THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
the service he rendered; but familiar with common English forms in
business transactions, evidently a man of ability and integrity, he
was doubtless recognized as the best fitted for the service of any
of the residents on the Pemaquid peninsula.1
ROBERT ALDWORTH AND GILES ELBRIDGE.
Shurt came to this country from Bristol, England, as the represent-
ative of Robert Aldworth2 and Giles Elbridge,3 prominent
Footnotes. 1. John Wingate Thornton, Maine Historical Society's
Collections, 5, 195, wrote, "There was no precedent for the acknow-
ledgment, or the formuly, and Mr. Shurt is well entitled to be re-
membered as the father of American conveyancing". Nathaniel I. Bow-
ditch dedicated his Suffolk Surnames to him. Mr. Thornton learned
later, however, that the same form was in use in England long before.
Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 57, note. 2. Robert Ald-
worth was a son of Thomas Aldworth, who in 1582, as Mayor of Bristol,
interested the merchants of that city in Sir Humphrey Gilbert's ex-
pedition to the American coast in 1583. The son was born in Bristol,
England, November 8, 1561, and evidently inherited his father's busi-
ness qualification. One of the historians of Bristol (Barrett, History
of Bristol, 688) mentions him as "a great adventurer in trade and succ-
essful in merchandise". He was master of the Merchant Venturers of
Bristol, England, in 1609, and he served in the same office in sub-
sequent years. He was one of those who assisted in sending Pring to
the Maine coast in 1606. He was prominent also in civic affairs.
In 1596 he was sheriff, mayor of Bristol, England in 1609, and Alder-
man 1614-1634. As a merchant, he was so successful that he might have
retired with a competence at an early period in his business career,
but he seems to have preferred to retain his connection with his ex-
tensive commercial interests because they furnished him with added
means for large assistance to the poor of Bristol (Pryce, History of
Bristol, 219), whom he remembered not only while living, but also in
his Will. His elegant mansion in Bristol, in the rear of St. Peter's
church, which was purchased by him in 1607, and in part was restored
by him at that time, is still standing and some of the rooms are
shown to visitors. After Aldworth's death, which occurred November 6,
1634, it was occupied by Giles Elbridge and later by others.
In 1698, it became that "spacious and general asylum for the poor, the
old, the infirm, the diseased and the helpless", which has since been
known as St. Peter's Hospital (Pryce, History of Bristol, England, 224,
225). Aldworth's costly monument, surmounted by the arms of the Mer-
chant Venturers of Bristol, England, is in St. Peter's church. On it,
Aldworth and his wife are represented in effigy, kneeling and facing
each other. The inscription to the wife is as follows:
Martha Aldworth the loving and beloved wife
of Robert Aldworth, merchant, adventurer &
Alderman of this citie of Bristol - lyeth
heere.
(pictured, the Aldworth and Elbridge Memorial in St. Peter's
Church, Bristol).
p.181 THE REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
merchants of that city, who doubtless already had large fishing
and trading interests on the coast and wished to avail themselves
of better facilities in conducting their business. In some way it
had become known to them that Abraham Jennings of Plymouth,
Under interred, to whose pious and everlivinge
Memory, and as a perpetual testimonie to his
Dear love and her matchless virtues, her
Sorrowful surviving husband aforesaide
Hath dedicated this monument.
She died on May 2nd, 1619, aged 58.
The following is a translation of a Latin inscription on the central
panel of the base of the monument:
Although this statue of the venerable man is silent
Learn, O reader and beholder who he was ____
A famous merchant, a successful voyager through
Many seas, seeking rather the glory of his country
And the relief of the poor, than thirsting for
The accumulation of hoards of wealth.
And therefore, by the will of God,
He became richer, an exemplary Magistrate of the City,
Full of honor and fidelity, serving Christ and God
According to the teaching of the Church of England
Which was dear to his heart; he closed his life in peace
And now enjoys eternal peace beyond the stars.
In the panel under the effigy of Aldworth's wife are the following
lines in English:
What riches, grace and nature coulde betowe
In her, that's here interred, as streames did flowe
A second Martha, one whose faith did even
Wing'd with hope and love mount up to Heaven,
Here sweetly sleepes her dust, her soul devine
It fled from hence and now above doth shine;
As loathinge earth shoulde longer kept inthrall
From Christ, to be with whome is best of all,
Where now she lives in bliss and left us here
To mourn her loss yet joy to meete her there.
The entire monument was thoroughly cleaned and decorated in 1901.
Formerly the whole of the monument was richly embellished with gilt
and colors. Now, the figures are not painted, but the cushions on
which Aldworth and his wife are kneeling are painted red, and there
is some ornamentation in red and gold.
p.182 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
England, who had secured the ownership of Monhegan as already stated,
was willing to seel the island. Here were the facilities they desired
to secure, and Abraham Shurt, in their employ, was commissioned by them
to proceed to Monhegan and purchase the property in their behalf. This
he did, and he made payment for the same by a bill drawn upon Robert
Aldworth for the sum of fifty pounds.
ABRAHAM JENNINGS' WILLINGNESS TO SELL THE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN.
BRADFORD AND THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH.
When he declared his willingness to sell the island of Monhegan, Abra-
ham Jennings also let it be known that he wished to close out his busi-
ness interests on the island by a sale of the stock of goods in his
storehouse there. Such information reached the Pilgrims at Plymouth.
Bradford says: "Wanting goods they understood that a plantation, which
was at Monhegan, and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth (England)
was to break up, and divers useful goods was there to be sold, the Gov-
ernor, Mr. Winslow, took a boat and some hands and went thither". This
was in the the summer of 1626.
On their way they stopped at the mouth of the Piscataqua and called on
David Thomson, who had established himself there as already mentioned.
It was a somewhat regretable call on the part of Bradford and his
associate, for, as the Governor records, Mr. Thomson had not heard of
the sale, and now "understanding their
Footnote. 3 Giles Elbridge married a niece of Robert Aldworth and be-
came not only his partner in business, but the sole executor of his
Will. In that instrument Aldworth mentions Elbridge as his "well be-
loved kinsman", adding "I have found him always true, honest and care-
ful in the managing of my businesses and in his employment in mine
affairs"; and to him, after making mention of various bequests to
relatives, friends and public charities, he bequeathed the residue
of his large estate. Elbridge was Warden of the Merchant Venturers
of Bristol, England, in 1620, 1621, 1639 and the treasurer, 1633,
1634 and Sheriff, in 1629 and 1630. A son, Thomas Elbridge, came
to the Province of Maine about the year 1647, and will be mentioned
later. Giles Elbridge died February 4, 1643-4. His monument in St.
Peter's Church, Bristol, England, adjoins on the left of that or
Robert Aldworth, and is of like design as the Aldworth monument.
Indeed, the position of the Venturer's Arms over the center of the
Aldworth monument is the only indication that the Elbridge memorial
is not a part of the Aldworth structure (Boucher, Transactions of
Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaological Society for 1909, XXXII,
24).
p.183 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
purpose, took opportunity to go with them, which was some hindrance
to them both; for they (the parties representing Jennings in the sale)
perceiving their joint desires to buy, held teir goods at higher rates,
and not only so, but would not sell a parcel of their trading goods,
unless they sold all". The result was that "least they should further
prejudice one another, they agreed to buy all", and divide the goods
equally between them. This was done. Also, "they bought a parcel of
goats, which they distributed at home as they saw need and occasion,
and took corn for them of the people, which gave them good content".
The Pilgrims' expenditure in this transaction amounted to four hundred
pounds sterling. Bradford gives this further information, that a French
vessel, "in which were many Biscay rugs and other commodities", was
wrecked that spring at Sagadahoc, and that those who were conducting
the sale at Monhegan, had secured from the wreck some things that were
saved from the cargo, also some secured by the Damariscove fishermen.
These also were purchased by Bradford and Thomson, and the total pur-
chase of the Pilgrims at the sale amounted to more than five hundred
pounds sterling.1
MONHEGAN AS A TRADING STATION.
This large sum and that paid by Thomson furnish evidence with refer-
ence to the importance of Monhegan at this time as a trading station.
There is no inventory of the sale, but the goods that were sold doubt-
less included such as the fishermen on the the coast were likely to
need during the fishing season; also such supplies as the scattered
settlers, who had established themselves at favorable locations on the
main land, here and there, would need for themselves and for trading
with the Indians.
At this time Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his associates in the
Footnote. 1. Bradford tells us that for the most part, the Pilgrims
raised the money for the purchases made by them at this time, from
the sale of "the beaver and commodities they had obtained during the
preceding winter', and also by "what they had gathered up that summer";
and the Governor adds: "With these goods and their corn after harvest,
they got good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their
engagements against the time and to get some clothing for the people".
History of the Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts. Historical Society,
Ed. 1913, I, 449.
p.184 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
GORGES, A DEVOTED ROYALIST.
council for New Englad, were giving little attentiion to affairs on
this side of the sea. Gorges was still in command of the Fort at
Plymouth, and being a devoted Royalist, other interests engrossed
his attention. His correspondence in this period, illustrates the
fact that he found abundant occupation in connection with public
concerns, especially those pertaining to England's relations with
France and Spain.1
KING JAMES OF ENGLAND, DIED MARCH 27, 1625.
KING CHARLES I.
King James of England, died March 27, 1625, and was succeeded by
his son, King Charles I, whose marriage with the Princess Henrietta
Maria of France, followed on May 11. His first Parliament assembled
on June 18. It soon became evident that the new King and his advisers
had learned nothing from the ill-success that had attended King James
in his dealings with the House of Commons. "We can hope everything
from the King who now governs us", exclaimed Sir Benjamin Rudyerd,
in a moment of optomistic enthusiasm; but that hope soon vanished.
The declared purpose of the House to take up public grievances be-
fore proceeding by any other business, enraged the King and Parlia-
ment adjourned to meet in Oxford, England, on July 11. As the King
proceeded to levy the disputed Customs in defiance of the law, the
members of the House of Commons, when Parliament reassembled, were
in an angry mood.
SIR ROBERT PHELPS.
"England", said Sir Robert Phelps, "is the last monarchy that yet
retains her liberties. Let them not perish now". The King made
answer by the dissolution of Parliament, which followed on August
12th.
THE SECOND PARLIAMENT OF KING CHARLES I.
SIR ROBERT PHELPS.
SIR JOHN ELIOT.
The second Parliament of King Charles I, assembled February 6,
1626. Sir Robert Phelps and four others, who had been prominent
in asserting the rights of the House of Commons, were prevented
from taking their seats in that body by Buckingham's act in
making them sheriffs. But the new House, under the leadership
of Sir John Eliot, was no less determined in its opposition to
misrule than was the last; and early in the session, the atten-
tion of the King was called to the matter of grievances. His
answer was not satisfactory, and on May 24, 1626, Mr. Whitby,
seeking still for
Footnote: Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
III, 191-251.
p.185 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
BUCKINGHAM, THE KINGS FAVORITE MINISTER.
SIR JOHN ELIOT.
SIR DUDLEY DIGGES.
government action concerning "liberty of free fishing in the parts
of America, with the incidents of timber, etc.," referred to the
King's answer as a grievance.1 Strong opposition to Buckingham,
the King's favorite minister, rapidly developed, and Sir John Eliot
and Sir Dudley Digges were imprisoned in the Tower. The House of
Commons, however, demanded their release, refusing to to proceed
with the affairs of the Kingdom until this was done.
Their release followed, but King Charles dissolved Parliament on
June 15th, thus widening the breach that already separated him from
the representatives of the people, whose liberties he had sworn to
maintain, and foreshadowing events that were to characterize his un-
happy reign.
MILES STANDISH.
Meanwhile, the Pilgrims had firmly established themselves at Ply-
mouth, Massachusetts, but their indebtedness to the London advent-
urers for money advanced in fitting out the ship, Mayflower, inter-
est charges, etc., had loaded them with increasingly burdensome
obligations; and in 1625, Miles Standish was sent to London to
make some arrangement, if possible, with the creditors, whereby
it would not be necessary for them to pay "such high interest, or
to allow so much per cent". But he reached England "at a very bad
time", says Bradford, "for the state was full of trouble, and the
plague was very hot in London, so as no business could be done";
and he returned to Plymouth without accomplishing what he and his
fellow colonists hoped would be the result of his negotiations.2
But happily, a trip to the Kennebec after the abundant harvest
of that year, enabled Winslow to exchange with the Indians of that
river a shallop's load of corn for "seven hundred pounds of good
beaver and some other furs"; and when at length in the fur-laden
shallop, he floated down the river to its mouth, and made
Footnote.1. "Mr. Whitby reported grievances...3rdly. That the
subject may have liberty of free fishing in the parts of America
with the incidents of timber, etc. Which being restrained in the
King's answer, to desire that it be enlarged, and the restraint to
be presented as a grievance." Journal of the House of Commons, May
24, 1625, I, 863. 2. Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation,
Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. 1913, I, 436.
p.186 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
his way back to Plymouth, he had laid the foundation of an exceed-
ingly profitable Indian trade.1
MR. ISAAC ALLERTON, PILGRIM.
MYLES STANDISH.
In the following year the Pilgrims sent another of their number,
Mr. Isaac Allerton, to London and directed him, "upon as good terms
as he could" to renew the negotiations with the Adventurers under-
taken by Myles Standish; but he was not to conclude any arrange-
ment with them until the Pilgrims themselves "knew the terms and
had well considered of them." Allerton returned, having succeed-
ed in making a settlement with the adventurers, whereby the Ply-
mouth colonists were to pay their London creditors eight hundred
pounds in nine annual payments of two hundred pounds each, the
final payment to be made in 1628. This agreement was approved by
the colonists, "though they knew not well how to raise the payment,
and discharge their other engagements and supply the yearly wants
of the plantation...yet they undertook it", seven or eight of the
colonists, "the chief of the place", becoming jointly bound to meet
the annual payments at the time agreed upon.2
p.187 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, enfeofe, allot, assign and con-
firm unto the said William Bradford, his heirs, associates and assign-
ees, all that tract of land or part of New England in America, aforesaid,
which lyeth within or between and extendeth itself from the utmost extent
of Cobestcont, which adjoineth to the river of Kenibeck, towards the west-
ern ocean, and a place called the Falls of Nequamkick1 in America, afore-
said and the space of fifteen English miles on each side of the said river,
commonly called the Kennebeck River, and all the said river called Kene-
beck that lies within the said limits and bounds eastward, westward,
northward and southward, last afore mentioned, and all lands, grounds,
soils, rivers, waters, fishing, hereditaments and profits whatsoever
situate, lying and being arising and accruing or which shall arise,
happen or accrue in and within the said limits and bounds or either of
them together with free ingress, egress and regress, with ships, boats,
shallops and other vessels from the sea commonly called the western
ocean to the said river called Kenebec and from the river to the said
western ocean, together with all prerogatives, rights, royalties, juris-
dictions, privileges, franchises, liberties and immunities ... And by
virtue of authority to us derived by his late Majesty's letters, pat-
ents, to take, apprehend, seize and make prize of all such persons,
their ships and goods as shall attempt to inhabit and trade with the
savage people of that country within the several precincts and limits
of his and their several plantations", etc. 2
Footnotes. 1. On what is known as Johnston's map, compiled from "an
ancient plan of E. Hutchinson's, Esq., and from Jos. Heath in 1719,
and Phineas Jones' survey in 1731, and from John North's late survey
in 1752", the "falls of Nequamkick" (Negumkikee on the map) are about
half-way between Augusta and Waterville. The copy of this map here-
with, presented is from the original in the possession of the Maine
Historical Society. 2. The above is an extract from what is known as
'The Charter of Plymouth Colony', which was confirmed to William Brad-
ford and his associates by the
p.188 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CUSHENOC, NOW AUGUSTA
The territory on the Kennebec, thus acquired by the Pilgrims, extended
from Gardiner to the falls in the river, about half way between Augusta
and Waterville, and they proceeded at once, on obtaining the grant, to
take possession of it by the erection of a trading house at Cushenoc,
now Augusta, which they conceived, says Bradford, to be the most con-
venient place on the river for trade.1
Williamson says the Pilgrims had three stations for local traffic on
the Kennebec - one at Popham's fort, one at Richmond's landing, and
one at Cushenoc.2 There is no evidence, however, that they had any
other trading post on the river than that at Augusta. Neither of the
other places mentioned were within the limits of their patent. More-
over, the early Pilgrim writers make mention of only one.
Bradford, in referring to events that occurred on the river in 1631,
mentioned "the house there".3 Again writing of events that occurred
in 1634, he refers to some who "would needs go up the river above their
house (towards the fall of the river) and intercept the trade that should
come to them" [the Pilgrims].4
great Council for New England, January 23, 1630, and is now in the
Registry of Deeds at Plymouth, with the box in which it was brought
from England.
For a time its location was unknown, but in 1741, it was found at
Plympton, Massachusetts, "after a deal of labor and cost". It is print-
ed in full in the Farnham Papers, I, 108-116. Bradford assigned the
patent to the freemen of the Plymouth Colony, March 12, 1642.
"WAMPUM"
Footnotes. 1. Bradford, Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. 1913, II,
41. 2. History of Maine, I, 237. In another place (I, 252) he mentions
two - one at Fort Popham, and one at Cushenoc. 3. Bradford, II, 113.
4. Bradford, II, 176. Concerning the Pilgrim trade on the Kennebec,
Williamson (I, 235, 236) says: It was "trade" in a new article called
"wampum"; which her people were pursuing with great profits. It con-
sisted of white and blue beads, long and as large as a wheat corn,
blunt at the ends, perforated and strung; possessing a clearness and
beauty which rendered them desirable ornaments. They were only known
to the Narragansetts, the Pequots and the natives on Long Island; from
whom they were obtained at a low price for corn, or small articles of
foreign fabric, and transported into this eastern country and bartered
for furs." The Pilgrims also kept, for their Indian trade, such arti-
cles as coats, shoes, blankets, biscuits, fruits and trinkets, but
wampum commanded a more ready market than any other commodity. Prince's
Annals, 172, 3.
p.189 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
BRADFORD AT PENOBSCOT.
THE ENGLISH ADVENTURERS AND EDWARD ASHLEY.
After they had thus firmly established themselves on the Kennebec,
Bradford and his Plymouth associates came into possession of a trading
house at Penobscot. In 1630, some of the English adventurers, who were
interested in the Pilgrim enterprise, entered into business relations
with one Edward Ashley, and furnished him with goods for trading pur-
poses. Bradford describes Ashley "as a very profane young man", who had
"for some time lived among the Indians, as a savage".1 Ashley opened
his trading house at Penobscot. While the Pilgrims had no confidence in
the man, they foresaw that a trading house at that place, in unfriendly
hands, would be prejudicial to their interests on the Kennebec.
So, "to prevent a worst mischief", as Bradford says, they resolved to
join in the enterprise and furnished Ashley with supplies. But he soon
exhibited his true character; and having been detected in selling powder
and shot to the Indians, which he was under bond not to do, he was
arrested by parties not mentioned and taken to England, where he was
imprisoned in the Fleet.2 In this way the trading post at Penobscot
wholly passed into the hands of the Plymouth colonists.
But it was not altogether a source of profit to the Pilgrims. In 1631,
the house was robbed by some Frenchmen, who secured beaver and goods
valued at four or five hundred pounds. The man in charge of the post
and some of his assistants were at the westward in order to get a supply
of goods, when one day a small French vessel came into the harbor.
The story of those on board was that they knew not where they were, that
their vessel leaked, etc. Discovering soon the absence of the officer in
charge, and the weakness of the post, they noticed the guns in the racks,
praised them, and one was taken for examination. The man who had secured
it, and another who had a pistol, then ordered the unarmed garrison of
three or four men, to surrender, which they did, and they were held as
prisoners and compelled to aid them in carrying the goods to the French
vessel. Then setting the
Footnote. 1. Bradford, II, 83. 2. Ib., II, 107, 108.
p.190 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
prisoners at liberty, the Frenchmen sailed away, mockingly telling
them to say to their master on his return, "that some of the Isle of
Rey gentlemen had been there".1 Of course the Plymouth colonists could
not expect reparation for their loss, and Bradford closes his account of
the affair without comment, but evidently not without a groan.
Meanwhile, Levett had not lost sight of his far-away possessions on
this side of the sea. On November 29, 1626, writing from Dartmouth to
Sir John Coke, chief secretary of state and one of the King's privy
council, he earnestly called the attention of the government to the
importance of New England to the nation, and his desire to serve his
country there. "No man knows better than myself, he wrote, "what bene-
fit would accrue unto this Kingdom by that country, if it were well-
planted and fortified, which makes me so desirous to tread out a path
that all men may follow";2 and he urged the Secretary to place him in
command of a vessel for this purpose.
No response seems to have been made to this appeal, and October 10,
1627, Levett wrote again to Secretary Coke, inclosing in his letter,
a communication he had received from a New England correspondent -
some one in charge of his fortified house on an island in Portland
harbor, it may be - in which he urged the secretary not to let the
multiplicity of weighty affairs crowd out of his thoughts vast inter-
ests in New England, suggesting also an audience in order that he might
more fully lay before him considerations of national importance.2
In returning from his disastrous French expedition, Buckingham landed
at Plymouth, and on his way to London, passed through Sherborne, where
Levett lived. Here the latter had an interview with one near the King.
Doubtless Buckingham was
Footnotes. 1. This illustration of French pleasantry has reference to
the Duke of Buckingham's disastrous expediton of July, 1627, for the
relief of Rochelle, in which he lost two thousand men and his opponents
not one. Isle de Rhe isn on the French coast near Rochelle. 2. Baxter,
Christopher Levett of York: The Pioneer of Casco Bay, 58. 3. Ib. 61, 62.
p.191 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
glad to seize hold of any matter of concern that would draw public
attention from a great national defeat; and he promised Levett that
on reaching London, he would look into matters pertaining to New Eng-
land. Levett, so far as is known, had not received any encouragement
in answer to his previous letter to Coke; and he now wrote again to
the Secratary, informing him of the interview he had held with the
Duke - the letter is dated November 17, 1627, probably immediately
after Buckingham's departure for London - and inclosing a statement1
that he had prepared to be used in connection with the matter, in any
consideration it might receive. He was willing, he said, to go to
London, if his presence there was desired; and he closed his letter
to Coke by informing him that further neglect on the part of the govern-
ment would compel him to orde his men "now going to fish there", that is,
on the New England coast, to come away with their vessels.2
In this added attempt to reach the ear of King Charles, Levett was
successful, calling attention to existing "differences" between England
and England's rivals, France and Spain, and the necessity of protect-
ing English interests on the coast of New England from those whom he
designates as "foreign enemies". He referred also to the fact that
those who were inclined to become adventurers there had become "al-
together discouraged and disabled to proceed to their intention";
while at the same time the conditions were such in England, that the
government could not give needed assistance to these remote parts and
so secure to the nation "the many commodities and merchandise thence
to be had, and the store of timber there growing, very necessary for
the provision of shipping".
Not to protect such interests meant loss and dishonor to the nation,
and advantage and encouragement to England's enemies. Levett's appeal,
had awakened the King to a consideration of conditions not only on
this side of the sea, but also in England. The government was handi-
capped because of the
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, Christopher Levett of York; the Pioneer of Casco
Bay, 64-66. 2. Ib., 63, 64.
p.192 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
strained relations existing between the King and the House of Commons.
What then? Something must be done, and it must be done speedily. In a
proclamation, accordingly, King Charles now outlined a plan of proced-
ure, and called for public contributions in Levett's behalf.
"Whereas we have been informed that our well-beloved subject, Captain
Christopher Levett, being one of the council for the said plantation,
and well knowing the said country and the harbors of the same and the
strength and disposition of the Indians inhabiting in that country,
hath undertaken and offered to add unto his former adventure there,
all his estate, and to go in person thither, and by God's assistance
either to secure the planters from enemies, keep the possession of
the said country on our behalf and secure the fishing for our English
ships, or else to expose his life and means to the utmost full in
that service. Upon which his generous and free offer we have thought
fit, by the advice of our Privy Council and appointed him to be the
Governor for us in those parts, and because the charge in preparing,
furnishing and setting forth of ships for this service at the first
will be very great, so as without the help and assistance of others
(well wishers of those plantations) those designs be so well accomp-
lished, as we desire:
"Know ye that we, out of the love and affection which we bear to works
of this nature and especially for the propagation of the true religion,
which by this means may be effected, by converting those ignorant people
to Christianity:
"Have thought fit, by the advice of our said privy council, to command
this so pious a work to the consideration and assistance of all our
loving and well-disposed subjects; not doubting but they (well weigh-
ing the necessity of this work, and considering the present troubles
of these times) will be rready and willing to yield such assistance
to the same, by their voluntary contributions towards the effecting
p.193 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
thereof, as may in some measure help to defray the present charge,
now to be dispended for the accomplishing thereof, for the honor
and safety of this Kingdom and the upholding of the said plantation:
Wherefore our Will and pleasure is, and, we do, by these presents will,
require and command all and singular Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacons
and Deans, within their several dioceses and jurisdictions, that forth-
with, upon sight of these our letters patent, they command and cause
the same, or the true belief thereof, to be read and published in all
the several parish churches of and within their several dioceses, pre-
cincts and jurisdictions, and that the Church wardens of every several
parish shall gather and collect all such sum and sums of money, as shall
be freely and voluntarily given, and contributed to the purposes afore-
said, and the same being gathered and collected, forth-with to pay and
deliver over unto the said Captain Christopher Levett, or to such per-
son or persons as shall by him in writing under his hand and seal there-
unto authorized and appointed, whom we do think most fit in regard of
his said employment to be trusted with the disposing of the same. In
witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents for
the space of one whole year next ensuing, the date of these presents to
endure."1
This document invites attention to considerations in old England as
well as to those in New England. King Charles was in sore conflict
with the House of Commons, as his father had been in his unhappy reign;
but the conflict had become increasingly bitter, both on the side of the
King, and of the Commons. The King had refused to listen to the griev-
ances that the representatives of the people had laid before him and
the Commons had refused to vote such subsidies as the King demanded,
unless he would first listen to their demands concerning their griev-
ances. In this state of affairs King Charles proceeded to levy taxes
by his own authority,
Footnote. 1. Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, 68-71.
p. 194 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
with the result that the hall of the House of Commons rang with in-
dignant protestations at such an outrage upon their ancient rights,
King Charles angrily responded by dissolving Parliament. But each
succeeding Parliament prove more intractable, and the relations of
the King to the no less angry members of the House of Commons were
greatly strained.
It was in this state of affairs in England that King Charles issued
this remarkable proclamation. It is difficult to escape the impres-
sion that the underlying motive of the King in issuing the procla-
mation was not so much that he might render assistance to Levett in
New England, as a desire to divert attention from the sad condition
of England itself by an appeal to the patriotism of his subjects in
connection with national interest abroad, whither Charles' eyes had
been turned by Levett's urgent, stirring words.
How much money came into Levett's hands from contributions gathered
at this time in the parish churches in England is unknown. In all
probability the amount was not large. The sympathy of the people
throughout the realm was with the House of Commons, rather than with
the King. Moreover, money for any purpose, however commendable, was
not abundant. Levett was in England in 1628, for in that year he pub-
lished in London his book entitled "A Voyage into New England. Begun
in 1623 and ended in 1624"1. It was dedicated to the Duke of Bucking-
ham, and other of Levett's fellow members of the Council for New
England, and evidently its publication at that time was designed to
promote the objects to which the proclamation of the King had called
attention. The Journal of the House of Commons shows that on April
19, 1628, a petition from Christopher Levett was presented to that
body; and that on May 27 following, Levett was summoned to appear in
the House and bring with him the
Footnote.1. Christopher Levett of York, England, the Pioneer Colon-
ist in Casco Bay, Gorges Society, Portland, Maine, 1893, 79-139. To
the memoir of Levett in this volume the writer is chiefly indebted
for the main facts in Levett's life. Mr. Baxter, in his researches
in England with reference to Levett, apparently left nothing to be
gleaned by later pilgrims.
p.195 REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
papers relating to the Petition he had presented. We learn nothing
at this time concerning his enterprise here.1.
THE GREAT PURITAN MOVEMENT TO NEW ENGLAND.
But if the parish churches in England failed to render to Levett
that assistance for which he asked and doubtless hoped to secure,
the King's proclamation certainly had this result - that it called
the widest possible attention throughout the Kingdom to England's
American possessions, and inevitably awakened in may hearts and
homes a rapidly wide-spreading conviction that on this side of the
sea, opportunities were opening for the average man that England did
not afford. As these considerations became matters of conversation
at the fireside, in the shop, or whereve the people were employed in
their daily occupations, an impetus, in all probability undesired by
the King, was given to the great Puritan movement to New England,
which was very soon in evidence on the Massachusetts coast, as also
in those colonizing efforts that were discoverable here and there on
the coast of the Province of Maine not long after.
ENDICOTT & HIS COMPANY, ON JUNE 19, 1630 ENTERED SALEM HARBOR.
Unquestionably, some contributions made in Englis parish churches
reached Levett; for when Endicott and his company, on June 19, 1630,
entered Salem harbor, leading a band of Puritan colonists under the
authority of a Charter granted by the Council for New England, Captain
Christopher Levett was one of those who welcomed them to New England.
The proclamation of the King, February 4, 1627, made Levett, the Govern-
of "those parts". Evidently, however, he was not in New England as its
governor. There is no record of any such claim on Levett's part. Con-
erning when and why he came hither is as yet unknown. That he was in
command of a vessel is ascertained from Winthrop, who records in his
Journal, Levett's departure for England not long after the arrival of
the ship, Arabella. At that time, he had disposed of his interests in
and about Casco Bay, to some Plymouth merchants, and apparently there
were no ties that now bound him here. On the homeward voyage, Levett
died and was buried at sea.
Footnote.1. Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, England, 73.
p.196 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The records of the Probate Court at Bristol, England, the port which
Levett's ship entered on the return voyage, show that on January 22,
1630, Levett's widow, having journeyed thither from her desolate
home in Sherborne, administered on his effects brought by the ship; 1
and with this record the story of her husband's eventful life was
brought to an end. Others were to witness, in growing, prosperous
American settlements, what Levett had seen only in the dreams that
lured him to our coast.
Footnote. Christopher Levett of York, 74-77.
p.197 CHAPTER XII.
NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
Gorges seems to have had no part in efforts connected with the new
awakening of England's interests in New England. But he was no dis-
interested spectator of the movement hither that followed.
Very soon he is found in communication with Captain John Mason, con-
cerning a division of the Province of Maine granted to Gorges and
Mason by the Council for New England, August 10, 1622. By an amicable
arrangement made November 7, 1629, Mason received "all that part of the
main land in New England, lying upon the sea coast, beginning from the
middle part of Merrimack River, and from thence to proceed northwards
along the sea coast to Piscataqua river, and so forwards up within the
said river, and to the furthest head thereof, and from thence north-
westwards until three score miles be finished from the first entrance
of Piscataqia River, and also from Merrimack through the said river,
and to the furthest head thereof, and so forwards up into the land
westwards until three score miles be finished; and from thence to
cross over all islands and islets within five leagues distance from
the premises, and abutting upon the same or any part or parcel there-
of."1
MASON NAMES IT NEW HAMPSHIRE.
To this tract of land, with the consent of the President and Council
for New England, Mason gave the name "New Hampshire." 2.
The rest of the Grant of August 10, 1622, namely the territory
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 95-98. 2. Ib., 97. Ten days after
this Grant to Mason, the Council for New England issued to Gorges &
Mason a grant known as the Laconia patent. Sir David Kirke had accom-
plished the conquest of Canada, and Gorges and Mason hastened to ac-
quire a part of the captured islands that bordered "upon the great
lakes or rivers commonly called or known by the name of the river and
lake or rivers and lakes of the Irroquois, a nation of nations
p.198 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
between the Piscataqua and the Kennebec, extending from the seacoast
up into the land as far as is stated in Mason's Grant, remained in
Gorges' possession, and was still known as the Province of Maine.
But settlers outside of the limits of Gorges' patent were earliest
in evidence in the new movement toward the Maine coast. Those who
had followed Brown, and had located with him on the eastern shore of
the Pemaquid peninsula, were doubtless from the western counties of
England, probably from Bristol and Plymouth, England. Fishermen sail-
ing from those ports, and returning at the close of the fishing season,
could not fail to tell the story of the trip, including their impress-
ions of the country as they sailed along the coast, or as they landed
at times here and there in its commodious harbors. Among them, doubt-
less, were those who discovered the opportunities opening here for
better conditions than were obtainable in their English homes.
The record is not available, in most cases, it was never made; but
from these hardy fishermen, and those who listened to their tales of
new-world experiences, came hither the settlers in those early years.
PEMAQUID.
THE ST. GEORGE'S RIVER AT SHEEPSCOT.
The proclamation of the King, calling attention to England's interests
on this side of the sea, gave an added impulse to English settlements
on the Maine coast. Pemaquid began to develop into a prosperous
community. It is stated that by 1630, no less than eighty-four famil-
ies had located there, on the St. George's river at Sheepscot.1
The first fort at Pemaquid, probably a stock-
Footnotes continued from previous page.
of savage people inhabiting the landwards betwixt the lines of the
west and northwest, conceived to pass or lead upwards from the rivers
of Sagadahock and Merrimack in the country of New England", etc. Neither
Gorges nor Mason had any very clear idea of the territory thus granted
to them; but the rivers named, also the Piscataqua, were supposed to
be water-ways into a very profitable region for Indian trade. The Grant
has a history on paper only. For the text of the Grant, see the Farnham
Papers, I, 98-107.
Footnote.1 This is the settlement of Sullivan, History of the District
of Maine, 167; and Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 64, adds,
"Files in the Secretery's Office, Boston". There are no such files
in the Secretary's office now, and search there and elsewhere has
yielded no information upon which such a statement could be based. But
the gain in residents at that point was
p.199 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
stockade (but not so much a defense against Indian assaults, as against
outlaws and plunderers or French emmissaries), must have been erected
about this time, and doubtless upon the same site occuppied by the
later and more substantial structures connected with which are events
that make this historic spot memorable for all time to come.
JOHN BURGESS.
1628 - Walter Bagnall Opens a Trading Station here.
Westward, Levett's York was still unoccupied. Richmond's Island, at
the northern opening of Old Orchard bay, was held as a trading station
in 1627, and perhaps, earlier, by John Burgess, Sr. He was "lying sick"
there in 1627, made his Will on April 11th of that year, and probably
died on the island. His Will was proven in England, May 24, 1628.1 At
some time in that year, Walter Bagnall opened at trading station here.
He may have been one of the men left by Levett, in charge of his inter-
ests at House Island, Portland harbor and vicinity.2 It has also been
suggested 3 that before coming to Richmond's Island he was one of Thomas
Morton's merry crew, whose orgies at Merry Mount (on Massachusetts Bay
between Boston and Plymouth) were such a scandal both to the Pilgrims
and to the Puritans. John Winthrop,4 who refers to him as "sometimes
servant for one in the Bay", calls him "a wicked fellow" and other
references to him by the early writers are no more favorable. This
also seems to have been the estimate of Bagnall held by the Indians
with whom he had trade relations. To such an extent had he cheated
them in their transactions with him (as they at length learned) that
they were incited by the discovery to avenge their wrongs; and in the
Fall of 1631, making their way one evening to the island, Scitterygus-
set,5 an Indian chief and some of his tribe, killed Bagnall and a man
associated with him, plundered his house and then burned
Footnotes continued from previous page. undoubtedly large. Families
were beginning to make their way hither. The center of the English
fishing interests were in this vicinity. 1. Maine Historical &
Genealogical Recorder, 1884, 62. 2. Maine Historical Society's Docu-
mentary Series, III, 5. 3. Maine Historical & Genealogical Recorder,
1884, 61. 4. Winthrop, Journal. 30. 5. Concerning him, see Willis,
the History of Portland, 26.
p.200 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
WALTER NEALE, AT PISCATAQUA.
The Indian known as Black Will.
it.1 On being informed of the tragedy, Walter Neale, at Piscataqua,
sent a party thither in pursuit of the murderers. On their arrival
they found at the Island, an Indian, known as Black Will, whom they
hung in retaliation for the murders committed by the Indians. But it
was soon ascertained, if it had not been learned before, that Indians
could retaliate as well as white men; and in the winter following, find-
ing an Englishman who was exploring
Footnotes. 1. Thomas Morton, New English Canaan, 78, says, "A servant
of mine (referring to Bagnall) in five years was thought to have one
thousand pounds in ready gold, gotten from beaver, when he died". May
11, 1855, a small earthen vessel containing gold and silver coins was
ploughed up on Richmond's Island. Specimens of these coins are in the
possession of the Maine Historical Society, and a photographic repre-
sentation of the vessel and some of the coins faces page 7 of the
Trelawny Papers. In the Maine Historical Society's Collection, Series
I, 6, 137-147, the Honorable William Willis gives an interesting account
of these coins, their discovery, etc. The oldest is of the Reign of
Queen Elizabeth. Of the silver coins there were four - one shilling
pieces, sixteen sixpences, one groat or fourpenny piece and two half
groats. The shillings have no date, but all the sixpences and some of
the smaller pieces have dates extending from 1564 to 1593. Of the reign
of King James I, there were four one shilling pieces and one sixpence;
the shillings not dated, the six-pence bearing date of 1606. Of the
reign of King Charles I, there were but one shilling and one sixpence,
the last bearing date 1625. Of the gold coins, there were twenty-one,
of which ten were sovereigns of the reign of King James I, and of the
value of twenty shillings each; there were half sovereigns or double
crowns, of the value of ten shillings each; seven were sovereigns of
the reign of King Charles I, and one was a Scottish coin of the last
year of the reign of King James of Scotland only and dated 1602. It
was of the size and value of the half sovereign or double crown. None
of the English gold coins had dates, and all of the coins, both silver
and gold, were much thinner and broader than modern coins of similar
value.
The impressions on those in possession of the Maine Historical Society
are clear and distinct, especially upon the gold coins, which are less
worn than the silver, and nearly as bright as when issued. In the vessel
a signet ring of fine gold was found, bearing the letters "G.V." and the
figure of two united hearts with the words, "Death only Partes". Mr.
Willis was of the opinion that the deposit of coins and ring was conn-
ected with the fate of Walter Bagnall. December 2, 1631, a grant of
this island was made to Bagnell by the Council for New England, but he
was killed before receiving it. In the grant it was stated that he had
been in New England seven years. See Farnham Papers, I, 162, 163.
p.201 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
up the Saco River, they meted out to him the same punishment that
Neale's men had meted out to Black Will.1
THE GREAT PATENT FOR NEW ENGLAND, 1620.
Grants made to Thomas Lewis & Richard Bonython.
But the new movement toward the coast of Maine was also soon in
evidence by reason of the applications frequently made about this
time to the Council for New England for Grants of land under the
authority that the Council received in the Great Patent for New
England, November 3, 1620. Two such grants were made February 12,
1630. One of these was to Thomas Lewis and Richard Bonython, the
land granted being on the north side of the Saco River and includ-
ed the land now occupied by the City of Saco. Lewis, it was stated
in the Grant, had already been at the charge of transporting hither
himself and others for the purpose of seeking a favorable location
for a colony, "and doth now wholly intend, by God's assistance, with
his associates, to plant there, both for the good of his Majesty's
realms and dominions and for the propagation of the Christian reli-
gion among thise infidels". They also purposed, at their own costs,
to transport fifty persons thither within seven years next ensuing.2
GRANT TO JOHN OLDHAM & RICHARD VINES.
BIDDEFORD, MAINE.
The other grant was made to John Oldham and Richard Vines,3 and in-
cluded the land south of the Saco River, now occupied by the city of
Biddeford, Maine. Oldham, it is stated in the Grant, had at that time
lived in New England six years, had already, at his own costs trans-
ported hither and established divers persons, and in effecting so good
a work had labored hard and suffered much.
Moreover, both Oldham and Vines had undertaken, at their own expense
to bring to the Maine coast, fifty persons in the space of seven years
next ensuing, here "to plant and inhabit", having in view the advance-
ment of the general plantation of the country
GEORGE CLEEVE, THE FOUNDER OF PORTLAND, MAINE.
Footnotes. 1. Hubbard, General History of New England, 142, 145, 169.
2. Farnham Papers, I, 117-121. 3. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and
his Province of Maine, I, 132, note, calles Vines the founder of Bidde-
ford, which he named doubtless in honor of Bideford, England, in which
locality the Vines family resided. Vines represented the Gorges inter-
ests here for many years. Because of his relations with Gorges, he was
in frequent conflict with George Cleeve, the founder of Portland, Maine.
p.202 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE WALDO PATENT.
THOMAS LEVERETT OF BOSTON, ENGLAND.
JOHN WINTHROP'S COMPANY EMBRARKED FOR NEW ENGLAND
with provision for holding it as a part of England's territory.1
March 13, 1630, another grant, commonly known as the Muscongus, or
the Waldo Patent, was made by the Council for New England to John
Beauchamp of London and Thomas Leverett of Boston, England. Beau-
champ was one of the London adventurers in the Pilgrim enterprise,
and in the agreement of November 15, 1627,2 he is mentioned as one
of the five who were deputed by the adventurers to receipt in full
for the Pilgrim indebtedness, when the Plymouth settlers should
have paid the eighteen hundred pounds for which they were holden in
that agreement. Thomas Leverett, about the time when this grand of
land was made, was an Alderman of the borough of Boston, England,
and a highly esteemed friend of the Reverend John Cotton, vicar of
St. Botolph's church in that place. He may have been one of those
who accompanied Mr. Cotton to Southampton, when John Winthrop's
company embarked for New England,
INSERT.
The Winthrop Society.
The Winthrop Fleet of 1630: David Blackwell and Janice Farnsworth
have done us all the great service of making freely available Col.
Charles E. Banks' useful study of the Winthrop Fleet.
http://www.winthropsociety.com/links.php
My transcription of the full book, notepad format,
202 kbs., sent on request to me personally - email
farns10th@aol.com
and when Mr. Cotton preached the farewell sermon, "God's Promise to
his plantation". Subsequently both Cotton and Leverett made their
way to Boston in New England. At the ordination of Mr. Cotton as
teacher of the church in Boston, Mr. Leverett was chosen one of the
"Ruling Elders" of the church; and he continued prominent in civil
and religious affairs in Boston during the remainder of his useful
and honored life.3
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 121-125. The same persons, William
Blackstone, William Jerreries and Edward Hilton - were authorized by
the Council to give possession both to Lewis and Bonythou, and to
Oldham and Vines. 2. Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation,
Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. 1913, II, 4. 7. 3. John Lever-
ett, the only so of Thomas Leverett, born at Boston, England, July 7,
1616, had a distinguished career. He was made a freeman of the Massa-
chusetts Bay Colony, May 13, 1640. His sympathies were with the Parlia-
mentary Party in England; and as early as 1644, he participated in
the English Civil War there, having the command of the Rainsborrow
regiment. Returning to his New England home, he was a Selectman in
Boston in 1651; a member of the Legislature, 1652 and 1653, Major-
General of the Massachusetts Military forces in 1663; deputy governor
of Massachusetts in 1671, (continued, footnotes, p. 203)
p.203 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
As expressed in the patent, the grant included "all and singular,
those lands, tenements and hereditaments whatsoever, with the appur-
tenances thereof, in New England, aforesaid, which are situate, lying
and being within or between a place thence com commonly called or
known by the name of Musrongruss, toward the south, or southwest and
a straight line extending from thence directly ten leagues up into
the mainland and continent thence toward the great sea commonly call-
ed the south sea, and the utmost limits of the space of ten leagues...
on the north and northeast of a river in New England aforesaid, com-
monly called Penobscot, towards the north and northeast and the great
sea, commonly called the western ocean, toward the east, and a straight
and direct line extending from the most western part and point of the
said straight line which extends from Mecongoss aforesaid towards the
south sea to the uttermost northern limits of the said ten leagues on
the north side of the said river of Penobscot towards the west...to-
gether with all islands that lie and be within the space of three miles
of the said lands and premises or any of them", etc.1.
JOHN BEAUCHAMP - THOMAS LEVERETT.
Neither John Beauchamp nor Thomas Leverett, so far as appears, made
any use of this Grant; but through Thomas Leverett, the surviving
patentee, the grant descended to John Leverett of Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts, the "great grandson and heir-at-law of Thomas Leverett",
who, in 1719, admitted other direct and lineal descendants of
Thomas Leverett to membership in a land company known as "The
Lincolnshire Company and Twenty Associates", under
Footnotes, continued - governor in 1673 and until his death in 1679.
See Memoir of Sir John Leverett, Knight, Governor of Massachusetts,
by Charles E. Leverett, Boston, 1856. 1. It is stated in the Farnham
Papers, I, 126, that this patent was destroyed by fire about 1833,
after it came into the possession of the Knox family. This is an error.
Mr. Henry A. Pierce of Boston, presented the original patent, on parch-
ment, to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1853. See Mass. Hist.
Proceedings, II, 543. For a facsimile of the Muscongus patent, see
Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantations, Massachusetts Historical
Society, Edition II, 80.
p.204 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
which the affairs of the Muscongus grant continued to be managed.1
Still another grant, commonly known as the Lygonia or Plough patent,
was granted by the Council for New England, June 26, 1630. The patent
itself, so far as is known, has not been preserved, but that such a
grant was made is recorded by John Winthrop in his Journal under
date of July 6, 1631, as follows:
THE PATENT FOR SAGADAHOC.
"A small ship of sixty tons arrived at Natascott (Nantasket), Mr.
Graves, Master. She brought ten passengers from London. They came
with a patent for Sagadahoc, but not liking the place, came hither.
THEY WENT UP TO WATERTOWN.
Their ship drew ten feet and went up to Watertown (Massachusetts)
but she ran aground twice by the way. These were the company called
the Husbandmen and their ship was called the Plough. Most of them
proved familists and vanished away." 2.
EDWARD RIGBY.
Among the Pejepscot papers in possession of the Maine Historical
Society, is a document entitled "Abstract of the Title of Edward
Rigby to the Province of Ligonia.3 In this document, drawn up in
1686, by George Turfrey, attorney of Edward Rigby, a grandson of
Sir Alexander Rigby, the recorded grantees are:
Bryan Bincks, John Dye and John Smith.
with whom were associated others whose names are not given. But
John Winthrop, who evidently saw the patent, adds to the above names,
Thomas Jupe and John Crispe. The date of the Grant was June 26, 1630.
As described in this Abstract, the territory granted by the patent was
"the tract containing forty miles in length and forty miles in breadth
upon the south side of the river Sagadahock, with all bays, rivers,
ports, inlets, creeks", etc., and this territory was to be known by the
name of "the Province of Ligonia". With a singular disregard of the fact
that in 1622, the Council for New England
Footnotes. 1. See manuscript records of "The Lincolnshire Company and
Twenty Associates", a land company organized for the management of
affairs conducted under the Muscongus patent. This folio volume of
543 pages was presented to the Massachusetts Historical Society in
1853, by Mr. Henry A. Pierce, together with the original patent, as
mentioned in the preceding note. 2. Winthrop, History of New England
from 1630 to 1649, I, 58. 3. Farnham Papers, I, 133-136.
p.205 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
had granted all the land between Sagadahoc and the Merrimac, to Gorges
and Mason, and that in 1629, in confirming the division of the land,
the Council granted to Mason the territory between the Merrimac and
the Piscataqua, leaving to Gorges the territory between the Piscataqua
and the Sagadahoc, the Council now took from Gorges' territory a tract
this action could not have been without Gorges' knowledge, as he was
still an influential member of the Council. Moreover, the name given
in the patent to the territory thus granted, was derived from the
maiden name of his mother, a daughter of William Lygon, and it may be
supposed to have, been suggested at least by Gorges himself.1
From Winthrop's statement, it seems probable that the Plough colonists,
upon their arrival on the coast, proceeded first to the Sagadahoc.
This may have been in April or May, 1631, as Winthrop's record seems
to indicate that a little time was spent in exploring the Sagadahoc,
seeking a favorable location for a settlement. Doubtless they were
familiar with the story of the experience of the Popham colonists
in 1607-8, and that was not an encouraging one. In the absence of
other records, we have only Winthrop's brief statement concerning
their visit to the Sagadahoc, including the remark that "not liking
the place" they headed the prow of the ship, Plough, down the coast.
In all probability, therefore, the disappointed Husbandmen examined
no other location within the limits of their patent.2
Footnotes. 1. The Council for New England paid little attention to
these matters. The Lygonia Grant included territory already granted
to Levett in 1623, also to Lewis and Bonington and Oldham and Vines
in 1630. 2. Our information concerning these colonists is exceed-
ingly limited. Among themselves they were known as a "company of
husbandmen". But John Winthrop, in his brief reference to them,
while making mention of them at first in the words, "These were
the company called Husbandmen", closes his statement thus: "Most
of them proved Familists". Unfortunately we are not helped by
these added words, inasmuch as the Puritans were accustomed to
apply the term "Familist" very loosely, making it a convenient
(Footnote coninued bedlow)
p.206 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
JOHN DYE, JOHN SMITH & THOMAS JUPE.
SIR ALEXANDER RIGBY.
GEORGE CLEEVE.
But two vessels, bringing added husbandmen, left London, for the
Sagadahoc in the following year, one, it is said March 9th and the
other on March 12, 1631.1 As the first company arrived at Boston,
July 6, 1631, its members had ample opportunity, befoe the close of
that season, for sending to London early information concerning
their failure to find on the Sagadahoc, a suitable location for the
colony. Apparently, however, no such information was sent, certainly
none that reached these added colonists or sufficiently disheartened
them from making their way hither. These, too, "soon vanished away",
as did the ten of the preceding year; and after the record of a divi-
sion of the assets of the company among those who had not "vanished
away" we hear nothing more concerning the Husbandmen until April 7,
1643, when John Dye, John Smith, Thomas Jupe, and other survivors of
the Grantees of the Lygonia patent, transferred all their estate,
interest and claim "in the Province of Lygonia" to Sir Alexander
Rigby.3 George Cleeve, now coming into prominence in connection
with affairs in the Province of Maine, was instrumental in inducing
Rigby to purchase the Lygonia patent; and it is this fact, and the
added
Footnotes, continued - designation for persons who never hear of
Hendrick Nicholas, or of any of his widely differing followers. But
these Husbandmen could not have been in any wise very bad, if they
found in Familism what the last edition of the Encyclopaedia Brit-
annica, under the article "Familist" says was to be found in it-
"In an age of strife and polemics, it seemed to afford a refuge for
quiet, gentle spirits and meditative temperaments".
RICHARD DUMMER OF NEWBURY.
GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
THE PLOUGH PATENT.
Richard Dummer of Newbury, who came to New England with the second
company of Husbandmen, and afterwards was the Governor of Massachus-
etts Bay, became an Associate Member of the company in 1638. He had in
his possession the Plough Patent, and by order, delivered the same to
to George Cleeve after its purchase by Sir Alexander Rigby.
Footnotes. 1. One account says that the second vessel, the ship,
William and Francis, sailed April 8, 1632; and that among the passeng-
ers were Edward Winslow and Reverend Stephen Bachiler, the aged pastor
of the Husbandmen in London, tranferred to missionary labors in the
colony. 2. Rigby saw service in the Civil War in England in connect-
ion with the Parliamentary Army and was known as Colonel Alexander
Rigby. An extended notice of him will be found in the Maine Historical
and Genealogical Recorder, II. See also the Trelawny Papers, 365-367.
p.207 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
fact that the patent came into Cleeve's possession, that give to it
an interest in the History of Colonial Maine, that otherwise it would
not have possessed.1
In 1631, in making grants of land, the Council for New England was
even more active than in the previous year. It was not until the
latter part of the year, however, that this activity was manifested.
THOMAS CAMMOCK
NEALE'S COMPANY ON THE PISCATAQUA.
BLACK POINT, OLD ORCHARD BAY.
"NONESUCH"
SPURWINK RIVER.
The first of these grants was in the name of Thomas Cammock, a nephew
of the Earl of Warwick, who at that time was President of the Council.
In this grant, which was made November 3, 1631, it is stated that
Cammock had lived in New England "for these two years last past", and
had there inhabited, planted and built "some convenient housing". It
is supposed, therefore, that he came hither in 1629. It is known that
he spent some time at Neale's company on the Piscataqua, and while he
was there, he is said to have taken up some land on the eastern bank
of the river. In exploring farther up the coast, however, he found at
Black Point on the northern shore of Old Orchard Bay, a more attractive
location, and returning to England obtained a grant for fifteen hundred
acres on the east side of the Black Point (now Nonesuch) river and ex-
tending to Spurwink River.2
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
JAMES TREWORGY.
Returning hither, in order to take possession of his Grant, Cammock
reached Richmond's Island, April 22, 1632.3 It is supposed that he
did not at once occupy his Black Point Grant, but returned to Pisca-
taqua and resided there, where he had the "convenient housing" ment-
ioned in the Grant of 1631, and where he secured a grant of land from
Gorges in 1633. This land at the Piscataqua, he sold to James Treworgy
in 1636,4 and then, probably, he took up his residence at Black Point
on what is now
RICHARD DUMMER AT NEWBURY.
Footnotes. 1. Cleeve had seen this patent and discovered its possible
uses, when it was in the possession of Richard Dummer at Newbury.
Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I, 189. 2.
The Farnham Papers, I, 173-142. 3. The Trelawny Papers, 18. 4. Ib.,2.
p.208 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
PROUT'S NECK.
HENRY JOSSELYN.
SIR THOMAS JOSSELYN
know as Prout's Neck.1 Here he lived with his wife, Margaret, and
his faithful friend, Henry Josselyn. In 1638, Cammock was in England,2
partly with reference to his Patent, it would seem, as there was a
disagreement concerning the bounds. On his return, he had as fellow
voyagers, Sir Thomas Josselyn, the aged father of Henry Josselyn, and
John Josselyn, Henry's brother.
They accompanied Cammock to Black Point, and John Winter, on Richmond's
Island, writing July 30, 1638, to Robert Trelawny of Plymouth, England,
makes mention of their arrival as follows:
Mr. Josselyn's father is an ancient old Knight.
"Mr. Josselyn's father is now come over, and another of his sons with
him, and doth purpose to live there with him; they live all, yet, with
Captain Cammock - Mr. Josselyn's father is an ancient old Knight; he is
four score years old, wanting but two (years)."3 It is doubtful,
however, if in coming hither, Sir Thomas and his son John, had in view
anything more than a visit to Black Point, and such glimpses of England's
new possessions as could be obtained in connection with such a visit,
including a few days in Boston, on their arrival in New England, and at
the time of their departure.4
Life at Black Point must have missed much by the departure of the
"ancient old knight" and his versatile son, John. Only glimpses of
that life, however, are afforded us in the meagre records of that
period. In one of these glimpses, we find Thomas Gorges, a nephew
and deputy of Sir Ferdinando, confirming to Cammock, March 15, 1641,
by a deed, all the land granted to him by the Council for New England,
together with Stratton's Island.5
Footnotes. 1. Samuel Checkley of Boston, Mass., deeded this land to
Timothy Prout of Boston, March 24, 1727. The original deed is in the
John Wingate Thornton Papers in the State Library at Augusts, I, 32.
2. An Account of Two Voyages to New England, 1638, 1663, by John
Josselyn, Gen., 9, 11, 12. 3. The Trelawny Papers, 140. 4. An Account
of Two Voyages to New England, 1638, 1663, 13, 20, 25-27. 4. York Deeds,
II, folios 85, 86. On this Island opposite Black Point, John Stratton
is said to have lived before the Grant to Cammock. See Trelawny Papers,
199.
p.209 THE NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
Cammock thus obtained that for which he had long contended, and he
had the satisfaction of seeing his boundaries securely established.
While on a voyage to the West Indies in 1643, Thomas Cammock died at
Barbadoes. In making his Will before leving his home at Black Point,
he bequeathed his property to Henry Joselyn, reserving for his widow,
five hundred acres. The widow subsequently married Henry Josselyn, her
husband's counselor and friend, and Cammock's acres remained undivided.1
PASHIPPSCOT (PEJEPSCOT)
RICHARD BRADSHAW DECIDES TO SETTLE AT PEJEPSCOT
Connected with the Grant made to Richard Bradshaw by the Council for
New England, November 4, 1631, there is somewhat of a mystery. It was
a grant for fifteen hundred acres "above the head of Pashippsoct,
(Pejepscot) on the north side thereof", the consideration being the
expense Bradshaw had incurred "in his living there some years before",
and that he now purposed to settle at Pejepscot, with other friends
and also servants.2 The original Grant has disappeared, and the above
extract from the Records of the Council for New England contais all
the information that has come down to us concerning it. Aside from
this extract there is no evidence whatever that Richard Bradshaw had
lived at Pejepscot "some years before", or at any time before; or
that he now purposed to settle there. What we do know concerning him,
or may infer, is this - that with others who were seeking homes for
themselves in this part of the new world, he had made his way hither
from England, moved thereto by the opportunities for settlement that
were opening here. Doubtless, after his arrival upon the coast, he
spent some time in seeking a favorable location for his residence.
Such a location he found on the southern shore of Cape Elizabeth, east
of the Spurwink river. Its attractions were easily discoverable, and
Bradshaw lost no time in obtaining from Captain Walter Neale (who was
supposed to have authority in these matters) such a "delivery" of this
tract of land as would
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 2. 2. Farnham Papers, 150, 151.
14.
p.210 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
give him the right to claim it as his, by pre-emption and occupation.
RICHARD TUCKER AND GEORGE CLEEVE.
It was this tract, possibly, that Bradshaw sought to obtain from the
Council for New England, and that an error was made in carelessly
substituting Pashippscot for Spurwink1 in recording the Grant, inas-
much as Bradshaw in all probability had resided at Spurwink some time
when he applied for a Grant, and was intending still to remain there
in accordance with the purpose announced in the Grant. But Richard
Tucker2 and George Cleeve3 had fixed their eyes upon the same favor-
able locality for a settlement, and
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 41. 2. Worth,
History of Plymouth, England, 85, mentions Tucker as without doubt
a native of Devon, England. His name frequently occurs in the hist-
ory of this part of Colonial Maine, but generally in connection with
the controversies concerning land titles, etc., with which he and his
partner, George Cleeve, were inseparably connected for many years.
Baxter, Trelawny Papers, 211, note, says concerning him: "He was
evidently a man of far less importance in his day than Cleeve...
Their interests in lands was not divided, for as late as 1662, he
joined his old partner in a Deed of land on the Neck (Portland), at
which time he was living on Sagamore Creed, in Portsmouth, New Hamp-
shire, where he doubtless died, as his widow was living there in 1681."
3. Cleeve was a native of Plymouth, England (Worth, History of Plymouth,
85) He was not only acquainted with Gorges, who for so many years was
in command of the Fort at Plymouth, but he had doubtless talked with
him many times with reference to the opportunities for settlement that
were opening for Englishmen in the Province of Maine. In Cleeve,
Gorges evidently found a man of energy and decision, and he was to
give him information and encouragement. The enthusiasm of Sir Ferdin-
ando with reference to the brightening prospects here, was evidently
contagious, and in 1630, with his wife and daughter, Cleeve made his
way to the Maine coast. With what purposes he came as to location, is
unknown, but he is soon found on the shore of Cape Elizabeth, not far
from Richmond's Island, where his long and troublesome life on this
side of the sea seems to have begun. The story of that life, Mr.
Baxter has told in his valuable work entitled George Cleeve of Casto
Bay, 1630-1667, published by the Gorges Society in 1885. In no other
work, has the life of the founder of Portland been narrated with such
fulness of detail, or with such an intelligent understanding of the
facts connected with the history of the period in which Cleeve lived
and labored.
p.211 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
Bradshaw's purposes failed of accomplishment. Tucker was ready with
money considerations to obtain the pre-emption Right that Bradshaw
had secured by Neale's "delivery". Cleeve, too, regarded himself as
having a valid claim to the same territory by virtue of a promise
which Sir Ferdinando Gorges made to him concerning a Grant before
Cleeve left England. But Tucker and Cleeve were not rival claimants.
They joined their interests,1 and awaited a favorable opportunity
for presenting to the Council for New England, a request for a pat-
ent covering the territory which they had pre-empted and occupied.
Only failure and disappointment, however, followed. Others had dis-
covered the advantages of the locationn, and the coveted grant had
already been made to them.
ROBERT TRELAWNY AND MOSES GOODYEAR.
This Grant, dated December 1, 1631, was in the name of Robert Tre-
lawny2 and Moses Goodyear,3 prominent merchants of Plymouth
John Wingate Thornton.
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 206, 207. 2. Robert Trelawny, born at
Plymouth, County of Devon, March25, 1598, belonged to a distinguished
family in the west of England. His father, Robert Trelawny, settled in
Plymouth, England, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, became a successful
merchant there, was thrice the Mayor of Plymouth, and his monument in
St. Andrew's Church (he died in 1627) records his benefactions to the
poor as well as his civic honors. The son, who succeeded the father as
a merchant, directed his attention to American business interests; and
when he secured his patent it was doubtless his purpose to enlarge his
mercantile operations by availing himself of facilities there that now
were within his reach. What he and his partner, Moses Goodyear, accom-
plished in connection with the patent is made known to us in a very
interesting way, in the Trelawny Papers, published by the Maine Histor-
ical Society in 1884. These papers wer secured by society through John
Wingate Thornton, Esquire, of Boston, Massachusetts, who about the year
1872, ascertained from the Rev. C. T. Collins Trelawny (who died April
19, 1878), a descendant of Robert Trelawny, that in his ancestor's old
home, in the vicinity of Plymouth, known as Ham, and still occupied by
the family, was a chest containing Robert Trelawny's papers. Mr. Thorn-
ton secured a list of these papers, and learned that they comprised not
only many business letters, but the original patent of Richmond's Island,
etc., concerning which Willis (History of Portland, 33) supposed that the
wife of a descendant of Robert Jordan, "needing some paper to keep her
pastry from burning, took from a chest of papers, Trelawny's patent,
and used it for that purpose, which thus perished, like
p.212 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
mouth, England. Doubtless, they had had a part in the fishing and
trading interests that for a score of years and more, had attracted
the attention of Plymouth adventurers. But with the enlargement of
their operations they desired better accommodations
Mr. James P. Baxter.
many other ancient and valuable manuscripts". Mr. Thornton visited
Plymouth and secured these papers - a gift from the Trelawny family
to the Maine Historical Society. On receiving the papers in 1875, he
commenced to arrange them for publication and some pages of his manu-
script had been printed, when his death, greatly lamented, put an end
to a task upon which he had entered with great interest. General John
Marshall Brown perposed to continue Mr. Thornton's work, but the death
of his father laid upon him duties that compelled him to relinquish the
task. Fortunately, Mr. James P. Baxter was willing to undertake the
work. His equipment for it had been obtained by long study and research
at the sources of our colonial history; and as the result of his labors
we have in the Trelawny Papers a storehouse of valuable information con-
cerning fishing and trading interests on the coast of Maine in the third
and fourth decades of the seventeenth century. Also in these papers we
are made acquainted with some of the more prominent characters in that
early period; while from them we get many interesting glimpses of family
life, the proceedings of colonial courts, and the various movements con-
nected with political affairs. An interesting sketch of Robert Trelawny
by the Reverend C. T. Collins Trelawny, occupies the opening pages of
the Trelawny Papers.
MOSES GOODYEAR.
Little is know concerning Moses Goodyear beyond what is mentioned
above. In the Trelawny Papers, 416, there is an abstract of Mrs.
Trelawney's titles to lands in New England. This was not the wife of
Robert Trelawny, Goodyear's co-partner, as she died before her hus-
band, but a Mrs. Trelawny of a later period, who was interested in
establishing a claim to the land granted by the Council for New Eng-
land to Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear. In this abstract occurs
the following: "Robert Trelawny, surviving Moses Goodyear, who died
the 26th day of March, 1637, became entitled to the whole lands grant-
ed them in jointenancy." This is a clear statement concerning the
death of Moses Goodyear, Robert Trelawny's co-partner. Winter, writing
to Robert Trelawny at Richmond's Island, October 7, 1640 (Trelawny
Papers, p. 243), says: "and they (Thomas Gorges and Richard Vines)
have charged their bills upon Mr. Moses Goodyear of Plymouth, the
elder, probably the father of Moses Goodyear, who was associated with
Robert Trelawny in fishing and trading operations at Richmond's Island.
In Worth's History of Plymouth (England) p.312, there is this record:
"Moses Goodyear, merchant, left under Will in 1663, two sums of 50£ -
one to the Hospital of Poor's Portion, and the other to the Old Alms-
p.213 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
THOMAS CAMMOCK.
tions than they as yet possessed. Neither Trelawny nor Goodyear had
been on the New England coast. From time to time, however, others
whom they knew had made their way hither and returned. When Thomas
Cammock was in England, seeking a grant of land at Black Point, he
visited Robert Trelawny at his fine residence in the vicinity of
Plymouth1. This visit gave Trelawny a favorable opportunity for ob-
taining desired information with reference to business interests upon
the coast of Maine.
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
BLACK POINT.
Evidently on his part there were many inquiries concerning locations
and business advantages. To Trelawny's question, Cammock had ready
answers, and Richmond's Island and the well-wooded shores of Cape
Elizabeth in full view of Black Point, were doubtless mentioned as
possessing just those advantages that Trelawny and Goodyear coveted
as a suitable fishing and trading station.
No time was lost by these enterprising merchants in securing such a
grant as Cammock had suggested, and favorable action by the Great
Council for New England followed, December 1, 1631, just one month
after the Grant of Black Point was made to Cammock. The Grant in-
cluded all the territory between the Grant made to Cammock and "the
bay and river of Casco, extending and to be extended northwards into
the mainland, so far as the limits and bounds of the lands granted to
the said Captain Thomas Cammock", together with liberty to erect and
maintain stages and places for preserving fish "in and upon and near
the islands commonly called Richmond's Island2 and all the other is-
lands within
Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan.
Footnotes continued: house, his direction being that these sums should
be laid out in the purchase of freehold lands for these two charities."
The writer is inclined to consider the Moses Goodyear of this record as
Moses Goodyear the elder, and the father of Moses Goodyear who died in
1637. This Will is in the manuscript collection in the office of the
City Clerk of Plymouth. It should be added that Moses Goodyear was a
son-in-law of Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan.
1. Trelawny Papers, 18. 2. To this island Champlain gave the name Isle
de Bacchus (Voyages, Prince Society, II, 62). Winthrop says Walter
Bagnall was living on Richmond's Island in 1627. "Between this date
and that of the visit of Cham-
p.214 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
or near the limits and bounds aforesaid, which are not formerly grant-
ed to the said Captain Thomas Cammock".1
WALTER BAGNALL.
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
It will be noticed that only the use of Richmond's island was granted
to Trelawny and Goodyear by the patent. The reason for this limitation
is doubtless to be found in the fact the members of the council, or at
least some of them, had already committed themselves with reference to
the disposition of Richmond's island; for on the following day, Decem-
upon the mainland, was made by the Council to Walter Bagnall, whose
connection with the island has already been mentioned. Bagnall, it
seems, had applied for a Grant of the Island, and doubtless has sec-
ured from Sir Ferdinando Gorges a promise that the grant should be
made. Gorges, while holding to his promise, evidently allowed the
Grant to Trelawny and Goodyear to be recorded in such words that the
use of the island was secured to them, while the title was held by
Bagnall.
In this way occasion was provided for endless controversies and trouble-
some litigations. Bagnall, however, died before his Grant was made. His
title, therefore, lapsed and Trelawny and Goodyear were left in undis-
puted possession of a most desirable location for the development of
large plans and purposes.
GEORGE RICHMOND & RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
Footnotes continued from previous page.
plain in 1605", says Baxter (George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 19, 20), "it
acquired its name of Richman's or Richmond's Island. Dim and uncertain
are the glimpses we get of this period. We have the names of serveral
men who were living in the house at Casko in 1630, and for a brief mom-
ent the shadowy curtain of the past is lifted, the cradle of Puritan-
ism in that unfortunate land (Trelawny Papers, 143, 144), but he sudden-
disappears, leaving us perplexed and disappointed. Certain, however, is
it, that George Richmond was at the head of some enterprise, which em-
ployed men; which required the building of a vessel and the possession
of a considerable stock of merchandise; and there seems to be reason to
believe that he gave his name to this island, which was soon to become
an important station for trade and a goal to which ships upon the coast
should direct their course."
1. Farnham Papers, 1, 152-156. 2. Ib., 162, 163.
p.215 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETLEMENTS.
CAPE PORPOISE.
JOHN STRATTON, 1631
CAMMOCK AND BLACK POINT.
Concerning the Grant of two thousand acres of land at Cape Porpoise
made by the Council for New England to John Stratton, December 2,
1631, we have little information. Baxter says Stratton came hither
from Shotley, Suffolk County, England.1 The earlier settlers, as
the reader already has noticed, sought the islands on the coast, be=
fore establishing themselves upon the main land; and in all proba-
Stratton was in possession of the two islands2 off Cammock's loca-
tion, and already known as Stratton's Islands.
CAPE PORPUS.
But when Cammock returned to England in order to secure a Grant of
Black Point, Stratton, possibly after consultation with Cammock,
was impressed with the desirability of seeking in his own right, a
place for settlement on the main loand. Cape Porpoise was not far
away, and possessed advantages for fishing and trade that a man of
Stratton's experience was not likely to overlook. Application,
accordingly, was made for a Grant of that location. The Patent as
issued gave to Stratton two thousand acres, "butting upon the south
side of border of the river or creek called by the name of Cape
Porpus, and on the other side northwards creek mouth of Cape Porpus,
into the south side of the harbor's mouth of Cape Porpus, aforesaid,
with all commodities and privileges proper for his necessary occas-
ions, as by his said Grant more at lareg appeareth".3 The patent it-
self, however, long ago disappeared, and the which "more at large"
would appear if the original grant, or a copy, had been preserved, has
disappeared with it, and only the above abstract of the limits of the
Grant has come down to us.4 According to these Records, the considera-
tions that moved the members of the Council to make the grant, were
that Stratton "had lived in New England these three years past"
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 199. 2. The larger island is still
known as Stratton's Island; the other is called Bluff island. 3.
Farnham Papers, 163, 164. 4. Records of the Great Council, Pro-
ceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1867, 100, 101.
p.216 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
and had expended £1,000 in transporting cattle hither, providing
care-takers, etc. It is not thought that Stratton lived long in his
new settlement, as his name is on the list of inhabitants in Salem,
Mass., in 1637. His "Stratton Islands", he conveyed to Thomas Cammock
in 1640.1 Of his Cape Porpoise grant, he was dispossessed by Thomas
Gorges, who, as the Deputy Governor of the Province of Maine, was here
in 1640-1643, representing the interests of his cousin, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, in the government of New England.2 But Stratton may not have
regarded this as a loss. Winter, writing to Trelawny from Richmond's
Island, July 7, 1634, mentioned the large number of new arrivals from
England, but adds, "they all set themselves in the Bay of Massachus-
etts". It is possible that Stratton abandoned his acres at Cape
Porpoise, in order to join those who were making their way towards
the more flourishing Massachusetts settlements.
FERDINANDO GORGES & COLONEL WALTER NORTON.
AGAMENTICUS RIVER.
On the same day, December 2, 1631,3 the Council for New England,
granted to Ferdinando Gorges, Lieutenant Colonel Walter Norton, and
others, twelve thousand acres of land on each side of the Agamenti-
cus River, together with one hundred acres of land adjoining for
each colonist transported thereto within the next seven years, and
who should abide there three years "either at one or several times".4
The location was a peculiarly attractive one. Ferdinando Gorges, the
first mentioned of the Grantees, was the son and heir of John Gorges
of London, and the grandson and heir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Re-
ferring in his Briefe Narration5 to this Grant, Sir Ferdinando says
that Lieutenant Colonel Norton
EDWARD GODFREY.
Footnotes. 1. York Deeds, I, Folios 85, 86. 2. For an interesting
sketch of Thomas Gorges, and also his Will, see Baxter, Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 186-192. 3. "On account
of changes among the Grantees, a new patent of nearly the same ten-
ure was issued March 12, 1632." Farnham Papers, I, 159. 4. Farnham
Papers, 159-161. Concerning a renewal of the Grant to Edward Godfrey
and others in 1639, see Calenddar of State Papers, Colonial Series,
I, 266. Search for the original of the Grant of December 2, 1631, has
not been rewarded. 5. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province
of Maine, II. 57.
p.217 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
ton, "strongly suggested to the business of plantation", made him
acquainted with his plans and purposes, and asked his aid in ob-
taining a patent, expressing at the same time his desire that Sir
Ferdinando himself would consent to become "an undertaker with him".
Gorges declined any such close personal connection with the enter-
prise, but showed his deep interest in it, by making his granson,
Ferdinando Gorges, his representative in connection with the under-
taking. A further glimpse of the enterprise, Sir Ferdinando Gorges
records in these words: "Hereupon he (Lieutenant Colonel Norton)
and some of his associates hastened to take possession of their
territories, carrying with them, their families, and other necess-
ary provisions, and I sent over for my son, my nephew, Captain
William Gorges, who had been my Lieutenant at the Fort of Plymouth,
with some other craftsmen for the building of houses, and erectting
saw-mills".1
YORK, MAINE, FIRST AGAMENTICUS & THEN GORGEANO.
Named in honor of York, England.
The hopes of Gorges with reference to his interests here, were
greatly strengthened by this plantation on the Agamenticus. At the
first, his thoughts with reference to an English settlement within
the limits of his domain, had centered in the region of the Sagada-
hoc. More and more they were centered here. The town that sprang up
on the banks of the Agamenticus, and at first was known as Aga-
menticus, received at length from Gorges, the name of Gorgeana.
Later, it came to be known as York, Maine, the name Levett gave to
his settlement in Casco Bay, in honor of York, England, his birth-
place, and which now was again bestowed to commemorate on this side
of the Sea, that historic English town. (insert: York, England,
where John Prescott lived, prior to his arrival at Boston (to Water-
town), Massachusetts in 1630.)
THE STATE OF MAINE.
ROBERT ALDWORTH & GILES ELBRIDGE.
PEMAQUID, MAINE.
Having made this Grant near the southern limit of what is now known
as the State of Maine, the Council for New England returned to that
part of the Maine coast which earliest received its attention; and
on February 29, 1631, issued to Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge,
a patent conveying twelve thousand acres of land, "to be laid out
near the river commonly called or known by the name of Pemaquid".
The Grant also included, as in the Agamenticus Grant and upon the
same conditions, one hundred
Footnote. 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine,
p.58.
p.218. THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ROBERT ALDWORTH AND GILES ELBRIDGE.
acres of land for each person transported thither by those receiving
the Grant of twelve thousand acres. The Grant was made more specific,
by the statement that the twelve thousand acres were to be located
"next adjoining to the lands where the people or the servants of the
said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge are now seated or have inhabit-
ed, for the space of three years last past.1
MONHEGAN - ROBERT ALDWORTH & GILES ELBRIDGE 1626.
PURCHASED FROM ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
In these words there is clear evidence of the growth of the coloniz-
ing efforts on this part of the Maine coast. Robert Aldworth and
Giles Elbridge have already been mentioned in connection with the
sale of Monhegan, which they purchased in 1626 from Abraham Jennings.
Aldworth and Elbridge, prominent merchants at Bristol, England, bought
the Island of Monhegan for the purpose of securing greater advantages
in the prosecution of their business interests. They now sought to
enlarge these interests by establishing their varied operations on
the main land. In fact, they seem already, in part at least, to have
transferred their business interests thither, and only needed en-
larged opportunities and facilities in order to develop a prosperous
English community on American soil.
ABRAHAM SHURT, AGENT IN PURCHASE OF MONHEGAN.
In all probability they had received advice and encouragement in
these proceedings from Abraham Shurt, whom they sent hither as their
Agent in the purchase of Monhegan. A resident of Pemaquid, he had
been there long enough to become familiar with the advantages which
the place offered for business purposes, and for introducing colon-
ists to favorable locations for settlement.
THE MUSCONGUS GRANT.
Unquestionably, too, large land-ownership had its attractiveness
to English eyes. In all propablility, also, the issue of the Mus-
congus Grant of the preceding year was not without influence upon
Aldworth and Elbridge. They lost no time, therefore, in securing
from the Council for New England, the grant that meant
Footnote. 1. Farnham Papers, 165-172. A certified copy of this
patent, made on parchment for notarial purposes, is in the Library
of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Massachusetts. In
1737, the Patent was recorded at York, Maine. See manuscript volume
of York Deeds, XVIII, folios 112-114. The original has disappeared.
p.219 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
meant so much to them in connection with their varied business
interests.
"Pemaquid River"
The date of the Grant is noteworthy, as it was issued by the Council
on February 29th, and therefore in a Leap Year.1 Its limits, also
are noteworthy because of their indefiniteness. The grant was to be
laid out "near the river commonly called, or known by the name of
Pemaquid", and "along the sea coast as the coast lyeth, and so up
the river as far as may contain the said twelve thousand acres".
ABRAHAM SHURT.
CAPTAIN WALTER NEALE.
If there were difficulties in determining the bounds of a grant thus
laid out, the difficulties were easily removed, according to a deposi-
made by Abraham Shurt. December 25, 1662. Shurt was then about four-
score years old, and his memory was not good when he mentioned dates;
but he seems to have been clear in his recollections that when Captain
Walter Neale, at the request of Aldworth and Elbridge, placed him in
posession of twelve thousand acres, the Grant was made to extend "from
the head of the river of Damariscotta to the head of the river of Mus-
congus and between it to the sea.
DAMARISCOVE.
Damariscove was included as belonging to Pemaquid, it being an island
situated and lying within three leagues of Pemaquid Point".2 Another
matter of interest in connection with the Grant, is the provision it
contained for the establishment of civil government within its limits,
the Grantees being given authority for incorporation "by some unusual
and fit name and title, with liberty .... to make orders, laws, ordin-
ances and constitutions for the rule, government, ordering and direct-
ing of all persons to be transported and settled upon lands hereby
granted, intended to be granted or hereafter to be granted". With the
increase of settlers, the need of laws and the administration of law
would readily appear, and the inference doubtless is not unwarranted
that this provision was included in the patent at the suggestion of
Footnotes. 1. February 29, 1631, old style. 2. Report of Commission=
ers to Investigate the Causes of the Difficulties in the County of
Lincoln, 40.
p.220 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ABRAHAM SHURT.
Abraham Shurt, who, from what is known concerning him, may be re-
garded as standing for law and order at Pemaquid and vicinity.1
1. Farnham papers, 170. There was much complaint of the prevalence
of lawlessness in the early settlements. Winter, writing to Robert
Trelawny from Richmond's Island, June 26, 1635, said: "Here lacks
good government in the land, for a great many men deal very ill here
for want of government." Trelawny Papers, 61. (pictured here is the
affidavit of Richard Vines and Henry Josselyn, October 3, 1640.
p.221 CHAPTER XIII.
SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
RICHARD BRADSHAW.
CAPTAIN WALTER NEALE.
But what of Cleve and Tucker, who in their cabin on the Spurwink,
soon received from Winter, the agent of Trelawny and Goodyear, orders
to quit? Although Tucker had purchased of Richard Bradshaw, his claim
to the land, and had been placed in legal possession of the same, by
Captain Walter Neale, the Representative of the Council for New Eng-
land in such transactions, Winter denied that Neale had any authority
for such a delivery, and called attention to the fact that the Council
for New Engand had assigned and confirmed the Grant that he had ex-
hibited to the claimants. Moreover, as to Cleeve's assertion of a
pre-emption right, because of a promise made by Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Winter refused to listen, insisting that it had no foundation, inas-
much as Cleeve could show neither when nor where the promise was made.1
Winter arrived at Richmond's Island about April 17, 1632.2. It was
stated in the patent he brought, that possession of the territory
granted by it was to be given to Walter Neale, Henry Josselyn and
Richard Vines, "or any of them". The mention of Walter Neale is
against Winter's contention as to the services of Neale in conn-
ection with Richard Bradshaw's grant; and it may have been on this
account that Winter secured the services of Richard Vines in placing
Trelawny and Goodyear in legal possession of the territory. This
formal action was not taken until July 21, footnote 3, or about
three months after Winter's arrival. Trelawny says that permission
was given to Cleeve and Tucker "to enjoy a first and
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 229, 230. 2. Ib., 18. 3. Ib., 17.
p.222 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE COLONISTS PROTRACTED STRUGGLE FOR AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
second crop"1 before leaving the Spurwink; and Winter makes thea
added statement concerning his conference with the disposessed
parties that he profferd to Cleeve - if he so pleased - an
opportunity to become a tenant of Robert Trelawny "in some other
part of his land", and "on such conditions" as he (Winter) should
make.2 Cleeve's ready response to this offer, "that he would be
tenant to never a man in New England",3 was a manifestation of an
independant, freedom-loving spirit that evidently was character-
istic of the man. In leaving England and making his way hither,
he had turned his back upon a system of tenancy with whose
practical workings he was familiar, and the evils of which he
desired to escape. He had caught the breath of a new era, and
animated by it, he exhibited an uprising of soul and an assertion
of personal freedom that often in later years found expression
among British colonists upon American soil, and especially in
those battle years that witnessed the colonists' protracted
struggle for American independence.
The work Winter had planned for himself in this preliminary visit
to Richmond's Island was now accomplished. He had placed Trelawny
and Goodyear in possession of their lands, and had gained informa-
tion that would be valuable in securing men and materials for such
fishing and trading operations as his employers had in view when
they secured their Grant from the Council for New England. Accord-
ingly, leaving their interests in the care of a few men whom he
found at Casco, and were available for such a purpose, Winter
sailed for Plymouth, England, well satisfied with the success he
had already achieved.
In the autumn that followed, Cleeve and Tucker gathered their
little harvest at the Spurwink, and then came the long, cold
winter. It afforded them time for needed deliberation with refer-
ence to the course they should pursue under their changed circum-
stances. It was evident that little was to be expected from any
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny papers, 102. 2. Ib., 230. 3. Ib., 265.
p.223 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
added assertion of territorial rights supposed to have been secured
by Tucker in his purchase from Bradshaw. Tucker had nothing to show
that the Bradshaw claim rested upon any valid grounds. The patent
under which Bradshaw had been given possession of Cape Elizabeth
territory should have been transferred to Tucker in connection with
that transaction; but evidently this was not done. No mention what-
ever is made of it either by Tucker or Cleeve, and the patent does
not seem to have been at any time in Tucker's possession. As also
little prospect of a successful contest was afforded by Cleeve's
claim to Cape Elizabeth territory on the ground of a promise from
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Cleeve and Tucker decided to abandon their
coveted location on the Spurwink and seek a place of settlement else-
where. The neighboring coast, both southward and northward, was doubt-
less familiar to them. Possibly there was added exploration of sugg-
ested locations. At all events, when the Spring opened, the question
of location had been settled, and on Winter's re-appearance at Rich-
mond's Island, on his return from England, March 2, 1633,1 prepara-
tions for removal had been made. A boat borrowed from Winter2
carried their few household goods. In it, also, embarked Cleeve, his
wife, Joan, his daughter, Elizabeth and their servant, Oliver Weeks,
together with Richard Tucker, Cleeve's partner in the new enter-
prise, as he had been in that now closed. Passing between Rich-
mond's Island and the main land, doubtless with many lingering
glances backward, while the shoreline as far as Blue Point was
still in view, they soon rounded the rocky headland now crowned
by the white towers of Cape Elizabeth lights, and skirting the
eastern shore of the Cape, at length entered the beautiful harbor,
which Levett discovered ten years before, and on whose shores he
had purposed to establish his settlement.
But Cleeve made no tarrying at the island on which Levett erected
his fortified house. Farther up the Bay was the location he sought.
Already it was coming into view - a peninsula heavily
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 22. 2. Ib., 265.
p.224 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The place the Abenaki Indians called Machegonne.
wooded, elevated at either extremity, and attractive in all its
outlines. In the valley separating its hilly extremities, a brook
hastened on its way to the waters of the harbor. The Indians called
the place Machegonne. An authority on Abenaki words, says the desig-
nation signifies a bad or worthless camp.1
MACHEGONNE & CLEEVE
Such, however, was not the camp that Cleeve now made for himself
and his companions. Certainly a more favorable location for a settle-
could not be desired. Here was a harbor deeper, more spacious and more
easily accessible than could be found at most places along the coast.
Here too, were advantages for fishing interests and for traffic with
the Indians such as even Richmond's Island did not possess. The whole
scene was animated, inspiring; and directing his boat into a small cove
on the harbor front of Machegonne, near the outlet of Machegonne's
brook, Cleeve landed his little company and entered upon what he hoped
would prove a permanent abode.3 Hard work he must expect, but from
hard work, he did not shrink. An opening at once was made in the fair
forest, extending back from the pebbly beach, and it was not long be-
fore the beginnings of a comfortable settlement were easily discover-
able.
But what security had Cleeve and Tucker that they would be allowed to
remain at Machegonne unmolested? In both, the question must have
awakened anxious thoughts as often as it occurred. An announcement by
Winter, that Machegonne was within the limits of the Trelawny patent,
doubtless first occasioned anxiety. How soon the announcement was made
after Cleeve and Tucker established themselves at Machegonne is not
known. Robert Trelawny, in a letter to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, written
in the early part of 1637, complained of Cleeve's encroachment upon
"lands he is now planted on, beign mine by patent",2. and asked
1. Trelawny Papers, 225. 2. Willis, History of Portland, 46, says
Cleeve and Tucker erected their house on the corner of Hancock and
Fore streets. Their cornfield extended westerly toward Clay Cove.
The location is fixed by a comparison of several documents cited
by Willis. 2. Trelawny papers, 104.
p.225 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
assistance in removing him from the Trelawny acres, which he claimed
extended "about two miles up in the river of Casco, beyond his (Cleeve's)
dwelling". Unquestionably Winter was authority for this statement. His
correspondence with Trelawny shows that he regarded Cleeve at Mache-
gonne, as still trespassing upon the Trelawny Grant. Plainly this was
a misrepresentation upon Winter's part. In a description of the Grant
which Winter had sent to Trelawny, Machegonne found no space. In fact,
the patent itself, which made "the Bay and River of Casco" the north-
ern limit of the Trelawny Patent, should have made the mis-repres-
entation impossible.
But there were other considerations that impressed upon Cleeve and
Tucker, the importance of obtaining, as soon as posssible, a valid
title to the territory upon which they had located at Machegonne.
In this undertaking, as in the troubles at Spurwink, Cleeve was
most in evidence. The difficulties of the situation, he well under-
stood, but they must be surmounted. First of all, he turned1 to
the proclamation of King James I, offering one hundred and fifty
acres of land to any of the King's subjects, who at their own ex-
pense should make his way to the American coast with the purpose of
establishing a home there; also the same number of acres to any
person whom he should bring with him. Little encouragement, how-
ever, could he have received from that source. Not only had the
Kind died and in all probability, his proclamation, with him, but
Machegonne had been granted to Levett, and claim to possession
under such circumstances needed some valid support. As has already
been stated, Levett died at sea in 1630.
In all probability, Cleeve commenced an early search with refer-
ence to the ownership of Levett's patent. Maverick says 2 it was
purchased
MAVERICK'S RECORD.
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 108. 2. This is Maverick's record:
"About the year 1623, there was a patent granted to one Captain
Christopher Levett for 6,000 acres of land which he took up in this
Bay (Casco Bay) near Cape Elizabeth, and built a good house and forti-
fied it well, on an Island lying before Casco River. This, he sold
and his interest in the patent, to Mr. Ceeley, Mr. Jope and Company
of Plymouth". Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
Series II, 1, 2332. 15
p.226 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
chased by some Plymouth merchants. If so, it was after Levett's death,
probably. Whether the patent remained in their hands, or was sold to
other parties, is unknown. Another owner of the patent, however, is
mentioned by Robert Trelawny in a letter to Gorges in which he com-
plains of Cleeve as going about "under a deed and outworn title to
out me of the best part of my patent, being which he is seated and a
great part thereabout, saying it was formerly granted to one Levite
(Levett) and by him to one Wright."1 It might be inferred from these
words that when this letter was written, Trelawny supposed that Cleeve,
through Wright, or some other party, had secured possession of Levett's
Grant. There is no evidence, however, that this was the fact.
In all probability, the impression Trelawny had received had no other
foundation than Winter's report of some careless remark made by Cleeve,
in denying that Machegonne was within the limits of Trelawny's patent.
Certainly Levett's patent, so far as is known, was never in Cleeve's
possession.
But this was not the only claim made by Winter for territory not in-
cluded in Trelawny's patent. Walter Neale, in laying out Cammock's
grant, made the Spurwink River, Cammock's eastern boundary, and this
fact was recognized by Winter,2 only, he insisted that the boundary
was not to be found in the windings of the Spurwink, but in a line
drawn due north from the mouth of the river. Such a boundary would
include in the Trelawny Grant some desirable lands which otherwise
would be included in Cammock's territory.
In the summer of 1635, Winter left the Richmond's Island interests
of his employers in the care of a subordinate, and took passage for
England. His correspondence with Trelawny throws no light upon the
occasion of his visit, which seems to have been arranged somewhat
suddenly. On his arrival, however, he was not likely to put first
things last. His quarrel with Cammock was evidently the matter that
was most prominent in his thoughts,
Footnotes. 1. Trelawney Papers, 102, 103. 2. Trelawney Papers, 63.
p.227 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
and he doubtless sought an early opportunity in which to present
his side of the case to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Gorges, however,
would not give any decision without hearing from Cammock, and
Winter, who had urged his views with his usual vigor, doubtless
was assured in diplomatic terms, that a settlement of the matter
would follow in due time, also official recognition of Winter.
Undoubtedly Winter made much of this interview on his return to
Richmond's Island in May, 1636. When, however, the announcement
of the settlement came, it was found that Cammock was left in the
possession of the territory he claimed; but "for the better settl-
ing and satisfaction of both parties", Gorges gave directions for
an enlargement of the Trelawny Grant by the addition of two thous-
and acres more "towards the River of Casco". Gorges also directed
that to John Winter, "governor of Mr. Trelawny's people", there
should be given "such authority as hath the rest of the Justices
in these my limits, that thereby he may be the better enabled to
second and further the peaceable happiness of what belongs unto me".1
This announcement, and especially Gorges' recognition of Winter, as
an official of some importance, very naturally increased Cleeve's
apprehensions of insecurity at Machegonne, and impressed him strongly
with the necessity of prompt and strenuous action in seeking to pro-
tect his interests there. Accordingly, he decided to proceed at once
to England, in order to present his case to Gorges in person.
There is no information concerning the way in which Cleeve journeyed.
Trading and fishing vessels had long been accustomed to anchor in the
harbor at Machegonne. On one of these, doubtless, he embarked. Funds
he would not lack, inasmuch as his opportunities for traffic with the
Indians, must have furnished him with whatever was necessary for such
a journey. On his arrival in England, he lost no time in seeking an
interview with Gorges. Unquestionably, he reminded the aged Knight
of the encouragement he received in the promise of a Grand of land
when
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 98,99.
p.228 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
HOG ISLAND.
he was inquiring with reference to settling in New England, and in
accordance with which he concluded to seek his fortune in the new
world. Then followed the story of his location on the banks of the
Spurwink, of his ejection by Winter and of his removal to Mache-
gonne; also of his need of security there. It was a straightforward,
earnest appeal, and it found favor with Sir Ferdinando. Soon after
the opening of the new year, January 27, 1637, Gorges issued a patent
to George Cleeve and Richard Tucker "of a neck of land called by the
Indians, Machegonne and now and forever from henceforth to be called
or known by the name of Stagomor,1 and so along the same westwardly
as it tendeth to the first all of a little river issuing out of a
very small pond, and from thence over land to the falls of Pessumpsca
(Presumpscot) being the first falls in that river upon a straight line
containing by estimation from fall to fall as aforesaid near about one
English mile...estimated in the whole to be fifteen hundred acres or
thereabout, as also an island adjacent...commonly called, or known by
the name of Hog Island".2
This grant to Cleeve and Tucker, it will be noticed, did not proceed
from the Council for New England, but from Gorges himself. The Council
for New England was in a moribund condition. Its recent activity in
making grants of land was not evidence of new, vigorous life in the
Council itself, following years of great and increasing discourage-
ment in its colonizing efforts in New England; but rather, was it evid-
ence of the pressure brought upon its members by those whose business
interests sought new
Footnotes. 1. Stagomor (the modern Stogumber) in Somersetshire, England,
was the birthplace of John Winter and Richard Tucker, the former having
been christened January 9, 1575 and the latter, on January 22, 1594.
This name, designated by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, could hardly have been
accecptable to Cleeve, even though Stagomor was the birthplace of Tucker
as well as of Winter. "Not far away is Cleeve and Cleeve Bay, suggest-
ive certainly of the early home of the Cleeve family, though of this
there is no existing proof." Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his
Province of Maine, has an interesting note concerning Stagomore, I, 175.
2. Baxter, George Cleeve, 216-221. Strictly it was a lease "to the end
and full term of two thousand years".
p.229 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
fields for enlargement, or by those whose hopes for themselves and
for their families prompted them to seek new homes and larger oppor-
tunities on this side of the sea. In a word, the Coucil was ill con-
stituted for conditions then existing in England. Its members stood
with the King in his struggle to maintain the prerogatives to which
King Charles so tenaciously clung; while in the the country, at large,
the sympathies of the people in increasing numbers were with those who
had arrayed themselves in opposition to the King. It was not yet civil
war, but the country in its opposition to a King ruling without a
Parliament, levying taxes illegally, raising money by the sale of mono-
polies and in such other ways as ingenuity and government distress could
invent, was fast drifting toward it.1
Few of the members of the Council now attended its meetings; but
these few proceeded to carry into effect a plan which involved a
surrender of the great charter of the council with the understanding
that the territory covered by it should be divided among themselves,
a scheme at least suggestive of colossal self-interest.2 Such a
division took place in London, February 13, 1635, when the whole
territory of New England, beginning "at the middle of the entrance
of Hudson's river eastward", following along the coast, was divided
into eight parts, each of which, except the last two, was to have an
additional section of ten thousand acres on the east side of the Saga-
dahoc. In this division Sir Ferdinando Gorges received the territory
(assigned to him by the council in 1622) extending from the Piscataqua
to Kennebec, and then designated as the Province of Maine.3
Footnotes. 1. "His (King Charles I) was a government not of fierce
tyranny, but of petty annoyances. It was becoming, every year, not
more odious, but more contemptible. It inspired no one with respect
and very few with good will. In 1636, the silence of the crowds which
witnessed the King's entry into Oxford had given evidence of the isol-
ation in which he stood." S. R. Gardiner, History of England, VIII,
223. 2. "Let not the stockholders in modern corporation bemoan the
degeneracy of morals in boards of directorship in these prossaic times!
Here was a scheme worthy of a Napoleonic financier of the nineteenth
century." Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
I, 167. 3. Farnham Papers I, 183 - 188.
p.230 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The Massachusetts Bay Colony.
To regard this transaction merely as one of official aggrandizement,
however, would be to lose sight of the real purpose that prompted it.
The Royalist Party in England, standing in closest relations to those
most prominent in the affairs of the Church of England, had for some
time looked with disfavor upon the rapid growth and development of the
Massachusetts Bay Colony. In its beginnings that colony attracted little
attention in England on the part of high officials in church and in
state.
Doubtless its Charter received the approval of the King, either as a
matter of formality, or as opening the way for a desirable removal
of disaffected people to distant parts. But it had been learned that
New England was attracting those - and that, too, in large numbers -
whom old England could ill afford to lose. Moreover, the Colony of
Massachusetts Bay was already giving evidence of such rapid develop-
ment in the direction of self government as to attract the attention
and awaken even the fears of those whowere fore most in the counsels
of the Royalist party in England. In fact, as early as 1634, probably
in April or May, in order that the government might assume control of
affairs in New England, the power of "protection and government" of
the English colonies was placed by the King in the hands of eleven
commissioners, prominent among whom was Willaim Laud,1 Archbishop
of Canterbury. These commissioners were authorized to make "laws and
orders for government of English colonies planted in foreign parts,
with power to impose penalties and imprisonment for offences in
ecclesiastical matters; to remove governors and require an account
of their government; to appoint judges and magistrates and establish
courts to hear and determine all manner of complaints from the col-
onies; to have power over all Charters and Patents; and to revoke
those surreptitiously obtained".2 Evidently the King and
Footnotes. 1. Laud was a man of learning and a great patron of learn-
ing, but he was intolerant in the highest degree and used his posi-
tion in enforcing ecclesiastical and political measures that were
extremely obnoxious. These brought upon him popular indignation and
popular condemnation, and he was beheaded on January 10, 1645. 2.
Colonial Papers, King Charles I, VIII, No. 12, Public Records Office,
London.
p.231 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
his advisers had reached the conclusion that if the New England
colonists were to take to themselves "new forms of ecclesiastical
and temporal government", the people of England would be likely,
before long, to insist upon the same rights; and existing tenden-
dies were plainly in that direction.
That Gorges not only was in close sympathy with Bishp Laud and
those who were associated with him in this new movement, but was
actively engaged in promoting it, is evident from a letter that
he addressed to the King, May 12, 1634,1 in which he suggested
that New England should be divided into several provinces, to
which should be assigned "Governors and other assistants and
Officers for administration of public justice and preservation of
the common peace". He also suggested that "both for the honor of
his Majesty and the satisfaction of such noble and generous spirits
as willingly interest themselves in those undertakings.... that some
person of honor may be assigned under the title of Lord Governor, or
Lord Lieutenant, to represent his Majesty for the settling of a public
state". Among the officers regarded by Gorges as "proper to such a
foundation" was one lord bishop, a chancellor, a treasurere, a mar-
shall, an admiral, a master of the ordnance and a secretary of state,
with such other councilors as might be thought necessary. In other
words, "government of the people, by the people and for the people",
already established in New England, was to disappear; and the several
provinces, by which evidently was meant the eight divisions of the
territory already made by allotments to members of the council, were
to be governed by officers of royal appointment, exercising civil and
ecclesiastical powers.
These suggestions were favorably received by the King, and in a
letter to King Charles' secretary, Sir Francis Windebank, dated
March 21, 1635,2 Gorges gratefully acknowledged the King's gracious
pleasure in assigning him to the governorship of New England; and
made the added suggestion that expedition "be used in
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of
Maine, III, 260-263. 2. Ib., 273, 274.
p.232 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
repealing of the patents of those already planted in the Bay of
Massachusetts, that there be not just cause left of cotention...
when I shall arrive in those parts". Evidently when Gorges wrote
this letter, he was confidently looking for the fulfilment of a
long cherished hope in connection with the governorship of all
New England. He had made haste in preparing "Considerations nec-
essry to be resolved upon in settling the governor for New Eng-
land. He had made haste in preparing "Considerations necessary
to be resolved upon in settling the governor for New England";1
and all things seemed to be moving in the direction in which he
and other advisors of the King, with reference to affairs in New
England had already marked out in their plan.
Thus far the plan had unfolded in the way contemplated by those
connected with it. But the procedure was slow, and Laud found in
in the affairs of England alone, enough to occupy his attentions
fully; but before the close of 1634, the Lords commissioners
issued an order2 placing restrictions on emigration, prohibiting
anyone of sufficient means to be rated as "a subsidy man" to go
to New England without a special license, and all persons of less
means without taking the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and
securing a certificate of conformity from the parish minister.
A declaration of the Council for New England, giving its reasons
for the surrender of its Charter, followed, May 5, 1635. In this
declaration, a direct attack was made upon the Massachusetts Bay
colonists for excluding "themselves from the public government of
the Council authorized for those affairs and made themselves a
free people ... and so framed unto themselves both new laws and
new conceits of matters of religion, and forms of ecclesiastical
and temporal orders and government".3
The formal act of the Council in surrendering its Charter to the
King occurred June 17, 1635.4 Such legal difficulties as stood in
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of
Maine, 265-268. 2. Gardiner, History of England, VIII, 167. 3.
Farnham Papers, I, 199. 4. Ib., 203-205. The humble petition of
the Council for New England for the act of surrender of the great
patent, was presented to King Charles I, May 1, 1635. Farnham
Papers, I, 201, 202. The Council took action concerning it as
above.
INSERT - THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY CHARTER.
First Charter of Massachusetts
March 4, 1629
CHARLES, BY THE, GRACE, OF GOD, Kinge of England, Scotland, Fraunce, and Ireland, Defendor of the Fayth, &c. To all to whome theis Presents shall come Greeting. WHEREAS, our most Deare and Royall Father, Kinge James, of blessed Memory, by his Highnes Letters-patents bearing Date at Westminster the third Day of November, in the eighteenth Yeare of His Raigne, HATH given and graunted vnto the Councell established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of Newe England in America, and to their Successors and Assignes for ever. all that Parte of America, lyeing and being in Bredth, from Forty Degrees of Northerly Latitude from the Equinoctiall Lyne, to forty eight Degrees Of the saide Northerly Latitude inclusively, and in Length, of and within all the Breadth aforesaid, throughout the Maine Landes from Sea to Sea; together also with all the Firme Landes, Soyles, Groundes, Havens, Portes, Rivers, Waters, Fishing, Mynes, anal Myneralls, as well Royall Mynes of Gould and Silver, as other Mynes ind Mvneralls, precious Stones, Quarries, and all and singular other Comodities, Jurisdiccons, Royalties, Priviledges, Franchesies, and Prehemynences, both within the said Tract of Land vpon the Mayne, and also within the Islandes and Seas adjoining: PROVIDED alwayes, That the saide Islandes, or any the Premisses by the said Letters-patents intended and meant to be graunted, were not then actuallie possessed or inhabited, by any other Christian Prince or State, nor within the Boundes, Lymitts, or Territories of the Southerne Colony, then before graunted by our saide Deare Father, to be planted by divers of his loveing Subiects in the South Partes. TO HAVE and to houlde, possess, and enjoy all and singular the aforesaid Continent, Landes Territories, Islandes, Hereditaments, and Precincts, Seas, Waters, Fishings, with all, and all manner their Comodities, Royalties, Liberties, Prehemynences, and Proffits that should from thenceforth arise from thence, with all and.singuler their Appurtenances, and every Parte and Parcell thereof, vnto the saide Councell and their Successors and Assignes for ever, to the sole and proper Vse, Benefitt, and Behoofe of them the saide Councell, and their Successors and Asignes for ever: To be houlden of our saide most Deare and Royall Father, his Heires and Successors, as of his Mannor of East Greenewich in the County of Kent, in free and comon Soccage, and not in Capite nor by Knight's Service: YEILDINGE and paying therefore to the saide late Kinge, his heires and Successors, the fifte Parte of the Oare of Gould and Silver, which should from tyme to tyme, and at all Tymes then after happen to be found, gotten, had, and obteyned in, att, or within any of the saide Landes, Lymitts, Territories, and Precincts, or in or within any Parte or Parcell thereof, for or in Respect of all and all Manner of Duties, Demaunds anr Services whatsoever, to be don, made, or paide to our saide Dear Father the late Kinge his Heires and Successors, as in and by the saide Letters-patents (amongst sundrie and other Clauses, Powers, Priviledges, and Grauntes therein conteyned), more at large appeareth:
AND WHEREAS, the saide Councell established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the plantinge, ruling, ordering, and governing of Newe England in America, have by their Deede, indented vnder their Comon Seale, bearing Date the nyneteenth Day of March last past, in the third Yeare of our Raigne, given, graunted, bargained, soulde, enfeofled, aliened, and confirmed to Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Young, Knightes, Thomas Southcott, John Humphrey, John Endecott, and Symon Whetcombe, their Heires and Assignes, and their Associats for ever, all that Parte of Newe England in America aforesaid, which lyes and extendes betweene a greate River there comonlie called Monomack alias Merriemack, and a certen other River there, called Charles River, being in the Bottome of a certayne Bay there, comonlie called Massachusetts, alias Mattachusetts, alias Massatusetts Bay, and also all and singuler those Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing within the Space of three English Myles on the South Parte of the said Charles River, or of any, or everie Parte thereof; and also, all and singuler the Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing and being within the Space of three English Myles to the Southward of the Southermost Parte of the saide Bay called Massachusetts, alias Mattachusetts, alias Massatusets Bay; and also, all those Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, which lye, and be within the space of three English Myles to the Northward of the said River called Monomack, alias Merrymack, or to the Northward of any and every Parte thereof, and all Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing within the Lymitts aforesaide, North and South in Latitude and breath, and in Length and Longitude, of and within all the Bredth aforesaide, throughout the Mayne Landes there, from the Atlantick and Westerne Sea and Ocean on the East Parte, to the South Sea on the West Parte; and all Landes and Groundes, Place and Places, Soyles, Woodes and Wood Groundes, Havens, Portes, Rivers, Waters, Fishings, and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing within the said Boundes and Lymitts, and everie Parte and Parcell thereof; and also, all Islandes lyeing in America aforesaide, in the saide Seas or either of them on the Westerne or Eastern Coastes or Partes of the said Tractes of Lande, by the saide Indenture mencoed to be given, graunted, bargained, sould, enfeofled, aliened, and confirmed, or any of them; and also, all Mynes and Myneralls, as well Royall Mynes of Gould and Silver, as other Mynes and Myneralls whatsoeuer, in the saide Lands and Premisses, or any Parte thereof; and all Jurisdiccons, Rights, Royalties, Liberties, Freedomes, Ymmunities, Priviledges, Franchises, Preheminences, and Comodities whatsoever, which they, the said Councell established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of Newe England in America, then had, or might vse, exercise, or enjoy, in or within the saide Landes and Premisses by the saide Indenture mencoed to be given, graunted, bargained, sould, enfeoffed, and confirmed, or in or within any Parte or Parcell thereof:
To HAVE and to hould, the saide Parte of Newe England in America, which lyes and extendes and is abutted as aforesaide, and every Parte and Parcell thereof; and all the saide Islandes, Rivers, Portes, Havens, Waters, Fishings, Mynes, and Myneralls, Jurisdiccons, Franchises, Royalties, Liberties, Priviledges, Comodities, Hereditaments, and Premisses whatsoever, with the Appurtenances vnto the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, and Simon Whetcombe, their Heires and Assignes, and their Associatts, to the onlie proper and absolute vse and Behoofe of the said Sir Henry Rosawell, Sir John Younge, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, and Simon Whettcombe, their Heires and Assignes, and their Associatts forevermore; TO BE HOULDEN of Vs. our Heires and Successors, as of our Mannor of Eastgreenwich, in the County of Kent, in free and comon Soccage, and not in Capite, nor by Knightes Service; YEILDING and payeing therefore vnto Vs. our Heires and Successors, the fifte Parte of the Oare of Goulde and Silver, which shall from Tyme to Tyme, and at all Tymes hereafter, happen to be founde, gotten, had, and obteyned in any of the saide Landes, within the saide Lymitts, or in or witllin any Parte thereof, for, and in Satisfaccon of all manner Duties, Demaundes, and Services whatsoever to be done, made, or paid to Vs. our Heires or Successors, as in and by the said recited Indenture more at large maie appeare.
NOWE Knowe Yee, that Wee, at the humble Suite and Peticon of the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, and Simon Whetcombe, and of others whome they have associated vnto them, HAVE, for divers good Causes and consideracons, vs moveing, graunted and confirmed, and by theis Presents of our especiall Grace, certen Knowledge, and meere mocon, doe graunt and confirme vnto the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, and Simon Whetcombe, and to their Associatts hereafter named; (videlicet) Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knight, Isaack Johnson, Samuel Aldersey, John Ven, Mathew Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte, their Heires and Assignes, all the saide Parte of Newe England in America, lyeing and extending betweene the Boundes and Lvmytts in the said recited Indenture expressed, and all Landes and Groundes, Place and Places, Soyles, Woods and Wood Groundes, Havens, Portes, Rivers, Waters, Mynes, Mineralls, Jurisdiccons, Rightes, Royalties, Liberties, Freedomes, Immunities, Priviledges, Franchises, Preheminences, Hereditaments, and Comodities whatsoever, to them the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, and Simon Whetcombe, theire Heires and Assignes, and to their Associatts, by the saide recited Indenture, given, graunted, bargayned, solde, enfeoffed, aliened, and confirmed, or mencoed or intended thereby to be given, graunted, bargayned, sold, enfeoffed, aliened, anal confirmed: To HAVE, and to hould, the saide Parte of Newe England in America, and other the Premisses hereby mencoed to be graunted and confirmed, and every Parte and Parcell thereof with the Appurtenuces, to the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Gode, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuel Bromine, Thomas Hutchins, Samuel Aldersey, John Ven, Mathewe Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Nowell, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte, their Heires and Assignes forever, to their onlie proper and absolute Vse and Behoofe for evermore; To be holden of Vs. our Heires and Successors, as of our Mannor of Eastgreenewich aforesaid, in free and comon Socage, and not in Capite, nor by Knights Service; AND ALSO YEILDING and paying therefore to Vs. our Heires and Successors, the fifte parte onlie of all Oare of Gould and Silver, which from tyme to tyme, and aft all tymes hereafter shalbe there gotten, had, or obteyned for all Services, Exaccons and Demaundes whatsoever, according to the Tenure and Reservacon in the said recited Indenture expressed.
AND FURTHER, knowe yee, that of our more especiall Grace, certen Knowledg, and meere mocon, Wee have given and graunted, and by theis Presents, doe for Vs. our Heires and Successors, give and graunte onto the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Symon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John Ven, Mathewe Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Nowell, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Gode, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte, their Heires and Assignes, all that Parte of Newe England in America, which lyes and extendes betweene a great River there, comonlie called Monomack River, alias Merrimack River, and a certen other River there, called Charles River, being in the Bottome of a certen Bay there, comonlie called Massachusetts, alias Mattachusetts, alias Massatusetts Bay; and also all and singuler those Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the Space of Three Englishe Myles on the South Parte of the said River, called Charles River, or of any or every Parte thereof; and also all and singuler the Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being within the Space of Three Englishe Miles to the southward of the southermost Parte of the said Baye, called Massachusetts, alias Mattachusetts, alias Massatusets Bay: And also all those Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, which lye and be within the Space of Three English Myles to the Northward of the saide River, called Monomack, alias Merrymack, or to the Norward of any and every Parte thereof, and all Landes and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing within the Lymitts aforesaide, North and South, in Latitude and Bredth, and in Length and Longitude, of and within all the Bredth aforesaide, throughout the mayne Landes there, from the Atlantick and Westerne Sea and Ocean on the East Parte, to the South Sea on the West Parte; and all Landes and Groundes, Place and Places, Soyles, Woodes, and Wood Groundes, Havens, Portes, Rivers, Waters, and Hereditaments whatsoever, lyeing within the said Boundes and Lymytts, and every Parte and Parcell thereof; and also all Islandes in America aforesaide, in the saide Seas, or either of them, on the Westerne or Easterne Coastes, or Partes of the saide Tracts of Landes hereby mencoed to be given and graunted, or any of them; and all Mynes and Mynerals as well Royal mynes of Gold and Silver and other mynes and mynerals, whatsoever, in the said Landes and Premisses, or any parte thereof, and free Libertie of fishing in or within any the Rivers or Waters within the Boundes and Lymytts aforesaid, and the Seas therevnto adjoining; and all Fishes, Royal Fishes, Whales, Balan, Sturgions, and other Fishes of what Kinde or Nature soever, that shall at any time hereafter be taken in or within the saide Seas or Waters, or any of them, by the said:
Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John Ven, Mathewe Cradock, Greorge Harwood, Increase Noell, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassell, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browner, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte, their Heires and Assignes, or by any other person or persons whatsoever there inhabiting, by them, or any of them, to be appointed to fishe therein.
PROVIDED alwayes, That yf the said Landes, Islandes, or any other the Prernisses herein before menconed, and by theis presents, intended and meant to be graunted, were at the tyme of the graunting of the saide former Letters patents, dated the Third Day of November, in the Eighteenth Yeare of our said deare Fathers Raigne aforesaide, actuallie possessed or inhabited by any other Christian Prince or State, or were within the Boundes, Lymytts or Territories of that Southerne Colony, then before graunted by our said late Father, to be planted by divers of his loveing Subiects in the south partes of America, That then this present Graunt shall not extend to any such partes or parcells thereof, soe formerly inhabited, or lyeing within the Boundes of the Southerne Plantacon as aforesaide, but as to those partes or parcells soe possessed or inhabited by such Christian Prince or State, or being within the Bounders aforesaide shal be vtterlie voyd, theis presents or any Thinge therein conteyned to the contrarie notwithstanding. To HAVE and hould, possesse and enioye the saide partes of New England in America, which lye, extend, and are abutted as aforesaide,and every parse and parcell thereof; and all the Islandes, Rivers, Portes, Havens, Waters, Fishings, Fishes, Mynes, Myneralls, Jurisdiccons, Franchises, Royalties, Liberties, Priviledges, Comodities, and Premisses whatsoever, with the Appurtenances, vnto the said
Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John yen, Mathewe Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Noweil, Richard Perry, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Gofle, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxeroft, their Heires and Assignes forever, to the onlie proper and absolute Vse and Behoufe of the said Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe, Isaac Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John Ven, Mathewe Cradocke, George Harwood, Increase Noweil, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcroft, their Heires and Assignes forevermore: To BE HOLDEN of Vs. our Heires and Successors, as of our Manor of Eastgreenwich in our Countie of Kent, within our Realme of England, in free and comon Soccage, and not in Capite, nor by Knights Service; and also yeilding and paying therefore, to Vs. our Heires and Sucessors, the fifte Parte onlie of all Oare of Gould and Silver, which from tyme to tyme, and at all tymes hereafter, shal be there gotten, had, or obteyned, for all Services, Exaccons, and Demaundes whatsoever; PROVIDED alwaies, and our expresse Will and Meaninge is, that onlie one fifte Parte of the Gould and Silver Oare above mencoed, in the whole, and noe more be reserved or payeable vnto Vs. our Heires and Successors, by Collour or Vertue of theis Presents, the double Reservacons or rentals aforesaid or any Thing herein conteyned notwithstanding. AND FORASMUCH, as the good and prosperous Successe of the Plantacon of the saide Partes of Newe-England aforesaide intended by the said Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey John Ven, Mathew Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Noell, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte, to be speedily sett vpon, cannot but cheifly depend, next vnder the Blessing of Almightie God, and the support of our Royall Authoritie vpon the good Government of the same, To the Ende that the Affaires and Buyssinesses which from tyme to tyme shall happen and arise concerning the saide Landes, and the Plantation of the same maie be the better mannaged and ordered, WEE HAVE FURTHER hereby of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Mocon, Given, graunted and confirmed, and for Vs. our Heires and Successors, doe give, graunt, and confirme vnto our said trustie and welbeloved subjects Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Younge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endicott, Simon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John yen, Mathewe Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Nowell, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte: AND for Vs. our Heires and Successors, Wee will and ordeyne, That the saide Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Young, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endicott, Svmon Whetcombe, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John Ven, Mathewe Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Noell, Richard Pery, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Goffe, Thomas Adams, John Browne, Samuell Browne, Thomas Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pinchion, and George Foxcrofte, and all such others as shall hereafter be admitted and made free of the Company and Society hereafter mencoed, shall from tyme to tyme, and att all tymes forever hereafter be, by Vertue of theis presents, one Body corporate and politique in Fact and Name, by the Name of the Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in Newe-England, and them by the Name of the Governour and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in Newe-England, one Bodie politique and corporate, in Deede, Fact, and Name; Wee doe for vs. our Heires and Successors, make, ordoyne, constitute, and confirme by theis Presents, and that by that name they shall have perpetuall Succession, and that by the same Name they and their Successors shall and maie be capeable and enabled aswell to implead, and to be impleaded, and to prosecute, demaund, and aunswere, and be aunsweared veto, in all and singuler Suites, Causes, Quarrells, and Accons, of what kinde or nature soever. And also to have, take, possesse, acquire, and purchase any Landes, Tenements, or Hereditaments, or any Goodes or Chattells, and the same to lease, graunte, demise, alien, bargaine, sell, and dispose of, as other our liege People of this our Realme of England, or any other corporacon or Body politique of the same may lawfully doe.
AND FURTHER, That the said Governour and Companye, and their Successors, maie have forever one comon Seale, to be vsed in all Causes and Occasions of the said Company, and the same Seale may alter, chaunge, breake, and newe make, from tyme to tyme, at their pleasures. And our Will and Pleasure is, and Wee doe hereby for Vs. our Heires and Successors, ordeyne and graunte, That from henceforth for ever, there shalbe one Governor, one Deputy Governor, and eighteene Assistants of the same Company, to be from tyme to tyme constituted, elected and chosen out of the Freemen of the saide Company, for the tyme being, in such Manner and Forme as hereafter in theis Presents is expressed, which said Officers shall applie themselves to take Care for the best disposeing and ordering of the generall buysines and Affaires of, for, and concerning the said Landes and Premisses hereby mencoed, to be graunted, and the Plantacion thereof, and the Government of the People there. AND FOR the better Execucon of our Royall Pleasure and Graunte in this Behalf, WEE doe, by theis presents, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, nominate, ordeyne, make, & constitute; our welbeloved the saide Mathewe Cradocke, to be the first and present Governor of the said Company, and the saide Thomas Goffe, to be Deputy Governor of the saide Company, and the saide Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaack Johnson, Samuell Aldersey, John Ven, John Humfrey, John Endecott, Simon Whetcombe, Increase Nowell, Richard Pery, Nathaniell Wright, Samuell Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, John Browne, George Foxcrofte, William Vassall, and William Pinchion, to be the present Assistants of the saide Company, to continue in the saide several Offices respectivelie for such tyme, and in such manner, as in and by theis Presents is hereafter declared and appointed.
AND FURTHER, Wee will, and by theis Presents, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, doe ordoyne and graunte, That the Governor of the saide Company for the tyme being, or in his Absence by Occasion of Sicknes or otherwise, the Deputie Governor for the tyme being, shall have Authoritie from tyme to tyme vpon all Occasions, to give order for the assembling of the saide Company, and calling them together to consult and advise of the Bussinesses and Affaires of the saide Company, and that the said Governor, Deputie Governor, and Assistants of the saide Company, for the tyme being, shall or maie once every Moneth, or oftener at their Pleasures, assemble and houlde and keepe a Courte or Assemblie of themselves, for the better ordering and directing of their Affaires, and that any seaven or more persons of the Assistants, togither with the Governor, or Deputie Governor soe assembled, shalbe saide, taken, held, and reputed to be, and shalbe a full and sufficient Courte or Assemblie of the said Company, for the handling, ordering, and dispatching of all such Buysinesses and Occurrents as shall from tyme to tyme happen, touching or concerning the said Company or Plantacon; and that there shall or maie be held and kept by the Governor, or Deputie Governor of the said Company, and seaven or more of the said Assistants for the tyme being, vpon every last Wednesday in Hillary, Easter, Trinity, and Michas Termes respectivelie forever, one grease generall and solempe assemblie, which foure generall assemblies shalbe stiled and called the foure grease and generall Courts of the saide Company; IN all and every, or any of which saide grease and generall Courts soe assembled, WEE DOE for Vs. our Heires and Successors, give and graunte to the said Governor and Company, and their Successors, That the Governor, or in his absence, the Deputie Governor of the saide Company for the tyme being, and such of the Assistants and Freeman of the saide Company as shalbe present, or the greater nomber of them so assembled, whereof the Governor or Deputie Governor and six of the Assistants at the least to be seaven shall have full Power and authoritie to choose, nominate, and appointe, such and soe many others as they shall thinke fitt, and that shall be willing to accept the same, to be free of the said Company and Body, and them into the same to admits; and to elect and constitute such Officers as they shall thinke fitt and requisite, for the ordering, mannaging, and dispatching of the Affaires of the saide Govenor and Company, and their Successors; And to make Lawes and Ordinnces for the Good and Welfare of the saide Company, and for the Government and ordering of the saide Landes and Plantacon, and the People inhabiting and to inhabite the same, as to them from tyme to tyme shalbe thought meete, soe as such Lawes and Ordinances be not contrarie or repugnant to the Lawes and Statuts of this our Reaime of England. AND, our Will and Pleasure is, and Wee doe hereby for Vs, our Heires and Successors, establish and ordeyne, That yearely once in the yeare, for ever hereafter, namely, the last Wednesdav in Easter Tearme, yearely, the Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Assistants of the saide Company and all other officers of the saide Company shalbe in the Generall Court or Assembly to be held for that Day or Tyme, newly chosen for the Yeare ensueing by such greater parse of the said Company, for the Tyme being, then and there present, as is aforesaide. AND, yf it shall happen the present governor, Deputy Governor, and assistants, by theis presents appointed, or such as shall hereafter be newly chosen into their Roomes, or any of them, or any other of the officers to be appointed for the said Companv, to dye, or to be removed from his or their severall Offices or Places before the saide generall Day of Eleccon (whome Wee doe hereby declare for any Misdemeanor or Defect to be removeable by the Governor, Deputie Governor, Assistants, and Company, or such greater Parte of them in any of the publique Courts to be assembled as is aforesaid) That then, and in every such Case, it shall and male be lawfull, to and for the Governor, Deputie Governor, Assistants, and Company aforesaide, or such greater Parte of them soe to be assembled as is aforesaide, in any of their Assemblies, to proceade to a new Eleccon of one or more others of their Company in the Roome or Place, Roomes or Places of such Officer or Officers soe dyeing or removed according to their Discrecons, And, Mediately vpon and after such Eleccon and Eleccons made of such Governor, Deputie Governor, Assistant or Assistants, or any other officer of the saide Company, in Manner and Forme aforesaid, the Authoritie, Office, and Power, before given to the former Governor, Deputie Governor, or other Officer and Officers soe removed, in whose Steade and Place newe shabe soe chosen, shall as to him and them, and everie of them, cease and determine
PROVIDED alsoe, and our Will and Pleasure is, That aswell such as are by theis Presents appointed to be the present Governor, Deputie Governor, and Assistants of the said Company, as those that shall Succeed them, and all other Officers to be appointed and chosen as aforesaid, shall, before they undertake the Execucon of their saide Offices and Places respectivelie, take their Corporal Oathes for the due and faithfull Performance of their Duties in their severall Offices and Places, before such Person or Persons as are bv theis Presents hereunder appointed to take and receive the same; That is to sale, the saide Mathewe Cradock, whoe is hereby nominated and appointed the present Governor of the saide Company, shall take the saide Oathes before one or more of the Masters of our Courte of Chauncery for the Tyme being, vnto which Master or Masters of the Chauncery, Wee doe by theis Presents give full Power and Authoritie to take and administer the said Oathe to the said Governor accordinglie: And after the saide Governor shalbe soe sworne, then the said Deputy Governor and Assistants, before by theis Presents nominated and appointed, shall take the said severall Oathes to their Offices and Places respectivelie belonging, before the said Mathew Cradock, the present Governor, soe formerlie sworne as aforesaide.
And every such person as shallbe at the Tvme of the annuall Eleccon, or otherwise, vpon Death or Removeall, be appointed to be the newe Governor of the said Company, shall take the Oathes to that Place belonging, before the Deputy Governor, or two of the Assistants of the said Company at the least, for the Tyme being: And the newe elected Deputie Governor and Assistants, and all other officers to be hereafter chosen as aforesaide from Tyme to Tyme, to take the Oathes to their places respectivelie belonging, before the Governor of the said Company for the Tyme being, vnto which said Governor, Deputie Governor, and assistants, Wee doe by theis Presents Dive full Power and Authoritie to give and administer the said Oathes respectively, according to our true Meaning herein before declared, without any Comission or further Warrant to be had and obteyned of our Vs. our Heires or Successors, in that Behalf. AND, Wee doe further, of our especial Grace, certen Knowledge, and meere mocon, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, give and graunte to the said Governor and Company, and their Successors for ever by theis Presents, That it shalbe lawfull and free for them and their Assignes, at all and every Tyme and Tymes hereafter, out of any our Realmes or Domynions whatsoever, to take, leade, carry, and transport, for in and into their Voyages, and for and towardes the said Plantacon in Newe England, all such and soe many of our loving Subjects, or any other strangers that will become our loving Subjects, and live under our Allegiance, as shall willinglie accompany them in the same Voyages and Plantacon; and also Shippmg, Armour, Weapons, Ordinance, Municon, Powder, Shott, Come, Victualls, and all Manner of Clothing, Implements, Furniture, Beastes, Cattle, Horses, Mares, Merchandizes, and all other Thinges necessarie for the saide Plantacon, and for their Vse and Defence, and for Trade with the People there, and in passing and returning to and fro, any Lawe or Statute to the contrarie hereof in any wise notwithstanding; and without payeing or yeilding any Custome or Subsidie, either inward or outward, to Vs. our Heires or Successors, for the same, by the Space of seaven Yeares from the Day of the Date of theis Presents.
PROVIDED, that none of the saide Persons be such as shalbe hereafter by especiall Name restrayned by Vs. our Heires or Successors. AND, for their further Encouragement, of our especiall Grace and Favor, Wee doe by theis Presents, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, yeild and graunt to the saide Governor and Company, and their Successors, and every of them, their Factors and Assignes, That they and every of them shalbe free and quits from all Taxes, Subsidies, and Customes, in Newe England, for the like Space of seaven Yeares, and from all Taxes and Imposicons for the Space of twenty and one Yeares, vpon all Goodes and Merchandizes at any Tyme or Tymes hereafter, either vpon Importacon thither, or Exportacon from thence into our Realme of England, or into any other our Domynions by the said Governor and Company, and their Successors, their Deputies, Factors, and Assignes, or any of them; EXCEPT onlie the five Pounds per Centum due for Custome vpon all such Goodes and Merchandizes as after the saide seaven Yeares shalbe expired, shalbe brought or imported into our Realme of England, or any other of our Dominions, according to the auncient Trade of Merchants, which five Poundes per Centum onlie being paide, it shall be thenceforth lawfull and free for the said Adventurers, the same Goodes and Merchandizes to export and carry out of our said Domynions into forraine Partes, without any Custome, Tax or other Dutie to be paid to Vs. our Heires or Successors, or to any other Officers or Ministers of Vs. our Heires and Successors. PROVIDED, that the said Goodes and Merchandizes be shipped out within thirteene Monethes, after their first Landing within any Parte of the saide Domynions.
AND, Wee doe for Vs. our Heires and Successors, give and graunte vnto the saide Governor and Company, and their Successors, That whensoever, or soe often as any Custome or Subsedie shall growe due or payeable vnto Vs our Heires, or Successors, according to the Lymittacon and Appointment aforesaide, by Reason of any Goodes, Wares, or Merchandizes to be shipped out, or any Retorne to be made of any Goodes, Wares, or Merchandize vnto or from the said Partes of Newe England hereby moncoed to be graunted as aforesaid, or any the Landes or Territories aforesaide, That then, and soe often, and in such Case, the Farmors, Customers, and Officers of our Customes of England and Ireland, and everie of them for the Tyme being, vpon Request made to them by the saide Governor and Company, or their Successors, Factors. or Assignes, and vpon convenient Security to be given in that Behalf, shall give and allowe vnto the said Governor and Company, and their Successors, and to all and everie Person and Persons free of that Company, as aforesaide, six Monethes Tyme for the Payement of the one halfe of all such Custome and Subsidy as shalbe due and payeable unto Vs. our Heires and Successors, for the same; for which theis our Letters patent, or the Duplicate, or the inrollemt thereof, shalbe vnto our saide Officers a sufficient Warrant and Discharge. NEVERTHELESS, our Will and Pleasure is, That yf any of the saide Goodes, Wares, and Merchandize, which be, or shalbe at any Tyme hereafter landed or exported out of any of our Realmes aforesaide, and shalbe shipped with a Purpose not to be carried to the Partes of Newe England aforesaide, but to some other place, That then such Payment, Dutie, Custome, Imposicon, or Forfeyfure, shalbe paid, or belonge to Vs. our Heires and Successors, for the said Goodes, Wares, and Merchandize, soe fraudulently sought to be transported, as yf tllis our Graunte had not been made nor granted.
AND, Wee doe further will, and by theis Presents, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, firmlie enioine and comaunde, as well the Treasorer, Chauncellor and Barons of the Exchequer, of Vs. our Heires and Successors, as also all and singuler the Customers, Farmors, and Collectors of the Customes, Subsidies, and Imposts' and other the Officers and Ministers of Vs our Heires and Successors whatsoever, for the Tyme Being, That they and every of them, vpon the strewing forth vnto them of theis Letters patents, or the Duplicate or exemplificacon of the same, without any other Writt or Warrant vvhatsoever from Vs. our Heires or Successors, to be obteyned or sued forth, doe and shall make full, whole, entire, and due Allowance, and cleare Discharge vnto the saide Governor and Company, and their Successors, of all Customes, Subsidies, Imposicons, Taxes and Duties whatsoever, that shall or maie be claymed by Vs. our Heires and Successors, of or from the said Governor and Company, and their Successors, for or by Reason of the said Goodes, Chattels, Wares, Merchandizes, and Premises to be exported out of our saide Domynions, or any of them, into any Parte of the saide Landes or Premises hereby mencoed, to be given, graunted, and confirmed, or for, or by Reason of any of the saide Goodes, Chattells, Wares, or Merchandizes to be imported from the said Landes and Premises hereby mencoed, to be given, graunted, and confirmed into any of our saide Dominions, or any Parte thereof as aforesaide, excepting onlie the saide five Poundes per Centum hereby reserved and payeable after the Expiracon of the saide Terme of seaven Yeares as aforesaid, and not before: And theis our Letters-patents, or the Inrollment, Duplicate, or Exemplificacon of the same shalbe for ever hereafter, from time to tyme, as well to the Treasorer, Chauncellor and Barons of the Exchequer of Vs. our Heires and Successors, as to all and singuler the Customers, Farmors, and Collectors of the Customes, Subsidies, and Imposts of Vs. our Heires and Successors, and all Searchers, and other the Officers and Ministers whatsoever of Vs. our Heires and Successors, for the Time being, a sufficient Warrant and Discharge in this Behalf.
AND, further our Will and Pleasure is, and Wee doe hereby for Vs' bur Heires and Successors, ordeyne and declare, and graunte to the saide Governor and Company, and their Successors, That all and every the Subiects of Vs. our Heires or Successors, which shall goe to and inhabite within the saide Landes and Premisses hereby mencoed to be graunted, and every of their Children which shall happen to be borne there, or on the Seas in goeing thither, or returning from thence, shall have and enjoy all liberties and Immunities of free and naturall Subiects within any of the Domynions of Vs. our Heires or Successors, to all Intents, Construccons, and Purposes whatsoever, as yf they and everie of them were borne within the Realme of England. And that the Governor and Deputie Governor of the said Company for the Tyme being, or either of them, and any two or more of such of the saide Assistants as shalbe therevnto appointed by the saide Governor and Companv at any of their Courts or Assemblies to be held as aforesaide. shall and male at all Tymes, and from tyme to tyme hereafter, have full Power and Authoritie to minister and give the Oathe and Oathes of Supremacie and Allegiance, or either of them, to all and everie Person and Persons, which shall at any Tyme or Tymes hereafter goe or passe to the Landes and Premisses hereby mencoed to be graunted to inhabite in the same.
AND, Wee doe of our further Grace, certen Knowledg and meere Mocon, give and graunte to the saide Governor and Companv, and their Successors, That it shall and male be lawfull, to and for the Governor or Deputie Governor, and such of the Assistants and Freemen of the said Company for the Tyme being as shalbe assembled in any of their generall Courts aforesaide, or in any other Courtes to be specially sumoned and assembled for that Purpose, or the greater Parte of them (whereof the Governor or Deputie Governor, and six of the Assistants to be alwaies seaven) from tyme to tome, to make, ordeine, and establishe all Manner of wholesome and reasonable Orders, Lawes, Statutes, and Ordilmces, Direccons, and Instruccons, not contrairie to the Lawes of this our Realme of England, a swell for selling of the Formes and Ceremonies of Governmt and Magistracy fitt and necessary for the said Plantacon, and the Inhabitants there, and for nameing and setting of all sorts of Officers, both superior and inferior, which they shall finde needefull for that Governement and Plantacon, and the distinguishing and setting forth of the severall duties, Powers, and Lymytts of every such Office and Place, and the Formes of such Oathes warrantable by the Lawes and Statutes of this our Realme of England, as shalbe respectivelie ministred vnto them for the Execucon of the said severall Offices and Places; as also, for the disposing and ordering of the Eleccons of such of the said Officers as shalbe annuall, and of such others as shalbe to succeede in Case of Death or Remove all and ministering the said Oathes to the newe elected Officers, and for Imposicons of lawfull Fynes, Mulcts, Imprisonment, or other lawfull Correccon, according to the Course of other Corporacons in this our Realme of England, and for the directing, ruling, and disposeing of all other Matters and Thinges, whereby our said People, Inhabitants there, may be soe religiously, peaceablie, and civilly governed, as their good Life and orderlie Conversacon, male wynn and incite the Natives of Country, to the Knowledge and Obedience of the onlie true God and Saulor of Mankinde, and the Christian Fayth, which in our Royall Intencon, and the Adventurers free Profession, is the principall Ende of this Plantacion. WILLING, comaunding, and requiring, and by theis Presents for Vs. our Heiress Successors, ordoyning and appointing, that all such Orders, Lawes, Statuts and Ordinnces, Instruccons and Direccons, as shalbe soe made by the Governor, or Deputie Governor of the said Company, and such of the Assistants and Freemen as aforesaide, and published in Writing, under their comon Seale, shalbe carefullie and duke observed, kept, performed, and putt in Execucon, according to the true Intent and Meaning of the same; and theis our Letters-patents, or the Duplicate or exemplificacon thereof, shalbe to all and everie such Officers,-superior and inferior, from Tyme to Tyme, for the putting of the same Orders, Lawes, Statutes, and Ordinuces, Instruccons, and Direccons, in due Execucon against Vs. our Heires and Successors, a sufficient Warrant and Discharge.
AND WEE DOE further, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, give and graunt to the said Governor and Company, and their Successors bv theis Presents, that all and everie such Chiefe Comaunders, Captaines, Governors, and other Officers and Ministers, as by the said Orders, Lawes, Statuts, Ordinnces, Instruccons, or Direccons of the said Governor and Company for the Tyme being, shalbe from Tyme to Tyme hereafter vmploied either in the Government of the saide Inhabitants and Plantacon, or in the Waye by Sea thither, or from thence, according to the Natures and Lymitts of their Offices and Places respectively, shall from Tyme to Tyme hereafter for ever, within the Precincts and Partes of Newe England hereby mencoed to be graunted and confirmed, or in the Wale by Sea thither, or from thence, have full and Absolute Power and Authoritie to correct, punishe, pardon, governe, and rule all such the Subiects of Vs. our Heires and Successors, as shall from Tyme to Tyme adventure themselves in any Voyadge thither or from thence, or that shall at any Tyme hereafter, inhabite within the Precincts and Partes of Newe England aforesaid, according to the Orders, Lawes, Ordinnces, Instruccons, and Direccons aforesaid, not being repugnant to the Lawes and Statutes of our Realme of England as aforesaid. AND WEE DOE further, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, give and graunte to the said Governor and Company, and their Successors, by theis Presents, that it shall and male be lawfull, to and for the Chiefe Comaunders, Governors, and officers of the said Company for the Time being, who shalbe resident in the said Parte of Newe England in America, by theis presents graunted, and others there inhabiting by their Appointment and Direccon, from Tyme to Tvme, and at ail Tymes hereafter for their speciall Defence and Safety, to incounter, expulse, repell, and resist by Force of Armes, aswell by Sea as by Lande, and by all fitting Waies and Meanes whatsoever, all such Person and Persons, as shall at any Tyme hereafter, attempt or enterprise the Destruccon, Invasion, Detriment, or Annoyaunce to the said Plantation or Inhabitants, and to take and surprise by all Waies and Meanes whatsoever, all and every such Person and Persons, with their Shippes, Armour, Municons and other Goodes, as shall in hostile manner invade or attempt the defeating of the said Plantacon, or the Hurt of the said Company and Inhabitants: NEVERTHELESS, our Will and Pleasure is, and Wee doe hereby declare to all Christian Kinges, Princes and States, that yf any Person or Persons which shall hereafter be of the said Company or Plantacon or anv other by Lycense or Appointment of the said Governor and Cmpany for the Tyme being, shall at any Tyme or Tymes hereafter, robb or spoyle, by Sea or by Land, or doe any Hurt, Violence, or unlawful Hostilitie to any of the Subjects of Vs. our Heires or Successors, or any of the Subjects of any Prince or State, being then in League and Amytie with Vs. our Heires and Successors, and that upon such injury don and vpon iust Complaint of such Prince or State or their Subjects, WEE, our Heires and Successors shall make open Proclamacon within any of the Partes within our Realme of England, comodious for that purpose, that the Person or Persons haveing comitted any such Roberie or Spoyle, shall within the Terme lymytted by such a Proclamacon, make full Restitucon or Satisfaccon of all such Iniureis don, soe as the said Princes or others so complayning, maie hould themselves fullie satisfied and contented; and that yf the said Person or Persons, haveing comitted such Robbery or Spoile, shall not make, or cause to be made Satisfaccon accordinglie, within such Tyme soe to be lymytted, that then it shalbe lawfull for Vs. our Heires and Successors, to putt the said Person or Persons out of our Allegiance and Proteccon, and that it shalbe lawfull and free for all Princes to prosecute with Hostilitie, the said Offendors, and every of them, their and every of their Procurers, Ayders, Abettors, and Comforters in that Behalf: PROVIDED also, and our expresse Will and Pleasure is, And Wee doe by theis Presents for Vs. our Heires and Successors ordeyne and appoint That theis Presents shall not in any manner envre, or be taken to abridge, barr, or hinder any of our loving subjects whatsoever, to vse and exercise the Trade of Fishing vpon that Coast of New England in America, by theis Presents mencoed to be graunted. But that they, and every, or any of them shall have full and free Power and Liberty to continue and vse their said Trade of Fishing vpon the said Coast, in any the Seas therevnto adioyning, or any Armes of the Seas or Saltwater Rivers where they have byn wont to fishe, and to build and sett vp vpon the Landes by theis Presents graunted, such Wharfes, Stages, and Workehouses as shalbe necessarie for the salting, drying, keeping, and packing vp of their Fish, to be taken or gotten vpon that Coast; and to cutt down, and take such Trees and other Materialls there groweing, or being, or shalbe needefull for that Purpose, and for all other necessarie Easements, Helpes, and Advantage concerning their said Trade of Fishing there, in such Manner and Forme as they have byn heretofore at any tyme accustomed to doe, without making any wilfull Waste or Spoyle, any Thing in theis Presents conteyned to the contrarie notwithstanding.
AND WEE DOE further, for Vs. our Heires and Successors, ordeyne and graunte to the said Governor and Company, and their Successors by theis Presents that theis our Letters-patents shalbe firme, good, effectuall, and availeable in all Thinges, and to all Intents and Construccons of Lawe, according to our true Meaning herein before declared, and shalbe construed, reputed, and adjudged in all Cases most favourablie on the Behalf, and for the Benefist and Behoofe of the saide Governor and Company and their Successors: ALTHOUGH expresse mencon of the true yearely Value or certenty of the Premisses or any of them; or of any other Guiftes or Grauntes, by Vs. or any of our Progenitors or Predecessors to the foresaid Governor or Company before this tyme made, in theis-Presents is not made; or any Statute, Acte, Ordinnce, Provision, Proclamacon, or Restrainte to the contrarie thereof, heretofore had, made, published, ordeyned, or provided, or any other Matter, Cause, or Thinge whatsoever to the contrarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding.
IN WITNES whereof, Wee have caused theis our Letters to be made Patents.
WITNES ourself, at Westminster, the fourth day of March, in the fourth Yeare of our Raigne.
Per Breve de Privato Sigillo,
Wolseley.
Praedictus Matthaeus Cradocke Juratus est de Fide et Obedientia Regi et Successor
ibus suis, et de Debita Executione Officii Guberatoris Juxta Tenorem Praesentium,
18° Martii, 1628. Coram me Carolo Casare Milite in Cancellaria Mro.
CHAR.CAESAR.
The Great Seal of England appendant by a parti-coloured silk string.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
p.233 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE CHARTER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY.
the way of the transaction were easily removed before the end of
the year; and on the application of the Attorney General, the
Court of King's Bench declared the Carter of the Massachusetts
Bay Colony to be null and void.1
THE THREATENING PERIL.
This last action, the Massachusetts Bay colonists had already
foreseen. In the various transactions leading up to it, reports
of which soon reached them, they had received more than intima-
tions of the peril threatening their infant liberties. Opposition
was awakened, and this not only found expression in words, but in
deeds.
As early as March 4, 1635, the General Court of the colony passed
an order "that the Fort at Castle Island, now begun, shall be
fully perfected, the ordnance mounted and every other thing about
it finished"; and to this end, the Deputy Governor was authorized
"to press men for that work for as long a times as in his discre-
tion, he shall think meet"2 A military commission, also, was
appointed, consisting of the Governor, Deputy Governor and other
prominent colonists, who were empowered "to dispose of all mili-
tary affairs whatsoever". On May 6th, the Commission was given
additional powers such as "to appoint the general captain"; to
order out the troops "unon any occasion they think meet; to make
any defensive war, as also to do whatsoever may be further be-
houfful for the good of the plantation in case of any war".3
September 3, a second order to press men "to hel towards the fin-
ishing of the fort at Castle Island" was passed; and March 3,
fortifications on Fort Hill in Boston, and also in Charlestown,
Massachusetts were authorized. The spirit of the colonists was
aroused, but to an extent of which the colonial records make no
mention.
Insert: Winthrop Journal: Castle Island in Boston Harbor, pp.
68, 96, 225, 305.
p.68
The Journal of John Winthrop.
"July 29, 1634. The Govenor and Council and divers of the
Ministers and others, met at Castle Island and there agreed
upon erecting platforms and one small fortification to secure
them both, and for the present furtherance of it they agreed
to lay out £5 a man till a rate might be made at the next
General Court. The Deputy, Roger Ludlow was chosen overseer
of this work." footnote. Castle Island, strategically
located in the center of Boston Harbor, commanded the ship
channel to Boston."
In this uncertain state of affairs, both at home and in New England,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges was not unmindful of his Maine possessions, and
gave them such consideration as was in his power. Doubtless again and
again, representations had been made to him by Vines and others that
there was need of some kind of
Footnotes. 1. Gardiner, History of New England, VIII, 167. 2. Records
of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay in New England, I, 139. 3. Ib., I,
146.
p.234 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
of governmental organization in the Province for the proper adminis-
tration of justice between man and man. In the existing condition of
political matters in England, on account of a feeling of loyalty,
Gorges could not make arrangements that would take him out of the
country; but he gave his nephew, William Gorges, a commission as
governor of the Province of New Somersetshire (the new name by
which the province was known),1 and sent him hither as his repre-
sentative.
Upon his arrival on the coast in the early part of 1636, he seems
to have taken up his residence in Saco, Maine, where he proceeded
without delay to organize the institutions of civil government.
Especially was the Province in need of a legal tribunal for the
trial of such breaches of law and order as the increase of settlers
upon the coast urgently demanded.
Gorges, accordingly, established at Saco, a court of commissioners,
which composed of:
Governor Gorges
Capt. Richard Bonython (of Saco)
Capt. Thomas Cammock
Henry Josselyn of Black Point
Thomas Purchase of Pejepscot
Edward Godfrey of Agamenticua
Thomas Lewis of Winter Harbor.2
The commissioners were summoned to meet at Saco, Maine, March 21, 1636,
and Court was opened on that day. Some simple for of government may
have been instituted previously at Saco by the settlers themselves;
but the government established by Governor William Gorges was the
first authorized organization attempted in the province.
In the administration of the affairs of the Province, the Governor
seems to have made a favorable impression. He remained in the country,
however, a very short time, returning to England early in 1637. In all
probability, like Robert Gorges, who came over in 1623 as governor and
Lieutenant General of New England, William Gorges did not find the
position he was to occupy in any way congenial to him, and so sought
an early release from the task to which he had been assigned.
Footnotes. 1. Winthrop, in his mention of the new province, makes its
boundaries from "Cape Elizabeth to the Sagadahoc". Journal, I, 176.
2. Early Records of Maine, I, 1.
p.235 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
When Winter arrived in England in the summer of 1635, the Council for
New England had surrendered its Charter. When Winter returned to Rich-
mond's Island in May of the following year, the plans of Bishop Laud
and his associates with reference to a general government of New Eng-
land were shaping themselves gradually. Sharing the views of Trelawny
and the royalist and prelatical parties, Winter probably saw no peril
in the movements in this direction which he must have seen were already
in progress. To him these suggested an order of things, which doubtless
he looked upon as making for the general advancement of colonial inter-
ests in New England. As to what Winter, on his return, said concerning
these matters, there is no reference to them. In all probability, some-
thing directly or indirectly reached Cleeve from this source.
At all events, such information must have reached him from other
sources, especially from the Massachusetts Bay colonists, with whom
settlers on the coast of Maine were now in frequent communication.
Not only his own private affairs, therefore, had determined Cleeve
in his resolutions to make his way at once to England, but a better
understanding with reference to future prospects as to governmental
relations could hardly have been absent from his purposes. Possibly,
too, he may have been moved by the thought that in such new relations
he would be able to secure for himself some official positon that
would be helpful to him in connection with his interests at Mache-
gonne. In this he was much more successful than his ambitions, which
were now beginning to dominate him, had even suggested. He soon learn-
ed that the movement to place Gorges at the head of the government of
New England, was still unaccomplished.1 It had encountered obstacles
that under existing circumstances were formidable, if not unsur-
mountable. While not relinquishing further endeavors,
Footnotes. 1. Winthrop says, "The Lord frustrated their designs".
The Winthrop Journal, 1630-1649, edited by J. K. Hosmer, I, 153.
Several events indicated to John Winthrop divine interpositions.
One of these was that the strong new-built shi, that was to bring
Gorges to New England, as Lord Governor, fell to pieces in (see
footnotes continued, below)
p.236 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Gorges was as ready as ever to make any added attempt to advance
the interests of New Somersetshire, that seemed to promise success.
MACHEGONNE.
Here was Cleeve's opportunity for reaching such a position of in-
fluence as he had hope would open to him in connection with his visit,
and he at once entered into close relations with Gorges, who received
him cordially and had an open ear for latest information concerning
affairs in New Somersetshire. Of course, Cleeve did not forget the
business that was the occasion of his visit, and he had no difficulty
in obtaining a grant for Machegonne;1
INSERT.
Machegone - Portland - Maine
Source: New England Historical Genealogical Register
Richard Tucker, the first settler of Machegonne (Portland) Maine.
By Dr. Charles Edward Banks, M.D.
p.84
The history of Portland, Maine, under English occupation, begins with the
the arrival of George Cleeves and Richard Tucker on the neck of land then
called in the Indian tongue, Machegonne, immediately after their ejection
from their Spurwink (Scarborough) possessions, in the latter part of 1632,
and from that time forth, the senion partner occupies the front of the
stage with his political machinations and personal quarrels, to the ex-
clusion of Richard Tucker, who was joint owner and should be joint re-
cipient of the honors accorded to his noisesome ally, as the father of
the metropolis of Maine. When Sir Ferdinando Gorges granted to Cleeves
and Tucker, the tract of land which included Machegonne Neck, January
27, 1636-7, he provided that it was "now and forever from henceforth to
be called or known by the name of Stogummor," and while the new title
failed to stick forever, it furnished later a clue to the gentleman who
had done so much for the history of Maine; and during a visit to England,
the parish registers of Stogumber, a little coast town in Somersetshire,
England, he found in the church of St. Mary's, the record of the baptism
of Richarad Tucker, January 22, 1594. (Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, i.
175) This entry seems more than a coincidence and approaches a reasonable
probability that it is the record of the christening of Portland, Maine's
first settler, and its acceptance as such, places him at the age of 39 when
he hewed down the first trees on Machigonne neck to build himself and his
partner a home. The deed of Gorges describes Tucker as a "gentleman" and
Cleeves as an "esquire," nominal distinctions which Sir Ferdinando and his
attorney who drew the document, well understood at that time, and it is
apparent that Cleeves always acted towards his partner as a ranking official
to a subordinate. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
p.236 continued
but having secured the ear of Gorges, Cleeve advanced to other matters.
Possibly, before leaving home, he had learned of the purpose of William
Gorges to resign the governorship of New Somersetshire, and return to
England. But even if he had not received such information, he must have
been informed of the governor's intended resignation soon after his arriv-
al by Sir Ferdinando himself; for we know that the future government of
the province was one of the matters to which they gave consideration. And
here Cleeve added to the favorable impression he had made upon Gorges by
a suggestion that the government of the province should be placed in the
hands of a commission that should include in its membership representative
men of New England.
Gorges had already urged such a joint government for all New England but
evidently his scheme was not acceptable to the leadership of the pre-
latical party in England, and it failed of adoption. But Gorges was
supreme in his own Province of Neew Somersetshire and he not only welcom-
ed the suggestion but he gave Cleeve a ____ on
Footnotes continued from above. launching. Another was the death of
Captain John Mason, who had been more active than Gorges in the movement
for establishing a vice-regal government in New England. Concerning Mason,
John Winthrop wrote: "The last winter Captain Mason died. He was the chief
mover in all the attempts against us, and was to have sent the General
Governor, and for this end, was providing shipping; but the Lord, in mercy,
taking him away, all the business fell on sleep." Journal, I, 181.
1. Trelawny Papers, 110.
p.237 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
the commission, associating him with John Winthrop and four prominent
men in New England outside of the province.
ARTHUR MACKWORTH.
Cleeve had now achieved a degree of success in advancing his personal
interests that must have exceeded largely his highest anticipations on
leavig his home; and in the closing days of March, 1637, he set sail
from Bristol, England, on his return, bearing with him his Grant for
Machegonne, (Portland), also papers for the establishment of the govern-
ment of New Somersetshire, and a commission, dated February 25, 1637, for
letting and settling all or any part of Gorges' "lands or islands lying
between Cape Elizabeth and the entrance of Sagadahock River, and to go
into the mainland sixty miles". Cleeve reached his home late in May, or
early in June1 for on June 8, Arthur Mackworth;2 as duly authorized,
placed Cleeve and Tucker in legal possession of the territory upon which
they had located a little more than four years before. It was a proud
day for Cleeve and the little company3 that witnessed the ancient "turf
and twig" delivery in the clearing that had been made on the harbor shore,
and their celebration of the happy event could not have lacked enthusiast-
ic expression.
WINTER, AT RICHMOND'S ISLAND, MAINE.
In one way or another, information with reference to the new order of
things in the Province, soon reached the scattered settlers on the
coast of Maine. Doubtless, Winter, at Richmond's Island, received
such information as early as any of the New Somersetshire colonists.
Writing early in July, to Trelawny, his employer, he informed him that
Cleeve's grant from Gorges, to fifteen hun
Thomas Lewis, John Bickford & George Frost.
MICHAEL MITTON.
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 69. 2. He was a
near neighbor of Cleeve, having settled at the mouth of the Pre-
sumpscot, before Cleeve too up his residence at Machegonne. In 1637,
he married Jane Andrews, the widow of Samuel Andrews, who, with her
husband probably, came hither from London, England, in the same vess-
el with Mackworth. Mackworth died in 1657. For a fuller reference,
see Trelawny Papers, 213. 3. The delivery was made by Thomas Lewis,
John Bickford and George Frost. Lewis was associated with Captain
Bonython on the northern bank of the Saco. Bickford, who lived at
Oyster River, New Hampshire, chanced to be in the vicinity of Mache-
gonne. Frost was a resident of Winter Harbor. Michael Mitton who
accompanied Cleeve on his return to England, was also present and
he subsequently married Cleeve's daughter, Elizabeth.
p.238 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
hundred acres of land from Casco bay, to the falls of the river of
Casco, was an infringement upon Trelawny's territorial rights, as he
and others thought. "You may please to advise Sir Ferdinando Gorges
of it, to know if it be so or no", he added, in his indignation at
such a thought. Winter's attitude toward Sir Ferdinando evidently
had somewhat changed, and his state of mind because of Gorge's recog-
nition of Cleeve probably finds explanation in his added words to Tre-
lawny: "Sir Ferdinando Gorges hath made Cleeve governor of his
province, as he reports; now he thinks to wind all men to his will."1
But the affairs of the colony were not in such a desperate condition
as Winter supposed. Having settled his own matters at Machegonne,
Cleeve proceeded to Boston for consultation with John Winthrop, having
in his possession the papers he had received from Gorges relating to
the government of New Somersetshire.
Under date of June 26, 1637, Winthrop (see footnote 2) made this
record: "We had news of a commission granted in England to divers
gentlemen here, for the governing of New England, etc.3 but instead
thereof we received a commission from Sir Ferdinando Gorges to gov-
ern his Province of New Somersetshire, which is from Cape Elizabeth
to Sagadahoc, and withal to oversee his servants and private affairs;
which was observed as a matter of no good discretion, but passed in
silence." Winthrop's silence, evidently, was toward Gorges. To Cleeve,
however, he made courteous explanation, mentioning some technical
reasons for declining to have any part in the proposed government of
New Somersetshire - such as the discovery of an error in the name of
one of the commissioners, another had removed to Connecticut, etc; and
besides, he questioned Gorges' authority to appoint such a commission.
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 111. 2. Journal, Hosmer's Ed., I, 222.
3. We have no details concerning the commission to which reference is
here made. It was evidently appointed by the King during the earlier
part of Cleeve's presence in England, and it is thought that Cleeve
may have been given a place on it; but it encountered strong opposition
both from the Bay colonists and their friends in England and failed as
Winthrop records it.
p.239 SOME SETTLEMENT CLASHINGS.
In all probability, however, other and stronger reasons influenced
Governor Winthrop in declining the position tendered to him. The affairs
of the Bay colony, both because of hostility in England and of differ-
ences existing among the colonists themselves, were in such a condi-
tion that Winthrop might well hesitate to turn his attention to matters
with which he had no concern, and to hold steadily and firmly to that
singleness of purpose which characterized all his efforts in connection
with New England colonization.
It must have been a great disappointment to Cleeve to witness so soon
the disappearance of the bright vision that had awakened within him,
hopes of new and larger successes in connection with his return to
Machegonne. Still further must Cleeve have been chastened in spirit,
after his return homeward, he learned that notwithstanding his Grant of
Machegonne from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the rightfulness of his possess-
ion was denied by Winter as strongly as heretofore. Winter carried the
matter to Trelawny, calling attention to a house built on the peninsula
"little above Cleeve", 1 which he claimed was within the limits of Tre-
lawny's patent - a claim that was wholly without foundation, even as
Winter's own statements concerning Trelawny's boundaries show.
In another letter, dated July 29, 1637, Winter wrote, "I have given him
(Cleeve) warning to depart betwixt this and Michaelmas". Apparently this
interview, which was held July 26, was without much heat. While it was in
progress, Cleeve produced a letter from Sir Ferdinando Gorges containing
a suggestion that the matters in dispute between Cleeve and Winter should
be referred to three "indifferent men". According to Winter's own account,
he expressed no opinion upon this matter of arbitration, but left the
decision with Trelawny. "I do desire to know," he wrote, "how I shall be
freed from Cleeve for his first house, before I enter upon his second; and
though I have given him warning to depart, I am desirous to live quiet
here, among the neighbors hereabout, if I may, considering we live
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 111.
p.240 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
here among the heathen".1 These words were written three days after
the interview between these two neighbors, and on the part of the
writer, give evidence of subdued feelings that seem to have been
occasioned by the fact that Cleeve, before leaving Richmond's Island,
served a warrant upon Winter to appear before the King in England,
October 11, to answer for the wrong he had suffered in being ejected
from his house at Spurwink.2
Governor John Winthrop.
Cleeve soon found that there were persons in the Province besides
Winter, who were unfriendly to his interests. Vines and others, near
neighbors of Winter, and having like religious sympathies, wrote to
Gorges in their displeasure because of the prominence he had given to
Cleeve in connection with the affairs of New Somersetshire; and their
communications made such an impression upon Gorges that he addressed
a letter to Vane, John Winthrop and others in the Bay Colony,3 asking
their aid in settling troubles in his province. Vane, however, had re-
turned to England; Winthrop saw no reason why he should depart from the
position he had taken not to interfere in matters outside of the Prov-
ince of the Massachusetts Bay; the other parties also had excuses; and
the New Somersetshire colonists were left to attend to their own con-
cerns. But though in the truce that followed, Cleeve remained in un-
disturbed possession of his Grant, he must have felt somewhat insecure
on account of the number and prominence of his opponents; and he awaited
further developments.
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 118. 2. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco
Bay, 75-77. 3. Ib., 224-226.
p.241 CHAPTER XIV.
MAINE.
ADDED SETTLEMENTS AND GENERAL CONDITIONS.
THOMAS PURCHASE OF PEJEPSCOT.
Mention has already been made of Thomas Purchase of Pejepscot, one of
the commissioners associated with William Gorges in the government of
the Province of New Somersetshire.1 It is supposed that he came to
this country from
Footnotes. 1. Purchase was born in England about the year 1577. Accord-
to the record in the Probate Office at Salem, Mass., Thomas Purchase died
at Lynn (Massachusetts) May 11, 1677, aged one hundred and one years.
There is no known relationship between him and the well-know author of
"Purchas' Pilgrimes" but John Winter of Richmond's Island stated in a
letter dated August 2, 1641, that Purchase was a kinsman (Trelawny
Papers, 288) of Reverend Robert Jordan, who subsequently married Winter's
daughter. Purchase was twice married. It is not known that he had any
children by his first wife, Mary Gove. By his second wife, Elizabeth
Williams, he had five children of whom the names of only three have been
preserved: Thomas Purchase, Jane Purchase and Elizabeth Purchase.
in 1675, Purchase added to the Grant made by the Council for New England,
a large tract, which he is said to have purchases from the Indians. About
the year 1659, Nicholas Shapleigh of Kittery, Maine, purchased of like
parties, Harpswell Neck and the island of Sebascodegan. July 4, 1685,
the Grant to Purchase and Way, and the land obtained by Nicholas Shap-
leigh, came into the possession of Richard Wharton, a Boston merchant.
Also, October 10, 1685, Eleazer Way of Hartford, Conn., a son and heir
of George Way, co-partner with Thomas Purchase, sold to Richard Wharton
his inherited rights in the Pejepscot patent. For fuller information see
the biographical sketch of Thomas Purchase, in Wheeler's History of
Bruswick, Topsham and Harpswell - pp. 788 - 797. July 7, 1684, Worumbo
and other Indian sagamores deeded additonal lands on the Androscoggin
river to Richard Wharton. It was Wharton's purpose by these various
purchases to establish for himself a "Manory" in New England. He died,
however, in 1680. Captain Ephraim, as the administrator of Wharton's
estate, sold his lands to the Pejepscot proprietors November 5, 1714 and
the deed was recorded at York, Maine, during that mont. See Farnham papers,
I, 361. The Pejepscot "records" and "papers" are in the archives of the
Maine Historical Society, Portland, Maine.
INSERT - THOMAS PURCHIS - HISTORY OF LYNN, MASS.
p.266
ANNALS OF LYNN.
Thomas Purchase was the 1st settler of Brunswick, Maine.
Source - Annals of Lynn, Mass.
Thomas Purchis, Senior, died May 11, 1678, aged a hundred and
one years, as stated by his widow and son, in a Petition to the
Salem (Mass.) Court. He had not long stayed at Lynn, Mass.,
having been amont the Maine settlers. It seems hardly possible
that he can have been the same individual mentioned by Mr. Lewis
(author of Hist. of Lynn, Mass.), under date of 1640, though he
may have been here (Lynn) for a brief period about that time.
Somewhere between 1625 and 1629, he located in Maine and engaged
in the fur trade. He had lands on the Androscoggin and sold to
Massachusetts, July 22, 1639, a portion of the territory on which
Brunswick now stands, of which place he was the first settler.
In 1635, he was one of Gorges's Council; subsequently he held
the office of sole Assistant to the Colony Commissioners; and
he was a Justice under Archdale, in 1664. In 1675, his house was
attacked by hostile Indians and pillaged.
p.267 - Annals of Lynn, Mass. continued.
He then removed back to Lynn, Mass. After his decease, his
widow married John Blaney.
Insert.
New England Marriages, prior to 1700.
by Clarence Almon Torrey.
p.607.
Purchase, Thomas (1576-1678) he was an uncle of Eleazer Way.
His 1st wife was Mary Gove or Grove who died Jan 7, 1665/6 at
Lynn, Mass.
Purchase, Thomas (1576-1678) and his 2nd wife, Elizabeth
(Andrews) [Pike] (1633-), wife of Richard Pike, she m. (3)
John Blany Sr. 1678, ca 1656.
Purchase, Thomas & Elizabeth Williams (she m. (2) John Blany, Jr.
(?) she m. (3) ?Jonathan Felt, 1695?; Dec 3, 1679 ?1683, Salem.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
p.242 BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
RICHARD VINES.
England about the year 1626, landing at Saco. He was there June
25, 1630, with Isaac Allerton, Captain Thomas Wiggin and others,
when Richard Vines took legal possession of his Grant on the
south side of the Saco River. Doubless after his arrival in the
province, Purchase spent some time in seeking a favorable loca-
tion for settlement. From the eastern part of Casco Bay, there
was an Indian thoroughfare that led to the falls of the Pejep-
scot in what is now the town of Brunswick. Skirting the shores
of Casco Bay and journeying by this well-known route, Purchase
probably reached the falls; or he may have made his way thither
by the Sagadahoc to Merrymeeting Bay, and thence by the waters
of the Pejepscot River. However this may be, by one route or
the other, he discovered a very favorable location for trade
with the Indians as they descended the river in passing from
their villages to the mouth of the Sagadahoc, or to the
pleasant camping grounds on the shores or islands of Casco
Bay.
The precise location selected by Purchase for his settlement
can only be conjectured. Among the Pejepscot papers in the
possession of the Maine Historical Society, are many deposi-
tions in which there are references to Purchase's residence
at Pejepscot; but these depositions were made by persons who
reported from memory what they had heard in their earlier
years, from aged residents at Pejepscot. Some of these old
people testified in these depositions that according to
common report, as received by them, Thomas Purchase lived
at the Ten Mile Falls, (Lisbon Falls), and some said they
had seen a cellar and an old chimney that were pointed out
to them, as the ruins of Purchase's house. Others testi-
fied they had heard from their parents and other old people
that Purchase lived at the head of New Meadows River, at a
place since known as "Stevens' carrying place". Still
others maintained that from information they had received,
Purchase resided at Pejepscot Falls, now Brunswic, Maine.
It is possible that he changed his residence several times
and hence these differing statements. Indeed such seems to
have been the fact. Good authorities, however, are of the
opinion that Purchase made his earliest
p.243 PURCHASE.
residence near the Pejepscot Falls. In favor of this view,
it is said that early after coming to Pejepscot - the terri-
tory in which he made his settlement, Purchase was engaged
in the salmon fishery, which of course was carried on at the
falls, and the inference fairly follows that his residence was
not far away. The opinion is still further strengthened by the
fact that the location was carefully selected by Purchase.
In establishing himself at the falls, he secured the Indian
trade of the Androscoggin, in the same way as the Pilgrims
of Plymouth, in erecting their trading house at Cushenoc,
now Augusta, secured the Indian trade of the Kennebec.
GEORGE WAY AND THOMAS PURCHASE.
THE RIVER BISHOPSCOTTE, OR PEJEPSCOT.
Having made this careful selection of a location for his
settlement, Purchase seems to have allowed some time to pass
before entering upon negotiations for the purpose of obtain-
ing legal possession of the territory. The records of the
Council for New England, for June 16, 1632, make mention of a
Grant by the Council to George Way and Thomas Purchase of
"certain lands in New England called the River Bishopscotte
(Pejepscot) and all that bounds and limits the mainland ad-
joining the river to the extent of two miles, from the said
river northward four miles and from the house there to the
ocean".1
GEORGE WAY OF DORCHESTER.
There is no evidence that George Way, who lived in Dorchester,
England, when the patent was issued, settled at any time on the
territory thus secured. His widow and sons are known to have
resided at a later period at Hartford, Connecticut.2 In all
probability, the grant was obtained by George Way, at the re-
quest of Thomas Purchase, and his half interest in it was
doubtless secured because of his services. The original patent
was never in Purchase's possession, so far as is now known.
It is said to have
Footnotes. 1. Sainsbury's Calendar of State Papers, I, 152.
Mention of the Grant is found in Edward Godfrey's "Cattalogue",
a list of twenty patents for plantations in New England, the
manuscript of which is preserved in the Public Records Office
in London, England. Calendar of State Papers, I, 35. Frequent
references to it are also found in the Pejepscot papers, and in
conveyances recorded at York in the Colonial period. 2. Wheeler,
History of Brunswick, etc., 812.
p.244 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
been entrusted to Francis Ashley,1 and no later reference to its
location has come down to us. Purchase had a copy of the patent,
but that is said to have been destroyed in the burning of the
first house he erected. He then built, it is supposed, "a small
cottage for a shelter", which at length was replaced by a "fair
stone house", in which Purchase had his home during his subse-
quent residence at Pejepscot.2
As has been already suggested, Purchase had excellent opportuni-
ties for traffic with the Indians. Their furs and peltry were ex-
changed for trinkets of various kinds and such articles and imple-
ments of English manurfacure as were coveted by the natives. But
Purchase's business relations were increased by his fishing inter-
ests, which included the taking of salmon and sturgeon, and the
preparation of the same for exportation to London. These various
enterprises required the services of helpers; and in this and
other ways, Purchase soon gathered around him, quite a number of
settlers, who had landed upon the coast of Maine with other
emigrants now making their way hither in increasing numbers. In
a short time, therefore, through his business relations and other-
wise, Purchase became well known in the province and was recog-
nized as one of its prominent men.3
CLEEVE AND TUCKER.
SIR RICHARD EDGECOMB.
July 3, 1637, not long after Cleeve and Tucker received their
Grant of land at Machegonne, Sir Ferdinando Gorges granted to
Sir Richard Edgecomb,4 his friend and neighbor at
ROBERT JORDAN, HENRY JOSSELYN & EDWARD RISHWORTH
SIR RICHARD EDGECOMB.
Footnotes. 1. Maine Historical Society's Collections, Series I,
3, 330. 2. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, etc. 793. 3. William-
son (History of Maine, I, 690) says Purchase "was one of those
flexible patriots who could accomodate his politics to the
changes of the times". Wheeler (History of Brunswick, 796)
calls this "rather a harsh judgment", and adds that while it is
not to be denied that Purchase held office "under different and
opposing governments", yet it is to be remembered that this is
true of Robert Jordan, Henry Josselyn and Edward Rishworth,
against whom no such reflection is brought. 4. Sir Richard
Edgecomb, like Gorges, was one of the Charter members of the
Council for New England. Mount Edgecomb, overlooking the en-
trance to the harbor of Plymouth, England, is the most attract-
tive place in the neighborhood of Plymouth today.
p.245 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
THE DEATH OF SIR RICHARD EDGECOMB.
SIR WILLIAM PEPPERELL.
at Mount Edgecomb, Plymouth, eight thousand acres of land be-
tween the river Sagadahoc and Casco Bay. Sullivan1 makes mention
of the grant, but it is not included in the Farnham Papers, no
copies, probably, having been found. That such a grant was made,
however, cannot be doubted. Sir Richard Edgecomb died March 28,
1638, and so was unable to carry out any plans he may have form-
ed with reference to this Grant. But in 1718, John Edgecomb,2
who is described by Sullivan, as living in the District of Maine,
and "one of the family of Mount Edgecomb in Great Britain", en-
tered in the book of claims in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
a claim for the grant in behalf of the heirs of Sir Richard Edge-
comb. The matter received no further attention until 1756, when
Lord Edgecomb of Mount Edgecomb, authorized *Sir William Pepperell
to take charge of the matter for him.
On account of Sir William Peperell's death, which occurred not
long after, little, if anything was done by him but in 1736, Lord
Edgecomb secured the services of Nathaniel Sparhawk, Pepperell's
Nicholas Edgecomb married Wilmot Randall,
in the service of Mrs. Winter
at Richmond's Island, Maine.
Footnotes. 1. History of the District of Maine, 125. 2. Baxter,
(Trelawny Papers, 328) calls John Edgecomb "the supposed grand-
son of Nicholas Edgecomb", who was in Trelawny's emply at Rich-
mond's Island. Concerning the relation of John Edgecomb and other
heirs of Nicholas Edgecomb to the Edgecombs of Mount Edgecomb,
Sullivan makes the statement that "it is said that they were a
branch of Sir Richard's family" (126). On the next page, however,
he adds, "The Edgecombs who have been mentioned were no doubt of
the younger branches of Sir Richard's family and were sent over to
possess the territory, which was then in the possession of Dr.
Smith and others, under a Grant from the Council of Plymouth"
(127). Mr. Baxter, while doubtful of the success of the effort
to connect Nicholas Edgecomb with the Edgecombs of Mount Edge-
comb, says, "though he had not the rank, he was a man for a'
that". Nicholas Edgecomb married Wilmot Randall, who was in the
service of Mrs. Winter at Richmond's Island. In an account render-
ed by John Winter to Robert Trelawny in 1641, occurs the entre:
"Received of Nicholas Edgecomb for yielding up of the maid Wilmot's
time, which he married before her time was out, £5". After his
marriage, Nicholas Edgecomb leased a farm of Captain Bonython, at
Blue Point. In 1660, he removed, with his wife and six children,
to Saco, Maine. The posterity of the Edgecombs "is still there,
now", wrote Sullivan, when he published his History of the District
of Maine. See Mr. Baxter's note on Nicholas Edgecomb, Trelawny
Papers, 327, 328.
p.246 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SPARHAWK.
son-in-law, who, in reviving the claim of the Edgecomb heirs, was
directed to claim eight thousand acres of land on the Kennebec
river. The original grant seems to have been in Sparhawk's hands.
An additional description of the grant in the book of claims was
more specific than that in the original grant, as the eight thous-
and acres were there recorded as "near the lake of New Somerset,
fifteen miles from Casco Bay"; but Lord Edgecomb's counsel, "en-
deavored to fix it on a grant fifteen miles from the sea on the
west side of the river Kennebec, and adjoining to Merrymeeting Bay,
called the lake at New Somerset".1 As this claim conflicted with
that of other claimants to land on the Kennebec, litigation follow-
in which Lord Edgecomb lost his case.
The Indian trade of the Plymouth colonists on the Kennebec had
been so profitable that at the close of 1633, Bradford recorded
with gratitude the fact that the sale of beaver sent to England by
the Pilgrims during the eyar - "thirty-three hundred and sixty-
six pounds weight and much of it coat beaver, which yielded
twenty shillings per pound, and some of it above" - had enabled
them to pay all their debts in England, and so to relieve them-
selves of a burden that had long weighed heavily upon them.
THE PILGRIM'S TRADING HOUSE ON THE KENNEBEC.
But early in the next year, in returning to his record of affairs
connected with the Pilgrim trading house on the Kennebec, Brad-
ford mentioned2 "one of the saddest things" that had befallen the
Pilgrims since the commencement of their enterprise on that river.
JOHN HOCKING AT PISCATAQUA.
One John Hocking who lived at Piscataqua, an agent for Lords Say
and Brooke and other Englishmen interested in the settlement
The Sagadahock - or, the Saco River.
Footnotes. 1. Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 126. In
a note (127) Sullivan adds: "There is no doubt that Gorges and
Edgecomb intended the lands contained in the Grant, to be on the
west side of Saco River, which was then called Sagadahock" The
Sagadahoc was the eastern boundary of the Province of Maine, or,
New Somersetshire, and so wll known to Gorges, that to think of
him as confounding two such important rivers within the limits of
his territory as the Sagadahoc and the Saco, is impossible.
2. Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts
Historical Society, Ed. 1912, II, 174-189.
p.247 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
THE PILGRIMS' HOUSE AT CUSHENOC.
JOHN HOWLAND.
there, made his way to the Kennebec, purposing to proceed in his
vessel up the river beyond the Pilgrim's house at Cushenoc, and
so to secure trade with the Indians that otherwise would fall into
the hands of the Plymouth men. John Howland, who was in command
of the trading house, protested against this effort on the part
of Hocking, insisting that it was an infringement of rights se-
cured to the Pilgrims by their patent from the Council for New
England. The appeal was to that clause in the Grant which author-
ized Bradford and his associates "to take, apprehend, seize and
make prize of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall
attempt to inhabit or trade with the savage people in that
country within the several precincts and limits of his and their
several plantations".1 But Hocking refused to heed the protest
made by Howland. As Bradford records his language, he said he
"would go up and trade there in spite of them", and he would
stay there, "as long as he pleased". In the effort to make good
his words, Hocking sailed past the Pilgrim post and anchored.
HOWLAND DEFENDING THE PILGRIM'S RIGHTS.
Howland then again went to Hocking and having called his attent-
ion to this violation of the Pilgrim rights as received in their
patent, he urged him to take his vessel down the river. But Hock-
ing still refused. Howland "could get nothing of him but ill words".
HOCKING KILLS ONE OF THE PLYMOUTH MEN, MOSES TALBOT.
Accordingly, he proceeded to action. Instructing his men not to
fire their guns upon any provocation, he sent two of them to cut
the cable of Hocking's vessel. This they succeeded in doing, and
as the vessle started down the river, Hocking seized a musket and
killed one of the Plymouth men, Moses Talbot.
HOCKING SHOT IN RETALIATION.
His companion, in the canoe, who loved him well, Bradford says,
could not restrain himself and levelling his musket at Hocking,
he shot him in retaliation.
The vessel continued on its course down the river, and Hocking's
men, on their return to the Piscataqua, carried the tidings of the
affair, thither. The report, in due time, reached Lords Say and
Brook in England. In it, the fact was withheld that Hocking had
killed one of the Plymouth men; and the same version of the affair,
either
Footnote. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 115.
p.248 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
BOSTON AUTHORITIES ARREST JOHN ALDEN.
THE PILGRIMS SEND CAPTAIN MILES STANDISH TO BOSTON.
THE PILGRIM'S PATENT - RIGHTS ON THE KENNEBEC.
from the Piscataqua or from England, was carried to the colonists
of Massachusetts Bay. When, not long after, the Plymouth colonists
sent their vessel to Boston, the authorities there arrested John
Alden, who, though not a participant in the affair, was at the
Kennebec trading house when Hocking was killed. The Pilgrim's re-
garded Alden's arrest as an unfriendly proceeding on the part of
the Massachusetts officials and sent Captain Miles Standish to
Boston, with letters from Bradford and others, to secure Alden's
release. This was effected, but at the same time, Captain Miles
(Myles) Standish was put under bonds to appear at the next court,
June 3, 1634, with a certified copy of the patent, showing the
rights of the Plymouth colonists on the Kennebec.
MASSACHUSETTS GOVERNOR, JOHN WINTHROP
At this meeting of the Court, the Massachusetts Bay authorities
made it evident that they did not wish to give offence to their
Plymouth neighbors, while equally, they made it evident that they
desired to disavow Howland's action, "which", as John Winthrop re-
corded, "was feared would give occasion to the King to send a
General Governor over".1 In a private letter, Governor Dudley
counselled patience on the part of the Plymouth authorities.
After awhile, John Winthrop suggested a conference in which the
Plymouth colonists, the colonists at Piscataqua, and those of
Massachusetts Bay should be requested "to consult and determine
in this matter, so as the parties might have full power to order
and bind, etc., and that nothing should be done to the infringing
or prejudice of the liberties of any place".2 Such a conference
was held in Boston, but only the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay
colonists were represented.
THE BLAME AND GUILT LAYED ON HOCKING'S HEAD.
The matter, however, was fully discussed with the result that
while "they all wished these things had never been, yet they
could not but lay the blame and guilt on Hocking's own head".
At the same time "grave and godly exhortations" were made to
the Plymouth men, which they "embraced with love and thank-
fullness, promising to endeavor to follow the same"; 3 and with
Footnotes. 1. Winthrop, his Journal, I, 124. 2. Bradford, Massa-
chusetts Historical Society, Ed. 1912, II, 187. 3. Ib. II, 188.
p.249 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
this, further agitation of the matter ceased. Mr. Winslow was
sent to England not long after, in order to see that no harm
should come to the Colony in consequence of this affair; but he
found that agitation had ceased there also.
Of settlers on the lower Kennebec, at this time, there is little
information; but Sullivan is doubtless quite right in saying that
from the year 1626 to the year 1660, there were inhabitants,
traders and settlers on the river.1 But the number was not large.
As late as 1670, according to Sullivan,2 there were only twenty
families on the west side and thirty on the east side. Few favor-
locations were reached in the lower parts of the river, and on
other accounts settlers were not generally inclined to make their
homes far away from the seacoast.
The broad opening of the Sheepscot, however, proved more in-
viting to settlers than the comparatively narrow entrance to
the Kennebec; and as the arrivals on the coast increased in
number in the third decade of the century, those seeking an
attractive location for settlements could not fail to make
their way up the Sheepscot into Wiscasset Bay, and farther on
to what has come to be known as Sheepscot Farms. Here was the
site of a prosperous community in that early period of our
colonial history. Strangely, however, no record has preserved
to us, even the names of those who first made their homes on
these fertile lands. The only record that reminds us of their
dwelling here is found in the remains of a large number of well-
defined cellars, still plainly visible to those who seek for them.
FORT ANNE AND GARRISON HILL.
CAPTAIN SYLVANUS DAVIS.
Two fortifications, also, known as Fort Anne and Garrison Hill -
the former believed to be the fort of the first occupancy of the
Farms, the latter with stockade lines of great extent - provided
for the protection of the settlers; and though time has obliter-
ated timberwork, and in a measure, earthworks, yet enough is left
to mark the places to
Footnotes. 1. History of the District of Maine, 170. 2. The state-
ment is baed on a report of the English settlements on the coast
east of Kennebec, along the seacoast to Matinicus,"some 70 and some
40 years ago", made by Captain Sylvanus Davis in 1701. Sullivan,
170, 391.
p.250 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
which the settlers could repair in time of need for common de-
fence.1
CAPTAIN SYLVANUS DAVIS.
Proceeding now still farther eastward we have equal difficulty
in attempting to ascertain the number of settlers along the coast,
and in the country back from the coast. The report made by Capt.
Sylvanus Davis in 1701, and on which Sullivan relied in his esti-
mate of the population, includes the settlements on the eastern
side of the Kennebec and eastward as far as the St. George's
river; but from it, no information is received that enables us
to ascertain the number of settlers found in these places in 1630,
and the number found in 1660. The report, therefore, is not a
satisfactory one, as there is no means of obtaining from it the
number of settlers east of the Kennebec on either of these dates.
The whole number of families recorded for this large territory is
one hundred and fifty-five. Reckoning each family as having five
members, we obtain a population of seven hundred and seventy-five.
The estimate is probably somewhaqt large, but it cannot be far out
of the way.2
Very little, however, is learned from such figures. How came these
settlers hither, and in what way did they spend their changed lives
after they had reached their new surroundings?
Happily, with reference to their ocean experiences, the daily re-
record of one voyager to the American coast in that early period
has come to us in the diary of Reverend Richard Mather3, who
Footnotes. 1. For an exceedingly interesting account of the
approaches to the Sheepscot Farms, and a description of the cell-
ar remains still discoverable there, see a paper entitled "The
Sheepscot Farms", read March 14, 1878, before the Maine Historical
Society by Alexander Johnston, and printed in the Society's Coll-
ections, Series I, 9, 129-155. 2. For the report made by Captain
Sylvanus Davis, see Sullivan, History of the District of Maine,
390, 391. 3. Richard Mather was born 1596 in the south of Winwick,
County of Lancaster, England. While at Brasenose College, Oxford,
he received from the people of Toxteth, whose children had been
taught by him, an invitation to come and teach them "in the things
of God". Having been ordained and having spent fifteen years in
the ministry, complaints were made against him for nonconformity.
He was suspended from his office, but soon after was (see footnotes
p.251)
ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
p.251 in 1635, with his family, sailed for Boston, Massachusetts from
Bristol, England, on the ship, James, a vessel of 220 tons. On the
day of their embarkation, May 23, two "searchers" came on board the
ship and "viewed a list of all our names, ministered the oath of
allegiance to all of full age, viewed our certificates from the
ministers in the parishes from which we came, approved well there-
of and gave us tickets, that is, licenses under their hands and
seals - to pass the seas, and cleared theship, and so departed."1
Here too, we have the glimpse of the effect of a recent proclama-
tion of the King, commanding all seaport officers to forbid "the
embarkation of passengers for New England without a license from
commissioners of plantations, and a certificate of having taken the
oaths of supremacy and allegiances, also a certificate from the
parish minister.
THE SHIP, THE ANGEL GABRIEL.
Several days were now passed in waiting for a favorable wind. At
anchor near the James was another vessel, the Angel Gabriel.
INSERT. THE ANGEL GABRIEL OF 1635.
passenger list.
the Angel Gabriel
1635
On the last Wednesday in May, 1635 (May 27th), the ship "Angel Gabriel" a strong
ship of 240 tons, and carrying a heavy armament of 16 guns swung at her moorings
in the King's Road, four or five miles distant from the city. Her destination was
Pemaquid. On her deck was "a company of many Godly Christians", some from other
ships, bound for New England. The wreck of the bark, Angel Gabriel, a major
disaster in the middle of the "Great Migration". It was wrecked in a great storm,
probably a hurricaine, in August 1635 off Pemaquid Point, Maine.
According to the "Lighthouses in Maine" site one of the passengers was a man who
left his wife behind planning to send for her after he became established. Although
he survived the wreck, his wife was afraid to follow him after what had happened to
the Angel Gabriel. He was unable to face the journey back to England, so they never
saw each other again. A visitor to this site has sent me information that the man
who was seperated from his wife was John Bailey who also left behind his son, Robert,
and two daughters.
What follows is a partial list of some of the ships passengers that compiled from
from the internet and other sources. There is, I understand, a complete list on a
plaque at Pemaquid Maine.
Capt. Andrews and his three Burnham nephews.
Capt. ROBERT ANDREWS, Ship's Master Ipswich, Mass.
JOHN BAILEY , Sr. a weaver from Chippenham, Eng. Newbury
John Bailey, Jr. b. 1613
Johanna Bailey (poss. came on a later ship soon after)
HENRY BECK
Deacon John Burnham
Thomas Burnham
Robert Burnham
RALPH BLAIDSDELL, of Lancashire York, Maine
Mrs. Elizabeth Blaidsdell
Henry Blaidsdell
WILLIAM FURBER
JOHN COGSWELL 43 Westbury Leigh, Wiltshire to Ipswich, Mass.
Mrs. Elizabeth (Thompson) Cogswell abt 41 "
Mary Cogswell abt 18 "
William Cogswell abt 16 "
John Cogswell abt 13 "
Hannah Cogswell abt 11 "
Abigail Cogswell abt 9 "
Edward Cogswell abt 6 "
Sarah Cogswell abt 3 "
Elizabeth Cogswell infant "
SAMUEL HAINES abt 24 Apprentice to J. Cogswell prob. Ipswich
Later Dover Point
WILLIAM HOOK
HENRY SIMPSON
JOHN TUTTLE - Dover Ipswich later Dover NH
End.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Sir Ferdinando Gorges.
One day, during this delay, Mr. Mather, with the captain of the ship
James and a few other passengers, went on board the Angel Gabriel. In
his account of this visit, Mr. Mather wrote: "Soon after we were come
aboard there, there came three or four more boats with more passengers
and one wherein came Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who came to see the ship
and the people. When he was come he inquired whether there were any
people there that went to Massachusetts Bay, whereupon Mr. Maud and
Barnabas Fower were sent for to come before him; who, being come, he
asked Mr. Maud
Footnotes continued, previous page.
INCREASE MATHER, PRESIDENT OF HARVARD COLLEGE.
restored. Being silenced a second time, he decided to remove to
New England. After his arrival at Boston, his services were desired
at Plymouth, Dorchester and Roxbury, Massachusetts. In 1636, he was
settled over the newly organized churc of Dorchester, Massachusetts.
As the minister of this church he spent the remainder of his long and
useful life, dying April 22, 1669 in the 73rd year of his age. He was
the father of Increase Mather, President of Harvard College and father
of the celebrated Cotton Mather.
Footnote. 1. Journal of Richard Mather, Dorchester Genealogical and
Historical Society, 1850, 6.
p.252 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
of his country, occupation or calling of life, etc., and professed
his goodwill to the people there in the Bay, and promised that if he
ever came there, he would be a true friend unto them."1 Only a few
days before this visit, the Council for New England had surrrended
it Charter to the King; and, in connection with the surrender, Georges
was expecting an appointment as Governor of New England. Hence the
significance of Gorges' promise, as recorded by Mather, Sir Ferdinando
evidently intending that those who were on the ship and purposed to
make their way to the Bay colony, should repeat his promise on their
arrival.
Mather and his companions spent five Sundays on the ship, James, be-
fore the vessel, and also the Angel Gabriel, put to sea. Moreover, the
passage was long and wearisome, but in it there was much interest. For
a part of the way, the two vessels were in company, and one day, mid-
ocean, the sea permitting, the ship, Angel Gabriel sent a boat to the
James "to see how they did"; and when the boat returned, Mather accom-
panied the Captain of the James to the Angel Gabriel, returning after
"loving and courteous entertainment".
At length, the wearisome voyage was over. Saturday morning, August 8th,
after the seamen had taken "abundance of mackerell" all had "a clear
and comfortable sight of America." The land was "an island call Men-
higgen", and Mather adds the noteworthy statement that Monhegan, at
that time was "without inhabitants", the Aldworth and Elbridge inter-
ests, having been tranferred, probably several years before, to the
mainland at Pemaquid. The coastline was now in view. "A little from
the islands, we saw more northward divers other islands and the main
land of New England, all along northward and eastward, as we sailed."
On the high deck of the vessel, the passengers gathered; and in the
bright sunlight of that fair August day, they had before them, as they
looked landward, the same delightful scenes that possess such fascina-
ting interest at present to many a summer visitor, sailing up or down
the coast of Maine.
Footnote. 1. The Journal of Richard Mather, 7,8.
p.253 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
August 10th, Ship James came to anchor.
A westerly wind detaining them, so that they "were forced to tack too
and again southward and northward, gaining little", the ship James came
to anchor Monday morning, August 10, at Richmond's Island. "When we came
within sight of the island", wrote Mather, "the planters were there,
being but two families and about forty persons, were sore afraid of us,
doubting least we had been French, come to pillage the island, as
Penobscot1 had been attacked by them about ten days before. When we
were come to anchor, and their fear was past, they came, some of them,
aboard to us, in their shallops, and we went, some of us, ashore into
the island, to look for fresh water and grass for our cattle; and the
planters baid us welcome, and gave some of us courteous entertainment
in their houses."
NARIAS HAWKINS.
The ship, James, remained at anchor at Richmond's island August 10th to
12th. At this time, as already stated, John Winter was on his way to
England, and therefore could not have been one of those who gave gener-
ous welcome to the weary voyagers, as Mather records. However, he had
left Trelawny's affairs in the hands of Narias Hawkins, a near neigh-
bor, who seems to have had fishing interests of his own, and who, with
Winter's wife and daughter well represented Trelawny's absent agent.
It is possible, also, that Edward Trelawny, a brother of Robert Tre-
lawny, Winter's employer, was at Richmond's island at this time; and
as his religious sympathies were with the Puritans,2 he would, if
present,
Footnotes. 1. The reference is to Aulney's seizure of the Pilgrims'
trading house at Penobscot (Castine) in 1635. Mather's Journal, 26,
27. 2. Edward Trelawny, in a letter from Boston, to Robert Trelawny,
about this time, wrote: "Let all idle reports, touching the conversa-
tion of God's people here, be utterly abolished and find no credence
with any who wish well unto Zion; for I assure you, they deserve it
not; if I may speak my conscience that tells me they are a people
truly fearing God, and follow the paths that lead to Jurusalem, for
they manifest the same apparently, in the whole course of their
conversation. For my part, I have just cause ever, to bless the Lord
for so high a favor in bringing me hither, and shall account it the
greatest happiness that ever befell me; and though I must confess, at
your first mentioning of it, it was somewhat averse and distasteful to
my untamed and unbridled nature, yet since the heavenly conversations
and sweet life of the (footnotes continue below)
p.254 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
have taken pleasure doubtless in extending a hearty welcome to one
so well and so favorably known as Richard Mather.
The ship, James, having, August 12, continued her voyage to Massa-
chusetts Bay, encountered heavy winds, August 13 and 14th, and then
anchored at the Isles of Shoals. There the great storm that desolated
the New England coast on the following day, broke upon the vessel at
its island anchorage. Seamen and passengers alike trembled at the
violence of winds and waves. The ship, in imminent peril from the
first, lost her anchors at length, but miraculously, as all thought,
escaped the rocks that showed themselves here and there above the
breaking billows, and reached open sea; whence, after the storm ceased,
the ship, James, made her way in safety into Massachusetts bay, and
finally into Boston harbor. "The Lord granted us as wonderful a deliv-
erance as ever people had", wrote Mather in his Journal
THE SHIP, ANGEL GABRIEL.
ABRAHAM SHURT.
The Angel Gabriel seems to have reached Pemaquid about the time this
destructive storm descended upon the New England coast, and was at
anchor in the harbor. Abraham Shurt and many others were there to
extend to the new colonists, a good English welcome. But although the
vessel was securely anchored in her desired haven, the fury of the
storm wrought her total destruction. When Richard Mather received the
tidings of the loss of the Angel Gabriel, which included one seaman and
three or four passengers, as well as a valuable cargo, he entered the
record in his Journal with a chastened heart and hand. Indeed, the
sudden, unexpected destruction of the strong ship, made a deep and
abiding impression not only upon those who witnessed the scene, but
upon the dwellers in every hamlet whither the story of the lostt of
the Angel Gabriel was carried. More than a century afterward the
Pemaquid proprietors place upon their Seal, the
Footnotes continued from previous page - people here hath so far
wrought upon and vindicated my conscience, that I would not (I
profess seriously from my very soul) be in my former base, abom-
inable, odious condition, no, not for the whole riches of this
world." Trelawny Papers, 72, 73.
p.255 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
device of a ship, and surrounded it with the lengend, "The Angel
Gabriel. A. E. Pemaquid, 1631".1
There are few sources of information concerning the lives of the
early settlers. So far as is known, no one among them kept a
journal in which were recorded the common experiences of daily
life on the Maine coast at that time. Certainly no such journal
has come down to us. In fact, the Trelawny Papers, in which is
preserved the correspondence of John Winter and others associated
with him at Richmond's Island in the interests of Robert Trelawny,
are almost our only source of information along this line of in-
quiry. These, it is true, give us glimpses of every day matters
at a single locality for the most part; but even such glimpses
may be fairly regarded as representing life at other points from
Agamenticus to Pemaquid.
The choice of a settlement was not an unimportant matter. Previous
to 1630, the country, for the most part was open, and the settler
who ventured to locate on the mainland made his habitation without
much inquiry as to land titles. After that time, arrangements were
made with the various patentees who received grants from the Council
for New England or from Sir Ferdinando Gorges.
Having selected a location, the settler cleared a plot of ground and
erected his dwelling, a rude, log structure in the early period. At
Richmond's island, suitable buildings were provided for living and
trading purposes. Winter's house was forty feet in length, eighteen
feet in breadth and had a fireplace so large, that brewing, baking
and boiling operations were carred on at the same time. In an ad-
joining house was the kitchen; and here, also, were "sieves and mill
and mortar". Corn was first broken in the mortar, then ground in a
hand-mill and afterward, sifted. Over the kitchen were two chambers.
All of the men in Winter's employ - there were forty-seven in 1637 -
slept in one of these chambers, and each man had his close-boarded
cabin or bunk.
Footnote. 1. A stands for Adlworth, E for Elbridge, the two
Pemaquid patentees; 1631 is the date of the patent. Maine Historical
Society's Coll., Series I, 5, 218.
p.256 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"I have room enough", adds Winter in a letter to Trelawny, "to make
a dozen close-boarded cabins more, if I have need of them, and in the
other chamber I have room enough to put the Ship's sails into and all
of our dry goods".1
In the open space on the mainland, near the house built by Cleeve and
Tucker, and which they cleared for their own uses, Winter had a corn-
field, containing four or five acres, and fenced with poles, six feet
high, driven into the ground and pointed.
THE HARVEST.
Writing to Trelawny in the early part of October, 1634, Winter could
say: "Our harvest of Indian corn is not all in yet, but if fair
weather continues, it will be in about five or six days hence. I
think we shall have about twenty hogsheads of corn good and bad;
the frost has taken some of our corn that was not fully ripe, but
it is not much the worse for it".2 Winter also had swine on the
mainland, "about seventy pigs, young and old", he writes; "and I
hope we shall have more very shortly....they feed themselves when
the acorns do fall".3
The fertility of the soil is often mentioned by the early New England
writers. Winter make reference to it. "There is nothing that we set or
sow but doth prove very well. We have proved divers sorts as barley,
peas, pumpkins, carrots, parsnips, onions, garlic, radishes, turnips,
cabbage, lettuce, parsley, melons, and I think so will other sorts of
herbs if they be set or sown."4
This record occurs in a letter written in the Autumn of 1634. Winter's
diligence in establishing so soon, a well-cultivated garden, was doubt-
less manifested by other early settlers.
FOOD FROM THE SEA.
THE SETTLERS WANTED NOTHING THEY DID NOT HAVE.
From the sea, however, the colonists derived largely their means of
subsistence. Cod, haddock, halibut, bass, abounded and mackeral at
certain seasons of the year. The dwellers on the shores of the upper
waters of the Sheepscot, were especially favored in their food supp-
lies. "They wanted nothing they did not have."
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 31, 32. 2. Ib., 53. 3. Ib., 31.
4. Ib., 50.
p. 257 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
THE JOSSELYN BROTHERS, CAMMOCK AND MICHAEL MITTON.
Plenty surrounded them. All kinds of fish still known in our rivers
and streams, such as salmon, trout, bass, shad, herring, alewives,
smelts, etc., were to be had in their season; also clams and oysters.
The marshes, at certain times in the year, furnished a rendezvous for
wild geese, ducks, teals and other birds. The nearby forests, also,
abounded in game, furnishing extensive hunting grounds for those who
ventured to make their way into such primeval seclusions;1 some of
them "gentle sportsmen" like Cammock, the Josselyn brothers and Mich-
ael Mitton, who married Cleeve's daughter, Elizabeth.
Household articles were doubtless few and of a primitive kind. When
Cammock set up housekeeping, he gave Trelawny a some-what extended
order, thus: "two good kettles of copper, one bigger than the other,
one iron pot, one iron possnett (a small pot), one frying pan of a
good size, one gridiron, a fire pan and tongs, pot-hooks and pot-
hangers; one dozen of howes (hoes), six iron wedges, one hand saw,
three sieves for corn, one finer than the other; and one dozen of
wooden platters and one good dripping pan and a pair of bellows."2
With such an outfit, Cammock certainly had no difficulty in provid-
ing generous entertainment for the good living people whom he made
his guests.
The chief industry among the early settlers was fishing. In fact,
it was the great value of the fisheries that attracted many of
these settlers to the coast of Maine. Winter's reports to Tre-
lawny were not as favorable as those that first awakened attent-
ion in England. The best fishing, he said, was in January and
February, while the reports of explorers and voyagers had refer-
ence for the most part to the abundance of fish off the coast of
Maine in summer time. Writing June 18, 1634, to Trelawny, Winter
said: "If you purpose to follow your fishing here, you must ex-
pect to have your ship her by Christmas. Since March we have had
bad fishing this year." June 11, 1635, Winter writes, "the later
Footnotes. 1. The Sheepscot Farms, by Alexander Johnston. Maine
Historical Society's Coll., Series I, 9, 138. 2. Trelawny Papers,
21. 17
p. 258 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
fishing hath proved but ill with us". A like report followed in
June, 1636: "The fishing this year hath proved very ill". So, too,
June 8, 1637, he wrote, "The fishing since the middle of February
hath proved very ill." But, as Winter, in this last letter, adds,
"there is but little hope of doing good here upon fishing, except
we have good pliable men, and such I lack", he discloses, in part,
at least, the reasons for the want of success, which he so frequen-
tly deplores.1
Probably most of the settlers traded more or less with the Indians, who
soon found that furs could easily be exchanged for hatchets, trinkets
and especially the "strong waters", of which there seems to have been
no lack at any part of the coast. The best places for such traffic were
on the large rivers, those natural highways by which the Indians easily
descended from their villages back in the country, to the trading posts
established on the river banks, or at some convenient location not far
away. Winter, at Richmond's Island, was at a disadvantage in seeking to
secure trade with the Indians. In one of his first letters to Trelawny,
who evidently had suggested efforts in this direction, Winter attempted
to reach the Indians in their villages forty or fifty miles in the
country; but waistcoats, shirts and stockings attracted no trade.
When, however, he bought a few beads and sought trade by them, beaver
was produced and trade effected.2 Winter's reference to an Indian
trade in which "strong waters" entered into the account, recalls the
fact that the importation of intoxicating liquors was a matter of not
unfrequent occurrence at Richmond's Island. "Great store of sack and
strong waters
Footnotes. 1. Trelawney Papers, 26, 55, 83, 107, 108. 2. Ib., 27, 28.
p.259 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
comes in all the ships that come hither", Winter wrote to Trelawney in
one of his letters; and in the same connection, he mentions the arrival
of a vessel from the Canaries, "laden with wine, strong waters, sugar
and some pitch". "Aquavite" had a prominent place in his invoices and
accounts, and mention is also made of the "butts of sack", "pipes of
Portugal wine", etc. "If you can send some good sack you may; that
will sell", wrote Winter to Trelawny, July 8, 1637. Doubtless a part
of the supply was for use in trafficking with the Indians, but the
accounts show that both fishermen and settlers brought with them to
the new world the drinking customs of the old.1
ABSENCE OF WOMEN.
The absence of women among the early settlers is a noteworthy fact in
this connection. No women came with the Popham colonists. Furthermore,
no mention is made of women in connection with the efforts put forth by
Captain John Smith and others to bring settlers to the Maine coast in
1615 or later. John Brown of New Harbor probably brought his family with
him; and this may be true of William Cox and others in the same vicinity.
John Winter left his wife in England when he came to Richmond's Island
as Trelawny's agent. The first mention of his wife, as present with him,
in his island home, occurs in a letter written July 10, 1637,2 and it is
supposed that Mrs. Winter and the daughter, Sarah accompanied Winter on
his return from England in 1636. Cleeve's wife and daughter, Elizabeth,
were with him when he is first mentioned as a dweller at Spurwink, and
evidently the two came hither with him. But the Trelawny papers give
us few glimpses of women in that earaly period. Winter, writing to
Trelawny July 11, 1633, says: "If any of our company's wives ask for
their husbands, tell them that they are all in good health."3 Some of
the husbands, it may be, were here only temporarily, and intended to
return to England sooner or later. It is probable, however, that others
intended to remain
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 174, 183-198. 2. Ib., 115. 3. Ib., 24.
p.260 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
and send for their wives as soon as they found conditions favorable.
When such conditions were discoverable as the settlers became more
numerous and secured for themselves comfortable homes on cleared land,
families that had been separated, were reunited and family life was
re-established. But unfavorable conditions were found at Jamestown,
Virginia, in 1607 and at Plymouth, Massachusetts, in 1620; so also in
the beinnings of the later Puritan movement to Massachusetts Bay,
though doubtless in a less degree than among the earlier colonists.
One can hardly escape the conclusion, therefore, that colonization
upon the Maine coast would have been followed by better and more en-
during results, if from the beginning the scattered settlements in a
larger degree had enjoyed the helpful, encouraging, restraining in-
fluences of women.
The great patent issued by King James I, November 3, 1620, placing
the northern or Plymouth Company on an equal footing with the south-
ern or Jamestown Company, authorized the council for New England "to
make, ordain and establish all manner of orders, laws, directions,
instructions, forms and ceremonies of government and magistracy fit
and necessary for and concerning the government of the said colony
and plantation so always as the same be not contrary to the laws and
statutes of this our realm of England".1 The council, however, made
no efforts to exercise this authority. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as had
been stated, made some attempts in this direction within his own
territorial limits, but they were ineffectual.
Grant of Pemaquid to Robert Aldworth & Giles Elbridge.
The grant of Pemaquid to Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge, in 1631,
gave them liberty "to make orders, laws, ordinances and constitutions
for the rule, government, ordering and directing of all persons to be
transported and settled upon lands hereby granted." 2 There is no
evidence, howevere, that Aldworth and Elbridge, or either of them -
Aldworth died in 1634 - attempted to establish civil government within
their territorial limits.
Abraham Shurt, their agent at Pemaquid, seems for awhile to
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 31. 2. Ib., 170.
p.261 ADDED SETTLEMENTS.
have represented his patrons' interests on this side of the
Atlantic; but there is nothing to indicate that he was in any
way empowered by them to assume any governmental proceedings.
Later, Thomas Elbridge (a son of Giles Elbridge, who died in
1644) came over to Pemaquid to look after his father's inter-
ests; and is said by Shurt, to have "called a court",1 but it
was rather for the purpose of collecting payment for certain
fishing interests than for the trial of civil causes generally.
It was natural, therefore, as the number of settlements increas-
ed on the coast of Maine, that the lack of good government should
be noticed and made a matter of comment and complaint on the part
of those who desired better conditions. "Here lacks good govern-
ment in the land", wrote Winter to Robert Trelawny, June 26, 1635,
and he added, "for a great many deal very ill here for want of
government". A part of his trouble was with the men in his em-
ploy, as Trelawny's agent. "They think to do what they list", he
wrote, "for here is neither law nor government with us about these
parts to right such wrongs, and I am but one man".
Later, urging Trelawny to send over "honester men", Winter added,
"for I have a bad company to deal withal, being here in a lawless
country". He had in mind not only fishermen, however. "Our
husbandmen", he added, "prove also bad".2
Such complaints are frequent in Winter's letters. Moreover, Winter
had his trials in wider circles, complaining loudly of Cleeve, and
living, at times in strained relations with Cammock and Mackworth.
This state of things at Richmond's island and vicinity existed at
other places on the Maine coast. A sore lack of organized govern-
ment was everywhere felt and acknowledged.
Manifestly Gorges and the other members of the Council for New Eng-
land had not sufficiently considered their responsibility in making
suitable provision for the establishment of some kind of civil gov-
ernment over that part of New England which they had
Footnotes. 1. Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 58. 2.
Trelawny Papers, 61, 109, 136.
p.262 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Here on the Maine coast.
opened to settlement, and into which they had encouraged men
to enter.
ROBERT GORGES GOVERNOR OF NEW ENGLAND.
REVEREND WILLIAM MORRELL, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CHURCHES OF NEW ENGLAND.
Here, on the Maine coast, there was lack, also, of the re-
straining influences of religion. It is true that Gorges, and
those interested with him in the Popham colony, sent hither
with the colony, Reverend Robert Seymour; but when the
colonists returned to England in the following year, he re-
turned with them. So also, when Robert Gorges was sent over
in 1623 as Governor of New England, Rev. William Morrell,
who had received an appointment as superintendent of the
churches of New England, came with him; but
INSERT.
MORRELL
REV. WILLIAM MORRELL, an Episcopal clergyman, came with
the Gorges Company to Wessagusset Sept. 1623. A William Morell,
probably the above named, matriculated as a sizar at Magdalene
College, University of Cambridge, in 1611, and graduated A.B. in
1614-15. (Catalogue of University of Cambridge.) In his History
of Plymouth Plantation, Governor William Bradford said;
"About ya midle of September 1623, arrived Captaine Robert
Gorges in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and
families, intending their to begine a plantation; and pitched upon
the place Mr. Weston's people had forsaken.
He had a commission from the Council of New-England, to be generall
Governor of the cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell and
assistance, Captaine Francis West, the aforesaid admirall, Christopher
Levite, Esquire, and the Governor of Plimouth for the time being, etc.
"The Governor brought over a minister with him, one Mr.
Morell, who, about a year after the Governor returned, tooke
shipping from hence. He had, I know not what power and Authority
of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie
instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any use
of it; it should seeme he saw it was in vaine; he only speake of it
to some here at Plymouth at his going away, This was in effect the
end of a second plantation in that place." (Bradford's History
of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-47, published by The Massachusetts
Historical Society, 1912, V. 1, 327, 337.)
While living at Wessagusset (Wessaguscusset), Mr. Morrell wrote
Nova Anglia, a poem in Latin hexameters, and translated it into
English heroic verse. His literary productions were printed in
London in 1625, tinder the title: "NEW ENGLAND. or, A BRIEF
NARRATION OF THE AYRE, EARTH, WATER, FISH AND FOWLES OF THAT COUNTRY,
WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE NATURES, ORDERS, HABITS, AND RELIGION OF
THE NATIVES; IN LATIN AND ENGLISH VERSE.
This man who stood by the cradle of New England Puritanism is
not mentioned in Perry's History of the American Episcopal Church
1587-1883. All that appears to be known is that while residing at
Wessagusset he produced the earliest American poem which was
published.
http://www.laurenceholbrook.net/Weymouth1923/weygenm.txt
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
REVEREND RICHARD GIBSON.
THE DAUGHTER OF THOMAS LEWIS OF SACO.
So, also, when Robert Gorges was sent over in 1623 as Governor of
New England, Reverend William Morrell, who had received an appoint-
ment as superintendent of the churches of New England, came with him;
but both returned in the following year, without having assumed offic-
ial functions. A third Episcopal clergyman, the Reverend Richard
Gibson, accompanied Winter, it is thought, when he returned to Rich-
mond's Island in 1636. He soon had trouble with Winter, which is not
surprising; and there were other "troublesome spirits" in the neighbor-
hood, so that after about three years, having married the daughter of
Thomas Lewis of Saco, he removed from the province, and not long after-
ward, he also, returned to England.1 Until after 1640, these were the
only ordained Protestant clergymen connected with Gorges interests.
EDWARD TRELAWNY, BROTHER OF ROBERT TRELAWNY.
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
REVEREND RICHARD GIBSON.
Edward Trelawny, a brother of Robert Trelawny, was at Richmond's
island in 1635. A letter written by him to his brother not long
after his arrival, mentions an earlier request "for a religious,
able minister". It is "most pitiful to behold what a most heathen
life we live"; and he contrasts conditions at Richmond's Island with
those he was made familiar with during a visit to Boston, making
mention of "those sweet means which draws a bless blessing on all
things, even those holy ordinances and heavenly manna of our souls,
which in other parts of this land flows abundantly even to the great
rejoicing and comforting of the people of God". 2 It may have been
this appeal that led to the appearance of Reverend Richard Gibson at
Richmond's Island, in the following year.
In the absence, therefore, of regular, continuous governmental
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 81, 82. 2. Tre-
lawny Papers, 72, 79.
p.263 restraints of any kind, and also of the helpful influence of reli-
gious institutions, except as mentioned above, conditions in the
Maine settlements were such that the colonists found themselves in
circumstances which must have been, at least to many, distressing
in a very large degree. Nor was this all. These conditions in-
fluenced many who came hither intending to make homes for them-
selves between the Penobscot and the Piscataqua; but who, on
their arrival met with disappointment at what they saw and heard,
and continuing their journey, established themselves in the more
orderly settlements of the Massachusetts Bay.
p.264 CHAPTER XV.
THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
CAPE SABLE.
The Charter of Nova Scotia, granted by King James I, September 10,
1621, to Sir William Alexander,1 Secretary of State to the King, in-
cluded the territory on the Atlantic coast from Cape Sable, to the
mouth of the St. Croix river, and northward to its "remotest source";
thence northward to the nearest river "discharging itself into the
great river of Canada and proceeding from it by the sea shores of the
same river of Canada, eastward to the river, commonly known and called
by the name of Gathepe - or, Gaspie, and thence southeastward to the
island called Baccaloes...thence to the cape or promontory of Cape
Britton...lying near the latitude of 45 degrees or thereabout; and
from the said promontory of Cape Britton toward the south and west
to the aforesaid Cape Sable, where the circuit began"; also "all seas
and islands toward the south within forty leagues, including the great
island, commonly called "Isle de Sable or Sablon".2
Insert: Cape Sable Island by Wikipedia.
Cape Sable Island was inhabitated by the Mi'kmaq who knew it as
Kespoogwitk meaning "land's end". It was first charted by explorers
from Portugal who named it Beusablom, meaning "Sandy Bay".
French governor of Acadia, Charles De La Tour self-colonized
Cap de Sable giving it the present name, meaning Sandy Cape.[1]
La Tour built up a strong post at Cap de Sable beginning in 1623,
called Fort Lomeron in honour of David Lomeron who was his agent
in France. Here he carried on a sizable trade in furs with the
Mi'kmaq and farmed the land. La Tour retired to Cap de Sable with
his third wife Jeanne Motin, wed in 1653, and passed away in 1666.
Following the Acadian Expulsion in the 1750s, the island was settled
by the New England Planters from Cape Cod and nearby Nantucket Island.
The waters off southwestern Nova Scotia had been well known to them
probably since the days of French settlement in the early 1600’s.
While the tides of the Gulf of Maine may have brought a few exploring
fishermen from Nantucket to the island, it was an entirely different
tide that spawned the eventual permanent English settlement – a
political tide.
Many Cape New Englanders took advantage of the offer of 50 acres
of land to each male adult who would leave their homes and live on
those vacated lands in Atlantic Canada.
CAPE SABLE ISLAND.
Cape Sable Island was well known to Cape Cod fishermen and they moved
north in 1760 to take advantage of a new life. The Cape Sable settlement
soon became, and remains today, an important base for inshore fisheries.
It is famous as the birthplace of the Cape Islander fishing boat, a
motor fishing boat which emerged about 1905.[3] Ferry service provided
transportation to the island in the early 20th century. A causeway was
eventually constructed for pedestrian and automobile traffic, opening
on August 5, 1949. Today the lobster fishery is the island's biggest
industry.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SCOTLAND.
Sir William Alexander, Secretary of State - Scotland.
By a subsequent Charter, King Charles I,
Footnotes. It is conjectured that Sir William Alexander's attention
was first directed to Nove Scotia, by Claude de la Tour, a French
Protestant, who had been in that country with Pourtrincourt. It is
known that in 1621 he was in Scotland, where Sir William was Secre-
tary of State to King James. When Captain John Mason returned from
Newfoundland, Sir William Alexander sought an interview with him to
avail himself of the opportunity of opening this side of the Atlantic
for securing large land possessions, suggesting that he confer with
Gorges and seek his assistance in securing from the King, a grant
of territory north-east of the grant, to the council for New England.
But Sir William Alexander went directly to the King, who conveyed to
him the territory of Nova Scotia. For an extended account of Sir
William Alexander's connection with American affairs, see Sir
William Alexander and American Colonization, by Reverend Edmund F.
Slafter, A.M., Prince Society, Boston, Massachusetts, 1873. 2.
Farnham Papers, I, 59, 60.
p.265 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER OF SCOTLAND.
KING JAMES I, NOVA SCOTIA AND SCOTLAND.
July 12, 1625, confirmed the Grant of King James I, and a clause
was added which incorporated Nova Scotia with Scotland.1 Two
years later, with the aid of Sir David Kirk, who was a French
Protestant, Sir William Alexander instituted measures for the
expulsion of French settlers within the limits of his Grant, and
to a considerable degree these measures were successful.
Opposition, however, was awakened on the part of France. The
French King insisting that the territory invaded was within the
limits of New France; and, in order to advance the interests of
the monarchy within the disputed territory, an organization was
formed,2 known as the Company of New France. To this company,
the whole territory was ceded by the King on condition that
the French occupation of Acadia should be strengthened by new
colonists. With this end in view, preparations were made for an
expedition thither under the direction of Isaac de Razillai.2
By a Charter granted February 2, 1629,4 King Charles I, extended
the bounds of Sir William Alexander's territory to the "gulf of
California", with "the islands lying within the said gulf; as
also, all and whole the lands and bounds adjacent to the said
gulf on the west and south, whether they be found a part of the
continent or mainland or an island (as it is thought they are)
which is commonly called and distinguished by the name of
California". This was for the encouragement of Sir William
Alexander in "the expected revealing and discovery of a way or
passage to the seas, which lie upon America on the west, common-
ly called the south sea, from which the head, or source of that
great river or gulf of Canada, or some river flowing into it,
is deemed to not far distant". The lack of geograpHical knowledge,
evinced
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 76-80. 2. The company was
organized by Cardinal Richelieu in 1627. Its Charter not only
gave the company all of New France, but also the right to confer
titles of distinction. Farnham Papers, I, 172. 3. He was a dis-
inguished Naval commander and belonged to a well-known Touraine
family. 4. Farnham Papers. I, 82-85.
p.266 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
in this description, is not surprising in a document of that
period. Exploration of the American continent westward required
time.
SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER AND THE KING OF SCOTLAND.
Sir William Alexander doubtless received early information with
reference to the designs of the Company of New France; and April
30, 1630,1 he granted to Claude de la Tour, his son Charles de la
Tour and their heirs, "the country and coast of Acadia", both
father and son having promised "to be good and faithful vassels"
of the King of Scotland.
Conditions, however, were soon and unexpectedly changed. About the
time Razillai was ready to sail for Nova Scotia, with his expedi-
tionary force, King Charles I, March 29, 1632, by the treaty of
St. Germains2 restored to King Louis XIII, king of France, the
whole of Acadia - a heavy blow to English interests and claims on
the American coast. Razillai was appointed Governor of Acadia,
and having now no need of the forces he had collected for re-
conquering the country, and with a Grant to himself of the river
and bay at St. Croix,3 he set sail to assume command of Acadia.
Charles de la Tour was made one of his lieutenants, and seems to
have been assigned to the command of the territory extending east
of the St. Croix river. He made his headquarters at St. John, where
the river St. John empties into the Bay of Fundy.
AULANY ORDERED TO DISPOSSESS THE ENGLISH FROM PENOBSCOT.
Aulnay, the other lieutenant, who was directed to dispossess the
English at Penobscot, was given command there with instructions,
it is said, to extend French control as far as the Kennebec, if
possible.4 The treaty of St. Germains restored to France "all the
places
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 128-132. 2. Ib., I, 175-177.
2. Ib., I, 175-177. 3. Ib., I, 172-174. 4. So little is known con-
cerning Razillai's orders to his lieutenants that while in the
Farnham Papers (I, 260) we have the statement - "It is believed
that De Razilly, at the same time at which he made la Tour the
commander in West Acadia, appointed D'Aulney his lieutenant "in
East Acadia", in the Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. of
Bradford of Plymouth Plantation (II, 206) la Tour is said to have
been assigned command east of the St. Croix river and Aulney that
to the west of the river. This seems to have been the arrangement
but documentary evidence, for which search has been made, is lacking.
p.267 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
occupied in New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of the
of the King of Great Britain, now Castine, as within the limits of
British territory, and continued occupation and trade there, not-
withstanding the rifling of their trading house in 1631, as al-
ready mentioned. There was no English occupation still far farther
to the eastward.
Richard Vines of Saco, Maine.
and John Oldham.
Bradford, under date of 1631, records1 the opening of a trading
house, "beyond Penobscot", by Mr. Allerton of Plymouth. The loca-
tion was at what is now known as Machias. It was not a Pilgrim
enterprise, however; in fact, it disregarded Pilgrim interests.
Bradford, in his allusion to it, says that Allerton's purpose was
"to cut off the trade" at Penobscot. He is said to have had as a
partner, or agent, Richard Vines of Saco.
THE PILGRIMS AT PENOBSCOT.
Vines, as has been stated, had a grant of land at Saco, with John
Oldham, as a co-partner. But that Grant in no way could be made a
basis of a claim at Machias, Maine. Allerton, and those associat-
ed with him, were in possession of territory there, as indeed were
the Pilgrims at Penobscot, considering the place within British
territory. In character, Allerton and his company were so defi-
cient that Bradford describes them as "a company of base fellows",
and mentions "gross miscarriages", for which Allerton subseqently
was called to account by the church at Plymouth and made con-
fession. The French, also, called Allerton and his associates to
account. In the fall of 1633, la Tour descended upon them as inter-
lopers on French territory; and in the conflict connected with the
affair, Governor John Winthrop records,2 two of the men were killed,
three others were carried away, and also "the goods". Bradford, in
his statement of the case, adds, "This was the end of that project."3
Razallai, in arriving on the American coast, established himself
at La Heve (Liverpool) Nova Scotia, where he erected a fort.
Aulnay, in accordance with his orders "to clear the coast unto
Footnotes. 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts Histori-
cal Society, Ed. 1912, II, 133. 2. Journal, I, 177. 3. History of
the Plymouth Plantation, II, 133, 134.
p.268 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Pemaquid and Kennebec of all persons whatever",1 proceeded to
take possession of Penobscot. Bradford, in his account of Aulnay's
procedure, wrote:2 "Aulnay, coming into the harbor of Penobscot,
and having before got some of the chief that belonged to the house
aboard his vessel, by subtlety coming upon them in their shallop,
he got them to pilot him in; and after getting the rest into his
power, he took possession of the house in the name of the King of
France; and partly by threatening, and otherwise, made Mr. Willett
(their agent there) to approve of the sale of the goods there unto
him, of which he set the price himself in effect, and made an in-
ventory thereof (yet leaving out sundry things), but made no pay-
ment for them; but told them in convenient time, he would do it
if they came for it. For the house and fortifications, etc., he
would not allow, nor account anything, saying that they who build
on another man's ground do forfeit the same. So thus turning them
out of all (with a great deal of compliment and many fine words),
he let them have their shallop and some victuals to bring them
home."3
On their arrival at Plymouth, the Pilgrim party reported the facts
connected with Aulnay's seizure of the trading house and its goods.
At once, the Pilgrim spirit was stirred,4 and their leaders
THOMAS WILLETT OF PLYMOUTH.
Footnotes. 1. Massachusetts Historical Society's Collection.,
VII, 94. 2. History of the Plymouth Plantation, II, 206, 207.
3. In his account of the great storm that struck the James at
the Isles of Shoals, Reverend Richard Mather mentions an inci-
dent in connection with this French descent upon the Pilgrim
trading house at Penobscot. The trading house ws in charge of
Thomas Willett of Plymouth, and Mather records:
Mr. Willett of Plymouth.
"In the storm, one Mr. Willett of Plimouth and three men with
him, having been turned out of all their havings at Penobscot
about a fortnight before, and coming along with us in our ship
from Richmond's Island, with his boat and goods in it, made fast
at the stern of our ship, lost his boat with all that was there-
in, the violence of the waves breaking the boat in pieces, and
sinking the bottom of it into the bottom of the sea." Journal,
August 15, 1635. 4. Edward Trelawny, at Richmond's island, also
had stirrings, and he urged his brother, in Plymouth, England, to
petition to the Lords "for some seasonable course to be taken with
the French here, otherwise there will be but small hope in continu-
ing our plantations so near them, who daily draw (see footnotes p.
269)
p.269 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
proceeded "to consult with their friends in the Bay", intending
with their approval "to hire a ship of force, and seek to beat
out the French"; regarding evidently the St. Croix, not the
Penobscot, as the western boundary of French territory, as in
the grant to Sir William Alexander.
THE PILGRIMS AND THEIR SHIP, "THE GREAT HOPE"
COMMANDED BY GIRLING.
The Bay colonists gave their approval to the Pilgrim project,
"if themselves could bear the charge". Accordingly, the Pilgrims
secured, for their purpose, a vessel of about three hundred tos,
named "The Great Hope," "well fitted with ordnance" and commanded
by "one Girling", who agreed to drive off the French, and deliver
the trading house again into the hands of the Plymouth men for
seven hundred pounds of beaver, which was to be delivered to him
there when he had accomplished the undertaking. If he failed,
Girling was "to lose his labor and have nothing.
CAPTAIN MYLES STANDISH
AND Ship, The Great Hope - visits Maine.
Captain Myles Standish, with twenty men, accompanied Girling to
Penobscot in a Pilgrim vessel, on which was the promised beaver.
Standish piloted the ship, Great Hope to the harbor of Penobscot;
but before the French fort was within reach of his guns, Girling,
without waiting to summon the French to surrender, as Captain
Standish "had commission and the order so to do, neither would
do it himself", and so come to "a fair parley"; but he began "to
shoot at a distance like a mad man, and did them no hurt at all".
INSERT.
MYLES STANDISH
New England Marriages Prior to 1700
by Clarence Almon Torrey.
p.700
Alexander Standish (ca 1626-1702) & 1st wife, Sarah (Alden) (1629-1685?) d. many years before 1686?) ca. 1650/2? Duxbury?
Alexander Standish (ca 1626-1702) & 2nd wife, Desire (Doty) (Sherman) Holmes (ca 1645-1732) w William, w Israel; 1686?; Marshfield.
Ebenezer Standish (1672-1755) & Hannah Sturtevant ca 1679-1759; b. 1698, Plympton.
James Standish (-1679) & Sarah ____? who m. (2) Richard Hutchinson ?1670, 1679?; m. (3) Thomas Root, 1682, 1683, ca 1638/1640? Salem/Manchester/Lynn.
Josiah Standish (-1690) & 1st wife, Mary Dingley (-1655, 1665) Dec 19, 1654, Marshfield.
Josiah Standish (-1690) & 2nd wife, Sarah (Allen)? (1639-); after July 1, 1665, Duxbury/Preston, CT.
Myles Standish (1584-1656) & 1st wife Rose ____? (-1621); b. 1620; Plymouth.
Myles Standish (1584-1656) & 2nd wife Barbara (Allen)? (-1659+) between July, 1623 & April 3, 1624; Plymouth/Duxbury.
Myles Standish (-1663) & Sarah Winslow (1638, 1636-1726) m. (2) Tobias Paine, 1665; m. (3) Richard Middlecot 1673; July 19, 1660, no issue - Boston.
Myles Standish & & Mehitable (Cary) Adams (1670-) w. of Eliashib; Dec 5, 1700; Bristol, R.I./Preston, Conn.
Thomas Standish1 (1612-1692) & 2nd wife, Susanna Smith (1624-1692); b. 1660; Wethersfield, CT.
Thomas Standish (1660-1735) & 1st wife, Mary Church (-1705) m. Mar 20, 1690; 1689/90?; Wethersfield, Conn.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
The Last Will and Testament of Myles Standish.
March 7, 1655
The Last Will and Testament of Captaine Myles Standish, exhibited before the Court held att Plymouth, Mass. the 4th of May, 1657 on the oath of Captain James Cudworth; and ordered to bee recorded as followeth:
Given under my hand this March 7th 1655, witnesseth these prsents tha I Myles Standish, Snr. of Duxburrow being in perfect memory yett deseased in my body and knowing the fraile estate of man in his best estate, I doe make this to to be my last will and Testament in manor and forme following:
1. My will is that out of my whole estate my funerall charges be taken out & my body to be buried in decent manor andif I die att Duxburrow my body to bee layed as neare as conveniently may bee to my two daughters Lora Standish &Mary Standish my daughter-in-law.
2. My Will is that out of the remaining parte of my whole estate that all my just and lawful debts which I now owe or att the day of my death owe, bee paied.
3.
4. I have given to my son Josias Standish upon his marriage one young horse, five sheep and two heiffers which I must upon the contract of marriage make forty pounds yett not knowing whether the estate will bear it att prsent, my Will
is that the resedue remaie in the whole stocke and that every one of my four sons, viz, Allexander Standish, Myles Standish and Charles Standish may have forty pounds appeec; if not that they have proportionable to ye remaining parte be it more or lesse.
5. My Will is that my oldest son Allexander shall have a double share in land.
6. My will is that soe long as they live single that the whole bee in partnership betwixt them
7. I do ordaine and make my dearly beloved wife Barbara Standis, Alexander Standish, Myles Standish and Josias Standish joynt exequitors of this my last Will and Testament.
8. I doe by this my Will make and appoint m y loveing friends Mr. Timothy Hatherley and Captain James Cudworth supervisors of this my last Will and that they wil bee pleased to do the office of Christian love to bee helpful to my poor wife and children by theire Christian counsell and advise; and if any difference should
arise which I hope will not, my Will is that my said supervissors shall determine the same and that they see that my poor wife shall have as comfortable maintainance as my poor state will beare the whole time of her life which if you my loveing friends pleasse to doe though neighter they nor I shall bee abel to recompence. I doe not doubt but the Lord will; by mee Myles Standish.
Further My Will is that Marcye Robenson whome I tenderly love for her grandfather's sake shall have three pounds in something to goe forward for her two yeares after my decease which my Will is my overseers shall see performed.
Further, my will is that my servant John Irish, Jr., have forty shillings more than his Covenant which will appear upon the towne booke alwaies provided that hee continue till the time he convenanted be expired in the service of my executors or any of them with theire joynt concent. March 7th, 1655 by mee, Myles Standish.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN MYLES STANDISH
The Pilgrims were indignant and remonstrated with Girling, who "at last,
when he saw his own folly", placed his vessel in the position he should
have taken at first and "bestowed a few shot to good purpose". But with
these few shot, he exhausted his supply of powder, and was obliged to
retire, "by which means", says Bradford, "the enterprise was made frus-
trate and the French encouraged; they lay close under a work of earth,
and let him consume himself." When Girling made known this condition
of things to Myles Standish, the latter, in order that the expedition
might not prove a failure, offered to get a supply of powder at the
Footnotes from previous page continued:
towards us, whose neighborhood (I much fear) will prove very preju-
dicail unto us ... for either w must better fortify, or else expose
ourselves to the loss of all". Trelawny Papers, 78.
p.270 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN STANDISH.
nearest plantation. The offer was accepted and Standish bore away;
but subsequently, learning that Girling intended to seize the Pilgrim
vessel on his return and so secure the beaver, Myles Standish sent to
Girling the promised powder supply, but took the beaver home.
Girling made no further attempt to recover the trading house at
Penobscot and "went his way".1
GOVERNOR JOHN WINTHROP OF MASSACHUSETTS.
THE FRENCH PLAN TO "DISPLANT THEM ALL"
This "Rooting out of the English at Penobscot" was an occasion of
anxiety to the English settlers farther down the coast. Governor John
Winthrop, from some source, received a report that the French, with
a larger expedition, threatened "to displant them all" as far as
forty degrees. The extent of the French claim, however, was only
"unto Pemaquid and Kennebec"; but such a report may had some basis in
irresponsible statements that soon found their way to the Maine settle-
ments.
The report occasioned alarm. Edward Trelawny, writing January 10,
1636, from Richmond's Island to his brother, expressed a fear of such
an encroachment. "We must better fortify", he urged, "or else expose
ourselves to the loss of all, which may be prevented by a speedy prepara-
tion, against all assaults".2 Winter, writing from the same place, in
the following summer, and also to Robert Trelawny, added: "The French
have made themselves strong at the place they took last year, here,
from the English, and do report they will have more of the plantations
here about us and this island, for one; therefore we shall need to
strengthen this plantation, for it lies very open as yet for the enemy."3
In their disappointment occasioned by Girling's failure, the Pilgrims
gave consideration to added measures having reference to the recovery
of their possessions at Penobscot. The result was that they turned
again to their friends in the Bay Colony, expressing their fears that
the French were now likely to fortify themselves stongly in the posi-
tions they had taken and would prove "ill
Footnotes: 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 210, 211. 2.
Trelawny Papers, 78. 3. Ib., 86.
p.271 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
neighbors to the English".1 The Bay colonists at first evidently
shared their apprehensions; and at the September meeting of the
Court, it was "Agreed that Plymouth shall be aided with men and
munitions to supplant the French at Penboscot; and it was ordered
that Captain Sellanova shall be sent for, to confer with, about
this business".2 Moreover, John Winthrop, governor of the Bay
colony and his assistants, in a letter dated October 9, 1635, and
signed by all of these officials, replied formally to the Pilgrim
request, recognizing the "weightiness" of the communication and ex-
pressing a desire for a conference with some "man of trust, furnish-
ed with instructions from yourselves, to make such agreement with us
about this business, as may be useful for you and equal for us".
THE PILGRIMS SEND TO BOSTON, CAPT. MYLES STANDISH & THOMAS PRENCE.
In response to this request, the Pilgrims sent to Boston, two of
their number, Captain Myles Standish and Thomas Prence, instructing
them to make an agreement with the Bay colonists upon these terms:
"That if they would afford such assistance as, together with their
own, was like to effect the thing, and also bear a considerable part
of the charge, they would go on; if not, they, having lost so much
already, should not be able, but muse desist and wait further opportu-
nity as God should give, to help themselves."3
LETTER FROM DEPUTY GOVERNOR BELLINGHAM.
The conference was a disappointment to the Pilgrims; "for when it came
to the issue, the Bay colonists would be at no charge", says Bradford.
Deputy Governor Bellingham, in a letter referring to the conference and
its results, wrote: "We showed our willingness to help, but withal we
declared our present condition, and in what state we were, for our ab-
ility to help; which we for our parts shall be willing to improve, to
procure you sufficient supply of men and munition. But for matter of
moneys, we have no authority at all to promise; and if we should, we
shold rather disappoint you than encourage you by that help, which we
are not able to perform."4
Footnotes. 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 211. 2. Massachusetts
Colony Records, I, 160. 3. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 212. 4.
Ib., II, 213.
p.272 THE PILGRIMS.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The Pilgrims evidently regarded these words as a diplomatic express-
ion of a refusal on the part of the Bay colonists to engage in the
proposed enterprise on the terms submitted.
Bradford refers to Bellingham's letter as a "breaking off" of these
considerations concerning a recapture of Penobscot; and accuses some
of their merchants of entering into trade relations with the French
there, furnishing them shortly after both "provisions and powder and
shot", and continuing so to do afterward "as they have opportunity for
their profit". In fact, he adds, "the English themselves have been the
chiefest supporters of these French; for besides the, the Boston Mer-
chants, the plantation at Pemaquid, which lies near unto them, doth not
only supply them with what they want, but gives them continual intelli-
gence of all things that passes among the English, especially some of
them, so as it is no marvel though they still grow, and encroach more
and more upon the English, and fill the Indians with guns and munition
to the great danger of the English, who lie open and unfortified, living
upon husbandry; and the other closed up in their forts, well fortified,
and live upon the trade in good security.
If these things be not looked to, and remedy provided in time, it may
easily be conjectured what they may come to. But I leave them".1
Bradford had abundant occasion for such complaints, and only by the
exercise of great self-restraint, doubtless, did he now withhold
added and even stronger reflections.
FRENCH INTERESTS IN MAINE SETTLEMENTS.
French interests in territory adjoining the Maine settlements and even
farther down the coast, were affected by the death of Razillai, which
occurred at La Heve in November, 1635. No time seems to have been lost
by LaTour in seeking to obtain for himself, from the company of New
France, a concession, including lands between the 45th and 46th degrees
latitude, was accorded to him January 15, 1636.2 Nominally a Protestant,
he is mentioned in the concession as possessing zeal for the
Footnotes. 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 213, 214. 2. Farnham
Papers, I, 212, 213.
p.273 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY DESTRUCTIVE TO FRENCH INTEREST.
"catholic religion, Apostolic and Roman". He received at the same
time, the title of "lieutenant general, for the King, - of Acadia in
New France". The intention seems to have been to make La Tour the
successor of Razillai. But however this may be, la Tour and Aulnay
were soon engaged in a struggle for the supremacy, which was contin-
ued through many years and was most destructive to French interests.
When reports of this struggle reached France, the king, Louis XIV,
endeavored to allay dissension by directing the rivals to limit their
activities to matters within the territory to which they had been
assigned by Razillai. Inasmuch, however, as la Tour, by the Company
of New France, had been designated "lieutenant general of Acadia", he
had ground for regarding his authority as extending as far as that
bestowed upon Razillai. So the quarrel was continued. At length,
Aulnay seems to have reached the ear of the king, and his statement
concerning affairs in New France evidently made an impression favor-
able to his interests; for the king, early in 1641, issued an order
authorizing Aulnay to arrest la Tour and send him to France. La Tour,
however, was so strongly entrenched at the mouth of the St. John, that
Aulnay was unable to exercise the authority he had received. Moreover,
at that time, the French government had in hand matters that were re-
garded as of greater importance than the quarrels of French officials
in America - and the rivals were allowed to continue the struggle in
which they were engaged without further interference.
La Tour, avowing himself a Protestant, his interests at the time
doubtless suggesting the avowal,1 now turned to the Puritans of
Massachusetts Bay for sympathy and aid; and some Boston merchants,
to whom he offered desired trading privileges, grasping the opportun-
ity, sent a small vessel thither with a supply of goods.
The parties connected with the transaction stopped on their return
at Pemaquid, where to their surprise, they found Aulnay, who
Footnote. 1. "La Tour was ready at any time to change his religious
belief for his own advantage." Farnham Papers, I, 260.
p.274 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
informed the Boston traders that he had authority for the arrest of
of la Tour; and to emphasize his present relations to the French
government, he threatened to seize any Massachusetts vessel that
should again attempt trading relations with the French at St. John.
In the spring of 1642, Aulnay entered upon offensive operations, and
blockaded the mouth of the St. John river. Accordingly, when a vessel
from Rochelle arrived on the coast, bringing one hundred and forty
colonists to la Tour, the vessel was unable to reach the settlement,
and proceeded to Boston, taking on board la Tour and his wife, who,
under cover of night, succeeded in avoiding the blockade. Prominent
citizens of Boston were ready to render la Tour assistance; but the
Governor and others, for prudential reasons, were unwilling to in-
volve the colony in French dissensions. All, however, were in sym-
pathy with la Tour, in the hope, doubtless, that the rivals would de-
stroy each other sooner or later - and they allowed la Tour to ob-
tain both men and ships as opportunity offered. In this way, la Tour
at length secured four vessels and one hundred and forty-two soldiers
and sailors for an expedition against Aulnay. When all preparations
were completed, the expedition set sail for Penobscot.
It was midsummer and on la Tour's arrival there, he made a vigorous
attack upon Aulnay's fort. But Aulnay defended his position with
such skill and success that la Tour was compelled to withdraw, and
the Massachusetts vessels returned to Boston. The Bay officials were
careful to inform Aulnay of their non-action in the affair; and
though Aulnay was not inclined to accept their explanations, he was
not in a situation in which he could give exact expression to his
feelings. His situation, however, was such that he deemed it important
to strengthen himself with prominent French officials; and he decided
to return to France and present his case to the government in person.
Finding conditions in France unfavorable for any attention to his
interests, Aulnay returned to Acadia and allowed matters to drift on
as before. But at length, the traders on the coast,
p.275 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid.
Mr. Vines of Saco.
Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua.
having business relations with both Aulnay and la Tour, not finding it
easy to secure settlement with either, held a conference and decided
to press their claims jointly and personally. Accordingly, Mr. Shurt
of Pemaquid, Mr. Vines of Saco and Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua, set out
in midsummer, 1644, with this purpose in view. On their arrival at Peno-
scot, Aulnay held them as prisoners a few days, and then allowed them
to depart. There was no debt collecting, and the creditors evidently
regarded themselves as fortunate in escaping added indignity. Then
they proceeded to St. John, where la Tour suggested an attack upon
Aulnay at Penobscot. Wannerton - a worthless fellow according to such
reports as have come down to us, concerning his character - concluded
to join la Tour in such an expedition. Shurt and Vines seem to have
stood aloof in the matter, though both doubtless were ready to share
in any financial results that would enable la Tour to discharge his
obligations to them.
La Tour's force in the expedition consisted of about twenty men.
Possibly on their arrival, it was found that Aulnay's fort was more
strongly defended than they expected. At least such would seem to
have been the fact; for instead of making the proposed attack, they
proceeded, probably undetected by Aulnay, to a farmhouse, about six
miles from the fort where three of Aulnay's men were posted. One of
these was killed in the attack made upon the house, as also was Wann-
erton; while the two remaining of Aulnay's men were taken prisoners.
The house was then burned, some cattle were killed and the attacking
party soon withdrew; but instead of returning to St. John, they made
their way to Boston.1
The evident sympathy of the Bay colonists for la Tour was resented by
Aulnay, and not long after the Penobscot affair, he sent a commiss-
ioner, M. Morie, and ten men to Boston with documents attesting the
French government's recognition of Aulnay as Governor of Acadia and
lieutenant general, and its withdrawal of its
Footnote. 1. The story is told by Hubbad, Hutchinson and the early
writers of New England history; also by Williamson, History of the
State of Maine, I, 315.
p.276 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
GOVERNOR ENDICOTT OF MASSACHUSETTS.
earlier recognition of la Tour. The result of the conference that
followed was an agreement on the part of Governor Endicott and
Aulnay's commissioner, made and ratified October 8, 1644, to "ob-
serve and keep firm peace" with "Aulnay and all the French, under
his command in Acadia". It was also expressly stipulated that it
should be "lawful for all men, both English and French, to trade
with each other".1 This agreement was ratified by the United
Colonies. Aulnay, however, continued to make trouble, and seized
the Massachusetts vessels that attempted to trade with la Tour at
St. John. When the Massachusetts Bay authorities called attention
to this action, as breaking the agreement recently made, Aulnay
threatened them with resentment on the part of the king of France.
Endicott and his associates could make no such claim to royal supp-
ort. For two years the forces of King Charles I, and those of the
parliamentary commanders, had been engaged in the fierce conflicts
of the civil war in England. The battle of Marston Moor was fought
July 2, 1644, only three months before the above agreement was made;
and when Aulnay threatened the Puritan colonists with resentment on
the part of the French king, King Charles I, was in no condition to
aid his own supporters, much less, the colonists of Massachusetts Bay.
But the colonists manifested no signs of trepidation in their answer
to Aulnay. "They were not afraid", they said, "of anything that he
could do to them, and as for his master, they knew he was a mighty
prince, but they hoped he was just, as well as mighty, and that he
would not fall upon them without hearing their cause; but if he should,
they had a God in whom they put their trust, when all failed".2
In the spring of 1645, learning that la Tour was not at St. John,
Aulnay saw an opportunity, as he thought, for a success attack upon
the garrison there. On his way thither, he fell in with a Massachusetts
trading vessel, which he seized, and then landed his crew on a desolate
island without food and otherwise in a destitute condition. Arriving
at St. John, he at once
Footnotes. 1. Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 278, 279.
2. Ib., 280.
p.277 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
La Tour's fort commander's wife killed 20 and wounded 13.
attacked la Tour's fort; but the commander's wife, in the absence of
her husband, proved equal to the occasion and made such a vigorous
defense of the fort that Aulnay was compelled to abandon the under-
taking with a loss of twenty killed and thirteen wounded.
THE MASSACHUSETTS CAPTIVES.
On his voyage back to Penobscot, Aulnay stopped at the island where
he landed his Massachusetts captives taken on his way to St. John.
They had suffered much in the ten days they had spent under distress-
ing circumstances. Without returning either their vessels or goods,
Aulney gave them an old shallop, and the men made their way home as
best they could.1
THE INHUMANE TREATMENT.
The Puritan spirit asserted itself when the men, on their arrival
made known their story of inhumane treatment; and the Massachusetts
authorites sent a message to Aulnay calling him to account for his
continued disregard of his agreement with them.
Aulney promised to send messengers to Boston for further confer-
ence; but it was not until late in 1646 that the messengers made
their way thither. On their arrival, they presented a demand for
eight thousand pounds on account of injuries which Aulnay claimed
he had received from Puritan sources. Massachusetts indignantly
denied the rightfulness of the claim and insisted upon strict
fulfilment of existing obligations. Finally Aulnay's messenges
yielded, the former agreement to be regarded by both parties as
still binding; and the Massachusetts governor, on the return of
the messengers, sent to Aulnay a costly sedan, which the viceroy
of Mexico had presented to his sister in the West Indies. In some
transaction, the sedan had come into the possession of the captain
of a Boston vessel in a harbor there. On returning home, the capt-
ain brought the sedan with him, and presented it to the Governor,
who doubtless found pleasure in passing it on to Aulnay.2
CHALRES DE MENOU D'AULNAY
Meanwhile Aulnay and la Tour continued their bitter warfare. In
the spring of 1647, in the absence of la Tour, Aulnay again attack-
ed the Fort at St. John. Madame la Tour, as before, made
Footnotes. 1. Williamson, I, 218. 2. Hubbard, 496, 497, Williamson,
I, 319.
p.278 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
a spirited resistance; but at length, accepting favorable proffered
terms of surrender, she delivered the fort into the possession of
Aulnay, who, disregarding the agrreement into which he had entered,
put the garrison to death with the exception of a single man and
compelled Madame la Tour, with a rope around her neck, to witness
the execution.
Sinking under the heavy burden of her sufferings, Madame la Tour,
in the short ime of three weeks, died. La Tour, for awhile, lived
a low, marauding existence.
As to Aulnay, little information is recorded concerning him, cover-
ing the years that followed the massacre at St. John. He died in
1651. A single gleam of romance falls at length upon this long record
of strife between these two rivals. For notwithstanding the bitter-
ness of the conflict, and its many unhappy and even bitter memories,
la Tour, in 1652, married Aulnay's widow. Then, returning to his
possessions on the St. John river, and developing under changed cir-
cumstances some better traits of character, though not to an extent
desired by his Massachusetts creditors, la Tour spent the closing
years of his life in the undisturbed enjoyment of his large estate.1
PENOBSCOT - A FRENCH OUTPOST.
Penobscot, for awhile, remained a French outpost, though no mention
is made of la Tour's interest in the place. Meanwhile, events of the
greatest importance in the political history of England rapidly
succeeded one another. A great civil war opened and ended. King
Charles I was beheaded January 29, 1649. The Commonwealth of England
took the place of the Kingdom of England.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
The protectorate followed, and in the year 1653 found the executive
power in England, lodged in Oliver Cromwell as Lord Protector. At
that time, twenty-one years had elapsed since Charle I, by the treaty
of St. Germain, ceded to the French King, "all the places occupied in
New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of Great Britain".2 The
designation evidently was understood to include all the territory north-
west of the Penobscot Bay and river, a very small part of which was
occupied by British subjects, and
Footnotes. 1. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, I, 127. 2.
Farnham Papers, I, 176.
p.279 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
its delivery to the French monarch, an arbitrary act on the part
of King Charles, was strongly denounced at the time by many of the
King's subjects on both sides of the sear, but especially in New
England, where the near settlements of the French were a constant
source of irritation.
THE PURITANS OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Under existing conditions in England, the Puritans of Massachusetts
now found easy approach to the Lord Protector, who, in 1654, gave
orders for the reconquest of Acadia. This was soon accomplished
by an expedition under the command of Major Robert Sedgwick of
Charleston. No opposition was made at Penobscot, nor even at St.
John, where doubtless any change in territorial matters would not
have disturbed la Tour so long as he was left in possession of his
large estate. By a treaty of peace, made at Westminster, November 3,
1635 between Oliver Cromwell and Louis XIV, King of France, "the right
of either, to the three forts of Pentecost (Pentagoet, or Penobscot)
St. John and Port Royal, in America", was left to be determined by
commissioners. The commissioners, however, did not proceed to action,
and the questions involved remained unsettled until the ratification
of the Treaty of Breda,1 July 21, 1667; but, notwithstanding this
non-action, Oliver Cromwell, September 17, 1656, proceeded to appoint,
as Governor of Nova Scotia, Colonel Thomas Temple, whose territory
was extended along the Maine coast to the St. George's river and,
"Muscontus" - Muscongus.
This account of the French at Castine is carried forward thus far,
in order to bring within the limits of a single chapter, the story
of the occupation of this interesting location on the Maine coast
throughout the period under review in this volume. The name
Footnotes. 1. Farnham papers, I, 311-313. By this treaty, King
Charles II, restored to France "the country of Acadia in North
America", without defining its limits. But notwithstanding the
Royal proclamation, Colonel Temple retained possession of the
territory until the following year. Charles II, then ordered him
to comply with the Treaty stipulations. Accordingly, Colonel Temple,
July 7, 1670, "by reason of present sickness of body upon myself",
laid the unpleasant duty upon one of his subordinates, and Acadia
again became a French possession.
p.280 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CASTINE.
Castine belongs to a later and more romantic period in the history
of colonial Maine. Pilgrim occupation of this beautiful peninsula
at the head of Penobscot Bay, unquestionably became an important
fact in strengthening the claim of Great Britain territory east of
the Penobscot; and Castine shares distinction with Pemaquid because
of its manifold historical relations throughout a large portion of
the Colonial period.
p.281 CHAPTER XVI.
GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
Reference already had been made to the division of the territory of
New England by Council, February 3, 1635, a little more than four
monts before the surrender of its charter to the King. The division
was into eight parcels, which, by lot, were assigned to eight of the
members of the Council, each of whom, except the last two: Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges, who received number seven and Sir William Alexander, who
received number eight - were to have an additional Grant of ten thous-
and acres to be laid out on "the east part of Sagadahoc".
Gorges' part was the territory already granted to him by the Council,
extending from the Piscataqua to the Sagadahoc; and Sir William Alex-
ander's included the territory from the St. Croix river to Pemaquid,
up the Pemaquid to its source "as it tendeth northwards", thence to
the Kennebec and "up that river by its shortest course to the river
of Canada" (St. Lawrence).
These two parcels, with sixty thousand acres east of Sagadahoc,
granted to those receiving the remaining six allotments, covered in
general, what is now known as the territory of the State of Maine.1
The parcel assigned to Captain John Mason, was confirmed to him by
the Council, April 22, 1635; and to the ten thousand acres "on the
southeast part of Sagadahoc, at the mouth of the entrance of it",
which was added to his original Grant of New Hampshire, was given,
by the Council, the name of Massonia (Masonia).2
Four days later, at a meeting held in the chamber of the Earl of
Carlisle, at Whitehall, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in his own name and
in the name of divers Lords and others, ancient patentees and
Footnotes. Farnham Papers, I, 183-188. 2. Ib., I, 194.
p.282 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
adventurers in the plantation of New England, requested the King to
give the attorney general orders to draw patents for the allotments
of the lands mutually agreed upon by the Council; so that those who
had received allotments, "having his Majesty's Grant of the same",
might "the more cheerfully proceed in the planting" of their several
provinces under laws and ordinances "there to be established and put
in execution by such (of) his Majesty's lieutenants or governor as
shall be employed for those services."1
The petition was drafted by Gorges, who, as early as 1635, had
perceived, as he recorded, that it was the pleasure of the King to
make him (Gorges) Governor of New England - but whil in the petition
he refrained from any mention of his own name in connection with the
office of governor of New England, he still had the governorship in
view.
The presentation of this Petition occurred May 1, 1635,2 and the
formal act in the surrender of the great patent by the Council for
New England followed a little more than a month later.3 Thus far
the plans of Gorges and his associates were advance without delay.
But the eight patentees, among whom the territory of New England
had been divided, not receiving from the King, charters of their
allotments as promptly as they expected, held a meeting November 26,
at which it was voted, "That the passing of the particular patents
was to be expedited with all conveniency"; and a committee was appoint-
ed to confer with the attorney general and hasten, if possible, the
desired action. No report of this committee has been preserved, so far
as is known. Doubtless the "particular patents" were prepared, and one
of these, it is supposed, has come down to us in a copy of the Charter
of New Hampshire, granted to Captain John Mason, August 19, 1635 and
was discovered in recent years in a collection of documents bearing
upon Mason's claims to lands in New England.4 It is with
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 200-202. 2. Ib., I, 201. 3. Ib.,
203-205. 4. These documents, formerly in the possession of Mr. Moses
A. Safford of (continued, footnotes p.283.)
p.283 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
NEWICHEWANNOCK - SALMON FALLS.
out the signature of the King, a fact that may account for delay in
its delivery, as well as for the delay that occasioned anxiety on
the part of all the patentees. Gorges certainly already regarded
himself as legally in possession of his part of the division; for
in an indenture, dated September 27, 1635, he conveyed lands on
the Newichewannock (Salmon Falls) river to Captain John Mason.1
There was added delay, also, in connection with Gorges' appoint-
ment as Governor of New England, which the King seemed to have on
his heart in recognition of the veteran's services in connection
with the English colonization in America, but which, for some
reason, had been postponed again and again. The Royal purpose,
however, was finally accomplished, Gorges' commission bearing
date of July 23, 1637. More clearly in connection with this trans-
action is seen the design of King Charles had in view in establish-
ing a general government in New England. Many mischiefs, the King
said, had arisen there, "and are like more and more to arise....by
reason of several opinions, differing humors and many other differ-
ences springing up between them". Recognizing it as a duty, there-
fore, not to suffer the people of New England, "to run to ruin, and
so religious and good intents to languish for want of timely remedy
and sovereign assistance", the King made mention of Gorges' "fidelity,
circumspection and knowledge of his government in martial and civil
affairs, besides his understanding of the state of those countries
wherein he hath been an immediate mover and a principal actor, to
the great prejudice
Footnotes continued from above - Kittery, Maine, but now of the Maine
Historical Society, were brought to notice by Mr. William M. Sargent
of Portland, Maine, in 1887, when superintending the publication of
the York Deeds; and the Royal Charter was printed by him in the in-
troduction to II, 20-39. John Ward Dean also reprinted it in his
"Captain John Mason", the Founder of New Hampshire, Prince Society,
1887, 360-378. An extract from this Charter, relating to Maine
territory, is printed in the Farnham Papers, I, 205-208. 1. This
is one of the collection of documents to which reference is made in
the preceding note. See York Deeds, II, 39-42, Captain John Mason,
the Founder of New Hampshire, 387-390, and Farnham Papers, I. 208-
211.
p.284 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
of his estate, long troubles and the loss of many of his good
friends and servants in making the first discovery of those coasts",
and announced Gorge's appointment, and declared his purpose to sec-
ond him with "Royal and ample authority".1
It was a proud day in Sir Ferdinando's life, when this Royal comm-
ission came into his hands. Doubtless his hope was strong that in
a short time he would find himself at the head of a general gov-
ernment for all New England; but even in his commission there was
an intimation that circumstances might make it necessary for a
deputy to take Gorges' place "during his abode here in England".
He cherished his hope, however, and as the years came and went,
it still continued alluringly to beckon him on.
The rapid growth of the New England settlements at this time was
now attracting the attention of the government, and attempts were
made to restrict emigration hither. In Gorges' commission as
governor, it was expressly stated that none were to be "permitted
to go into any of those parts to plant or inhabit, but that they
first acquaint our said Governor therewith", and shall receive
directions "where to set down".2 In this emigration movement,
Gorges was deeply interested, especially after the King had de-
clared it to be his purpose to send him to New England as its
governor. Sir Ferdinando's attitude toward these departing col-
onists
GILES ELBRIDGE.
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 219-221. 2. A license of this
kind, issuing from Whitehall and bearing date, July 21, 1639, is
of special interest, because of the party to whom it was granted:
"Upon the humble petition of Giles Elbridge, of the city of Bristol,
England, merchant, praying license for the exportation of about
eighty passengers and some provisions, formerly accustomed for the
increase and support of his fishing plantation in New England, their
Lordships did, this day, leave unto the said Elbridge to export for
New England, the said eighty passengers, together with such provis-
ions as hath been formerly accustomed, provided that he do give
bond here by himself, or some other sufficient man, to the clerk of
the Council, to his Majesty's use, that none of the said persons
shall be shipped until publicly, before the Mayor of Bristol, Eng-
land, they have taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. And the
Lord Treasurer is hereby prayed and required to give order to the
officers of the Port of Bristol, England, accordingly, any former
order of the Board, or other restraint to the contrary in any wise
not withstanding." Maine Historical Society's Collection, Series
I, 5, 522, 223.
p.285 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
found expression in what he said to the passengers on the Angel
Gabriel in the harbor at Bristol, England, before that vessell
set sail on her ill-fated voyage to Pemaquid. "That if he ever
came there, he would be a true friend unto them".
INSERT.
Ship: The Little James - companion ship to the Angel Gabriel lost off
Pemaquid as well.
Source: History of New England from 1630 to 1649 by Governor John Winthrop
p.196
The year 1635.
A storm blew with much violence and abundance of rain that blew down many
hundreds of trees near the towns; overthrew some house and drove ships from their anchors. The ship Great Hope of Ipswich being about four hundred tons, was driven on ground at Mr. Hoffe's Point and brought back again presently by a north-west wind and ran onshore at Charlestown etc etc
This tempest was not so far as Cape Sable but to the south more violent and
made a double tide all that coast.
Ship James of Bristol, passengers from Yorkshire, England.
PASCATAQUAK, MAINE.
ISLE OF SHOALS.
In this tempest, the ship James of Bristol having one hundred passengers -
honest people of Yorkshire, being put into the Isle of Shoals, lost there -
three anchors; and setting sail, no canvas nor ropes would hold, but she was
driven within a cable's length of the rocks at Pascataquack, when suddenly the wind
coming to the north-west, put them back to the Isle of shoals and being
there ready to strike upon the rocks, they let out a piece of their mainsail and weathered the rocks. In the same tempest, a bark of Mr.Allerton's was cast away upon Cape Ann, and 21 persons were drowned; among the rest, one Mr. Avery, a minister of Wiltshire.
THE SHIP, ANGEL GABRIEL LOST AT PEMAQUID.
footnote, p.197:
The Angel Gabriel was lost at Pemaquid. We know this ship sailed from
Bristol, but last sailed from Milford Haven June 22, preceding in company with
the ship James (Mather called the ship James, the Angel Gabriel in his Journal)
He says of her - "she was of 240 tons with 14 guns; and mentions her lost with "most of the cattle, and other goods, with one seaman; and 3 or 4 passengers did also
perish therein, besides two of the passengers that died by the way." (evidently he names them lost as the Angel Gabriel's when it was the loss of the Little James).
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
p.285 continued.
FOURTEEN SHIPS.
There is a letter1 from Lord Maynard to Archbishop Laud, written March
17, 1638, in which reference is made to "incredible numbers of persons
of very good abilities, who have sold their lands and are upon their
departure thence".
Fourteen ships, it was stated, were ready to sail from London as soon
as the Spring opened. There is also an early reference to an order that
the "Lord Treasurer of England should take speedy and effectual course
to stay eight ships in the river of the Thames, bound for New England."2
Cotton Mather says that dissatisfaction with conditions in England, was
the cause of this increased emigration, and he adds: "There were many
countermands given to the passage of the people, that were now steering
of this western course; and there was a sort of uproar made among no
small part of the nation that this people should not be let go."
Among those bound for New England, who were "so stopped" he mentions
Oliver Cromwell, John Hampden and Sir Arthur Haselrig, "whom I suppose
were their adversaries", he adds, "would not have so studiously de-
tained at home, if they had forseen events".3
This story, which in various forms, has found a place in English
literature on both sides of the sea, and in the writing of such hist-
orians as Henry Hallam and Lord Macaulay (but is denied or rejected
by Bancroft and others), has its earliest mention, it is supposed, in
a work published in 1660, by Dr. Charles Bates, an ardent royalist,
who was physician to King Charles I, when at Oxford, to Oliver Crom-
well, while he was Lord Protector, and to King Charles II, after the
restoration. He refers to Cromwell's squandering his own and his
wife's estate, then "playing the penitent", etc., and he adds: "After
that, by means of Sir Robert Steward, some royal-
Footnotes. 1. Public Records Office, London, Colonial Papers, Charles I,
IX, No. 38. 2. Oldmixon, British Empire in America, 1st Ed., I, 42,
43. 3. Magnalia, Book I, 23, 1st Ed.
p.286 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ists and clergymen, he was reconciled to his uncle, who could not
before endure him, so that he made him his heir. But shortly after,
having again run out all, he resolved to go to New England, and pre-
pares all things for that end. In the meantime, by the help of sect-
arians, he was chosen a member of Parliament", etc. 1.
In this earliest printed report of the story, there is no mention of
embarkation. The writer records only Cromwell's resolution and prep-
aration for a voyage hither. The next writer who referred to the
matter was William Lilly, who, in 1667, wrote his History of his Life
and Times, and states that Oliver Cromwell "hired a passage in a ship"
going to New England, "but ere she launched out for her voyage, a kins-
man dieth leaving him a considerable fortune; upon which he returns,
pays his debts, became effected to religion; was elected in 1640, a
member of Parliament, etc."2 Hutchinson, in his History of Massachu-
setts Bay, which was published in 1764, added Pym to the number of
those, "who are said to have been prevented by express order of the
King, "from removing to New England".3.
Such a report, having its origin and becoming current so soon after
this alleged refuge-seeking on the part of Oliver Cromwell, is said
to have occurred, must have had some basis. May it not have been in
some sudden outburst on the part of Oliver Cromwell in a moment of
great discouragement and consequent depression, when conditions in
England seemed to him well nigh hopeless?
Lord Clarendon tells us4 that after the passage of the "Grand
Petition and Remonstrance" by Parliament, November 22, 1641, Oliver
Cromwell whispered to Lord Falkland, as they left the House of
Commens, in company, "That if the remostrance had been rejected,
he would have sold all he had the next morning and
Footnotes. 1. For an interesting and valuable paper by John Ward
Dean, entitled The Reported Embarkation of Cromwell and his Friends
for New England, see the New England Historical and Genealogical Reg-
ister for 1866, 113-120. To it the writer is largely indebted for
materials for the above account. 2. London, 1822, 175, 176. 3. I, 41,
42. 4. History of the Rebellion, Oxford, 1720, I, 312.
p.287 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
OLIVER CROMWELL DID NOT TURN AND FLEE.
never have seen England more". Carlyle calls this "a vague report,
gathered over dining tables long after".1 It may have been. It should
be remembered, however, that the story has reference to a great crisis
in England's history. Strong feelings were aroused. At one time in that
session, members of the House "snatched their swords from their belts
and handled them with significant gestures". But victory then was on
Cromwell's side. At other times in those years of stress and storm, he
knew what it was to suffer defeat. Things did not always go as he would
have them; under such circumstances, however, he did not turn and flee.
It was a new England - not NEW ENGLAND, that was ever in Cromwell's
thoughts and actions. For that new England he battled long and for it,
he was ready to give up his life.2
INSERT - DEATH OF OLIVER CROMWELL.
The Death of Oliver Cromwell. 1660 - Hung at Tyburn/buried under the gallows,
exhumed at Westminster Abbey - The exhumation of Cromwell
Burial
29th Jan Tyburn Dragged through London, hung at Tyburn & buried beneath the gallows.
29th Jan Westminster Abbey Exhumed at Westminster Abbey
1660 Exhumation Cromwell
29th Jan Westminster Abbey Exhumed at Westminster Abbey
1875 Statue
http://badley.info/history/Cromwell-Oliver-England.biog.html
p.287 BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE
Continued
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as has already appered, was a staunch
Royalist, standing for all that King Charles, stood in his
attempt to govern England without any reference to Parliament,
and so making it necessary that Parliament in turn should govern
with
Footnotes. 1. Cromwell, 1845, I, 119. 2. "On August 30, a mighty
storm swept over England. The devil, said the Cavaliers, was fetch-
home, the soul of the tyrant. Oliver Cromwell little recked of
their sayings now. The winds howled around. His voice found utter-
ance in one last prayer of faith: "Lord, he cried, "though I am a
miserable and wretched creature, I am in covenant with thee, through
Grace" And I may, I will come to thee, for thy people. Thou hast
made me, though very unworthy, a mean instrument to do them some
good, and Thee, sericie; and many of them have set a high value
upon me, though others wish and would be glad of my death. Lord,
however thou do dispose of me, continue and go on to do good to
them. Give them consistency of judgement, one heart, and mutual
love; and go on to deliver them, and with the work of reformation;
and make the name of Christ glorious in the world. Teach those who
look too much on Thy instruments, to depend more upon thyself.
Pardon such as desire to trample upon the dust of the poor worm,
for they are thy people too. And pardon the folly of this short
prayer, even for Jesus Christ's sake. And give us a good night,
if it be thy pleasure. Amen." For three more days, Oliver
lingered on. September 3, 1658 came - the day of Dunbar and
Worcester. In the afternoon, the brave spirit pass away to the
rest which it had never known upon earth." S. R. Gardiner, The
Puritan Revolution, 190, 191.
p.288 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
out any reference to him.1 Out of regard for one so devoted to
his person and interests, King Charles had appointed Sir Ferdin-
ando Governor of all New England. Almost a year passed after this
appointment was made, and the New England colonists were still
directing their governmental affairs as hitherto. This was not
according to the mind of Gorges, however, who, June 20, 1638,
wrote to Secretary Windebank,2 calling attention to the import-
ance of "maintaining and supporting foreign plantations", and
noticing objections that evidently had been urged in certain
Royalist circles. One of these was the statement "that many of
our planters have undertaken these designs rather out of sedi-
tious, phantastical and schismatical humors, than out of zeal to
the honor of God, or service to his Majesty". The reference,
doubtless, was to the Pilgrim and Puritan settlers in Massachus-
etts Bay. But though Gorges had no sympathy with such "humors",
he replied that even if this were true, "seldom doth any prince
abandon people or leave the possession of kingdoms for those
causes; but rather, seeks to win them with the largest condi-
tions of all favor and freedom". Other objections were also
considered and refuted; and finally, Gorges directed attention
to a question he deemed especially worthy of presentation in this
connection - namely, "By what means those refractory people may
be drawn to submit themselves to a general Governor"? In his
answer to this question, Gorges said, that if the lords of the
several provinces of New England, would be pleased to settle
their deputies and officers with some power for such a service,
it would be well; but for the present, Gorges suggested the
appointment of some one province "not yet pestered with such
people as are like to refuse any authority sent from hence to
command them".
Plainy, he had in mind neither the province of Plymouth, nor the
province of Massachusetts Bay, but rather his own province of
New Somersetshire, which he desired to elevate to a more com-
manding position than it had hitherto reached. Whether the
Footnotes. 1. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 129. 2.
Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III, 287-291.
p.289 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
COMMOTIONS IN SCOTLAND.
King gave to these considerations any serious attention is
doubtful. Matters nearer home were pressing upon him with
greater force than matters in New England. There was commo-
tion in Scotland, and if Scotland was allowed to throw off
the yoke, as seemed imminent, why not England itself?
But, April 3, 1639, amid these troublesome distractions, King
Charles paused long enough to confirm to Gorges his allotment
in the division of the great Patent. In this new Charter,1 the
title, "Province of Maine", used in the Grant made to Gorges by
the Council for New England in 1622, and later changed to New
Somersetshire, was happily restored, the King directing that
Gorges' "portion of the main land" should "forever hereafter
be called and named - "The Province or County of Maine", and
not by any other name or names whatsoever". It was inded a
Royal Charter, the King granting to his loyal, devoted, adher-
ent privileges that were almost without limit.
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
Only such churches and chapels could be erected in the province
as Gorges deeemed "meet and convenient". He was given authority
to dedicated and consecrated, according to the ecclesiastical
laws of England; and in this connection, it was declared to be
the King's will that "the religion now professed in the Church
of England and ecclesiastical government now used in the same,
shall be forever hereafter professed and with as much convenient
as may be, settled and established in and throughout the said
province." To Gorges, also, was given authority, with the assent
of the greater part of the freeholders, "when there shall be any",
to make and publish laws, ordinances, constitutions, reasonable and
not repugnant or contrary, but agreeable as near as conveniently
may be to the laws of England, the authority extending to the im-
position of "penal-parties, imprisonments, or other correction";
and, if the offense should require, the power of life and death
was added, also pardoning power. Furthermore, Gorges was given
authority to
Footnote. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 222, 243.
p.290 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
establish Courts, ecclesiastical and civil, to constitute Judges,
Justices, Magistrates and Officers for hearing and determining all
manner of cases, and to order and appoint what matters or things
should be heard, determined or ordered in such Courts; also to
displace and remove such judges, magistrates, etc., when Gorges
saw fit. In cases of appeal, he was to proceed as in like cases
in England. Also, full power was given to him, to raise, arm and
employ troops in the Province, in case of "rebellion, tumult or
mutiny", and to execute martial law against "rebels, traitors,
mutineers and seditious persons in as ample manner and form as
any captain general in the wars, or as any lieutenant or lieuten-
ants of any county" in England; also to erect "forts, fortresses,
platforms, castles, cities, towns and villages", and to fortify
the same "with men, ordnances, powder, shot, armor, etc." He
was given power, also, to fix custom charges. Liberty of fishing
was to be granted to all of the King's subjects, "as well in the
sea as in the creeks of the province", also the privilege of salt-
ing and drying fish, and nets upon the shore, but "without any
notable damage or injury" to Gorges. Moreover, trading or settle-
ment in the province "without the special license" of Gorges -
was forbidden to all of the King's subjects of "whatever degree,
quality or condition whatsoever", and "oaths of allegiance and
supremacy" according to forms already established in England,
were to be duly administered. In fact, the powers conferred upon
Gorges by the Charter of the Province of Maine, were well-nigh
unlimited; and the Charter may be regarded as furnishing an in-
dication of the authority Gorges was likely to have received had
the King's purpose to send him to New England, as the head of a
general government of its several provinces, ripened into ful-
filment.
For thirty-five years, at least, Gorges had been prominently
identified with colonization upon what is now known as the coast
if Maine - and his valuable services, especially with Royalist
ends in view, had now been generously rewarded and in such a way
as must have been most gratifying to the aged Knight. That it
still was his purpose to proceed to New England is intimated in
a letter
p.291 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
addressed January 28, 1640, to Secretary Windebank. Some there
were, that is, in his own province, he says, "flying to the
governors of the Bay, for authority to order their affairs (as
if they were the supreme lords of that part of the world)".
But how he should "speed in his resolution to make good his
Majesty's royal grant" did not appear. God, that governs all,
only knows, he wrote; yet having his Majesty's gracious favor,
he suggested "nothing shall deter me from my attempt to make His
powers available where I have his warrant to do it." His thoughts
evidently had been stirred by the contents of letters that he had
received from New England; and in closing, he rightly designated
himself as an humble servant and faithful subject of the King,
coveting "nothing more in this world than the honor of his sover-
eign and prosperity of his nation".1
GORGES DIVIDED THE TERRITORY OF MAINE INTO 8 COUNTIES.
The way not opening to him for proceeding to assume in person
the government of his Province of Maine, Gorges, in his planning
concerning it, divided the territory into eight bailiwicks or
counties; and these again into sixteen several hundreds and the
hundreds into parishes and tithings "as the people of Maine did
increase".
Until he himself should be able to proceed to New England, he
made provision for a Deputy, Chancellor, Treasurer, Marshal,
Judge-marshal, Admiral, Judge for determining maritime cases,
Master of the Ordnance, also a secretary to the Governor, and
Council. These constituted the "standing Councillors", to whom
were added eight deputies "to be elected by the freeholders of
the several counties", who were empowered not only to sit in
the Provincial Courts, but "to be Assistants to the presidents
thereof."
In this arrangement for governing the Province, expression was
also given to added provisions deemed by Gorges, necessary for
the ordering of the public affairs of the province.2 It was an
elaborate scheme, worked out with reference to a growth and
prosperity to which the Province of Maine had not as yet attained.
But in the added evidences that so many of his countrymen were
Footnotes. 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
III, 294, 295. 2. Ib., II, 65-69.
p.292 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
MIGRATION TO NEW ENGLAND.
now making their way to New England, Gorges saw a prospect of
securing a part of this emigration for his own province. There
must be better protection for the settlers, however, and he felt,
as he had not felt before, the necessity of governmental organi-
zation and arrangements for the proper administration of law,
without which the prosperity he desired for his growing communi-
ties could not be obtained.
SELECTING THE ADMINISTRATORS.
Accordingly, Gorges forthwith proceeded to execute his purposes.
The supreme power in the province, he reserved for himself; but
he appointed a permanent Council of seven members, by whom, in
his absence, the government of the province was to be administer-
ed, one of whom was designated as Deputy Governor.
These appointments were made on September 2, 1639,1 and a code
of instructions for the Council and other documents were prepared
and sent hither, all of which were to be read in public at the in-
auguration of the government in order that the people "might know
how they were to be governed". Receiving no report of the re-
ception of these appointments, instructions, etc., Gorges executed
on March 10, 1640,2 similar papers, but somewhat enlarged and
amended, which became the basis of the government of the Province.
MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL FOR MAINE.
The Council as thus constituted comprised the following members:
Deputy Governor - Thomas Gorges.3
Richard Vines of Saco.
Henry Josselyn of Black Point.
Frances Champernoun4 of Piscataqua.
Richard Bonython of Saco.
William Hook5 of
Footnotes: 1. Williamson, History of Maine, I, 278. 2. Sullivan,
History of the District of Maine, 307. 3. Thomas Gorges made Aga-
menticus his residence. In Gorges' first commission, September 2,
1639 (Farnham Papers, I, 245-248) "Thomas Josselyn, Knight" was
made Deputy Governor. In the commission of March 10, 1640 (Farnham
Papers, I, 248-256), Thomas Gorges was substituted for Thomas Josse-
lyn. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, Gorges Society, 1885, 85,
says: "Thomas Gorges was a cousin of Sir Ferdinando, and had but
just finished his studies at Westminster, when he was called to
fill the place of Sir Thomas Josselyn in the new government". 4.
he was a nephew of Gorges and one of the founders of Piscataqua.
5. The Winthrop Journal, II, 125) calls him a "godly gent". He
left Agamenticus apparently on account of religious sympathy with
the Puritans (footnotes coninued end of p. 293)
p.293 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
EDWARD GODFREY OF PISACTAQUA.
ROGER GARDE OF AGAMENTICUS, CLERK.
ROBERT SANKEY OF SACO, Provost Marshal.
Nicholas Frost of Piscataqua. Constable.
Michael Mitton of Casco, Constable.
John Wilkinson of Black Point, Constable.
Agamenticus; and Edward Godfrey of Piscataqua.1 The first General
Court under the new government was held at Saco, June 25, 1640.
Having taken the prescribed qualifying oaths, they appointed Roger
Garde of Agamenticus, Clerk or Register. Robert Sankey of Saco,
provost Marshal, and Nicholas Frost of Piscataqua, Michael Mitton
of Casco, and John Willinson of Black Point, Constables, at the
places in which they resided.
Although Cleeve, to his great disappointment, was not made a member
of the Provincial Council, he was prominanet in its Court proceed-
ings. Several cases before the Court were referred to him for arbi-
tration.2 But especially was Cleeve prominent either as Plaintiff,
or defendant in several actions before the Court. One of these
had reference to a claim against Cleeve, who some time earlier had
caused Godfrey and others, to be summoned to appear before the
Court of the Star Chamber in London, on charges he had preferred.
INSERT.
THE INFAMOUS BRITISH STAR CHAMBER.
The most infamous building in the Houses of Parliament was the Royal Council or Star Chamber, on the east side of New Palace Yard (supposed to have derived its second name from the gilt stars on its ceiling), where, between 1600 - 1614, sat that dreaded Court which had power to inflict every punishment but death for trivial and often imaginary offences - a tribunal more dreaded than any other in England before or since.
By it Dr. Osbaldiston was condemned to have his ears fastened to the pillory in Palace Yard, and to pay a fine of £5,000; Philip, Earl of Arundel, was fined £10000 and Prynne, the author of a book exposing the abuses of the stage, was sentenced to imprisonment for life and the loss of both ears; whilst many a less illustrious culprit had his nose slit, or was whipped from end to end of London, on the evidence of perjured witnesses.
The last relics of the Star Chamber were removed in 1836, and are now preserved at Leasowe Castle, Cheshire, the residence of Sir Edward Cust.
http://www.londononline.co.uk/architecture/houses_of_parliament/2/
p.293 STAR CHAMBER, continued.
The charges were not sustained and the Court of the Star Chamber
issued a special writ against Cleeve commanding him to pay Godfrey
twenty pounds for his expenses. This Cleeve refused to do, on the
grounds tht there was "no power to levy here upon any writs that
come out of England". He would answer for it, he said, "whence it
came". So the matter was allowed to go over, probably with refer-
ence to further consideration of Cleeve's answer; and the Star
Chamber writ seems to have received no further attention.3
At the same court, Cleeve brought against Winter, suits that had
reference to their contentions at Spurwink and at Machegonne.
Footnotes from above, continued:
Massachusetts Bay. In a letter to John Winthrop, (July 14, 1640), he
wrote: "Mr. Godfrey hath informed my father of many false things by
letter against me in my removing from Agamenticus. Now, Sir, you know
upon what grounds my removing was and what ends I propounded unto my-
self in regard of the unsettledness of the Church and State.
"Pray, Sir, satisfy him in your wisdom what you think meet."
Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, 4th Series, VII, 198.
Footnotes. 1. For an extended account of Godfrey, see Dr. Charles
Edward Banks - Edward Godfrey, His Life, Letters and Public Services,
1584-1664. Maine Historical Society's Collections, Series I, 9, 295-
384. 2. George Cleeve of Casco Bay, Gorges Society, 1885, 228-230.
3. Ib., 229, 232.
p.294 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The first was for damages in dispossessing him of his possessions
at the former place and the second was for hindrances and annoy-
ances received after his removal from Spurwink, and securing at
Machegonne rights which he had enlarged "for a sum of money and
other considerations", Winter being the occasion of such hind-
rances and annoyances moved thereto "with envy and without de-
rendered in Cleeve's favor.1 In the first case he was awarded
damages amounting to eighty pounds sterling, also the title to
four acres of land or thereabouts at Spurwink and the house which
Cleeve and Tucker had erected thereon.2 Winter immediately re-
quested a stay of Judgment3 in the suits that had been decided
in favor of Cleeve; but his request was denied.
GEORGE CLEEVE AND ARTHUR MACKWORTH.
Another case before the Court at this time - eighteen civil actions
and eight complaints in all, were entered - was a suit for debt
amounting to eight pounds and six shillings, brought by John Bony-
thon of Saco, against the Reverend Richard Gibson. The latter, by
his attorney, Francis Robinson, admitted the rightfulness of the
claim, and asked that it might "be referred to arbitration". It
was so ordered. Geoge Cleeve and Arthur Mackworth were appointed
arbitrators; and it was agreed that the corn which the defendant
had growing at Saco "should remain to the plaintiff" as his secur-
ity for the payment of the debt "according to the arbitration or
otherwise".
When the Marshal proceeded to Richmond's Island to levy execution
against Winter, in accordance with the judgment of the Court, know-
ing well the character of the man with whom he had to deal, and
probably with a knowledge of Winter's declared attitude with refer-
ence to that judgment, he took with him thirty men. As he expected,
he found Winter prepared to defy the marshal and his assistants; and
so stoutly did Winter and the hardy fishermen in his employ maintain
their appearance of defiance
Footnotes. 1. Early Records of Maine, I. 2. Trelawny Papers, 235,
236; 3. IB., 233.
p.295 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
that the Marshal, at length, withdrew, and reported his lack of
success.1 The deputy governor, enraged at Winter's purpose to
resist with force a decree of the Court, took the matter into his
own hands; and not long after, when Winter, on his way to Boston,
entered the harbor of Agamenticus in a stress of weather, the
Deputy Governor sent officers aboard the vessel, who arrested
Winter and he was required to give bail2 for his appearance at
General Court in the following June, to answer for his action in
resisting by force of arms the Provost Marshal in the performance
of his sworn duty. He was also required to deliver forthwith to
Richard Vines, Richard Bonython and Henry Josselyn "so much goods
as shall amount to eighty pounds sterling, to remain in the custody
of the Court".2
When, however, the Court convened at Saco, June 25, 1641, Winter
still in default, appeared with a petition, in which he mentioned
the injustice of the verdict of the court as his reason for defying
the officers in their procedure, claiming that his action was "not
out of any stubborn, rebellious or unreverent disrespect" to the
Council or its authority, and that he was "ready now and always to
demean and behave himself in a befitting manner to the government
here estated with all submission and obedience". He also declared
that he was "hoping for a future opportunity to make his case and
aggrievances known more fully" both to Gorges and to the Council.4
Doubtless since the judgment of the court, Winter had received
counselfrom Trelawny with reference to the further management of
his court troubles; and he now reopened the whole matter by
Footnotes. 1. Winter, in his account of the affair, says the
Marshal and his men "lay about the island and about Spurwink two or
three days and nights", and that he was obliged to keep his own men
"ashore a whole week following, from sea". Trelawny Papers, 253.
2. Ib., 255, 256. 3. Reverend Robert Jordan, in a letter to
Robert Trelawny, July 31, 1642, wrote that Winter, "thus way-laid,
did deposit so much beaver as did amount to thirty pounds sterling"
Ib., 315. 4. Ib., 260, 261.
p.296 THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
announcing his purpose to attain the Jury on account of its verdict,
asserting, as the ground of this action, that "Captain Thomas Camm-
ock, one of the inquest, moved with envy", had stated, among other
things, that he did not believe a certain witness of Winter's, a
statement, he contended, that discredited in the minds of the jury
the evidence that Winter had presented, "a taint in one being a taint
in all".1
This indictment of the jury of the previous year, on a charge that
in law was an offense against the King, and if allowed, would trans-
fer further legal consideration of the matter to a tribunal in the
mother country, must had awakened deep solicitude, as well as fiery
indignation among the parties involved. Evidently the members of the
jury rendered a verdict in accordance with the evidence presented and
their ideas of the requirements of just between man and man. But they
knew enough of court proceedings to understand how difficult it would
be in far-away England, to defend themselves with any hope of success,
having as an opponent one so rich and powerful as Robert Trelawny,
assisted by skilful lawyers whose services he could easily secure.
The excitement that followed the reading of the petition can easily
be imagined.2 If there were faces that suddenly blanched, it was
not because of fear of John Winter, but of English Court Proceedings
such as Bunyan has described for us in his immortal allegory, and
especially Judges against whom these jurymen in coming hither had
turned their backs, and from whose reach they had desired to escape.
There was eager, thoughtful consideration. Thomas Gorges, the
deputy governor, had brought with him a volume of English law, and
from its pages, information was sought and reported to anxiously
awaiting listeners as extracts were read.3 Of course there was
excitement, and even clamor as the
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 263. 2. "The clamor was great. Mr.
Gorges one the one side, promising to salve their reputation, and
they, on the other side, hasty to enter actions of the slander, with-
out any more ado, against him." Reverence Robert Jordan, in a letter
to Rebert Trelawny, Ib., 318. 3. "Hereupon, Mr. Gorges (how in-
clined to the cause, I may not judge), pre-
p.297 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
significance of Winter's words in his petition, was apprehended;
and upon consideration that followed, it was wisely suggested by
someone to endeavor to have the matter settled there and not in
England.
At length an agreement was reached to refer it to four arbitrators,1
with Reverand Stephen Baciler2 as umpire; both Winter and Cleeve,
under bonds amounting to one thousand pounds, agreeing to abide by
the decision "for the final ending of all controversies between them",
including an action now brought by Winter against Cleeve for defama-
tion of character of Winter's wife.3 It seemed to be a happy solu-
tion to a difficult problem.
CLEEVE'S TITLE TO MACHEGONNE IS CONFIRMED.
Reverend Robert Jordan says that Winter yielded with much unwill-
ingness; "yet, seeing which way the wind hanged, any man would have
shaped such a course, rather than stand to a worse hazard".4 The
arbitrators found the jury right in awarding damages to Cleeve for
the loss of his house and land at Spurwink, but they reduced the
amount from eighty pounds to sixty pounds.5 They also confirmed
Cleeve's title to Machegonne. With reference to Cleeve's defamat-
ion of Winter's wife, they decided that Cleeve should "Christianly
acknowledge", both to the Court and to Mrs. Winter, "his failing
therein".6 This should have closed the controversy. But neither
Winter
Footnotes continued from previous page: tended a great wrong that
Mr. Winter should do to the honest jurers; and that it was insuffer-
able that men doing their consciences should be so questioned; read-
an old act in Henry 8 (as I take it concerning penalty in such cases,
not considering the mitigation in Queen Elizabeth)." Robert Jordan
to Trelawny, Trelawny Papers, 316, 317. Regarding this penalty,
Baxter, Ib., 318, makes this citation: "Their bodies shall be im-
prisoned in the common gaol; their wives and children removed out
of their houses; all their houses and lands shall be seized with
the King's hands and the houses wasted and the trees extirpated;
all their goods and chattels forfeited to the King; they shall
forever lose the freedom and franchise of the law."
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 319. 2. For a valuable biographi-
sketch of Reverand Stephen Bachiler, see Mr. Baxter's note 3, Ib.,
270, 271. 3. Ib., 272. 4. Ib., 319, 5. Ib, 270. 6. Ib., 272.
p.298 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
nor Robert Trelawny was satisfied with the decision. The latter
was kept fully informed with the reference to the case; and in his
own interest, as well as to support his agent's contentions, he now
carried the Cleeve-Winter matter, with related matters, to Sir
Ferdinando Gorges. Ere long, Winter learned from Trelawny that the
lord proprietor of the province had entertained his appeal and had
stopped all proceedings, listening to Trelawny, rather than to the
deputy governor. Trelawny, however, authorized Winter to pay Cleeve
twenty pounds for his house and his land at Spurwink; but was dir-
ected to commence a new suit for land at Machegonne, evidently in
the expectation that Cleeve would be found a trespasser there.
Trelawny closed his letter with these words: "In case justice be
not done you, send me over a certificate, and I shall send a warrant
hence from the Parliament to bring them all over here to answer it -
where, I believe, they will not justify their doings. All things,
thanks be to God, goes well in Parliament. Many plots and treasons
have been discovered. The King is very gracious. Hope within very
few days we shall settle religion in peace and restore the subject
to his ancient liberty and right to property."1 Only one who was
blind to political events occurring in England at that very time,
or saw things with a distorted vision, could have written these
words. From a Royalist point of view, things were not going well
in Parliament. Its members sent Strafford, the King's ablest and
most faithful supporter, to the scaffold on May 12, 1641. His words
when he was awaiting his executio, "Put not your trust in princes"
King Charles having promised him that not a hair on his head should
be touched and finally consigning him to death as a public enemy -
expressed his estimate of the King. Virtually, Strafford's execu-
tion was the commencement of the Civil War in England, although it
was not until August 22, 1642, that King Charles unfurled his
standard at Nottingham and called upon all his loyal subjects to
rally around it in his and their interest against a rebellious
Parliament. In the same month in which Strafford was executed,
King Charles was in
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 274.
p.299 GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
conflict with Parliament, and was brought to an agreement that that
body should not be dissolved without its own consent. Thick and fast
fell the blows that were shattering King Charles's claim to supremacy.
"One after another, the instruments by which the King had been enabled
to defy the nation, were snatched from his hands. Ship-money was de-
clared to be illegal, and tonnage and and poundage were no more to
be levied without parliamentary consent. An end was put to the Star
Chamber and the high commission".1 All of the great changes in
in matters of high concern in England at that time, were accomplished
before July, 1641; and it is difficult to discover any warrant what-
ever for the confidence Trelawney expressed in his letter to Winter.
Not days, but years would elapse before religion in England would be
settled in peace, and the subject restored to his ancient liberty.
Footnote. 1. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 118, 119.
p.300 CHAPTER XVII.
SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
REVEREND RICHARD GIBSON.
Insert: Torry, New England Marriages Prior to 1700.
p.300
Reverend Richard Gibson and wife, Mary Lewis (1619- ) b. 14 Jan.
1638-9, ca 1637, Saco, Maine.
Reverend Richard Gibson remained at Richmond's Island until his con-
tract with Robert Trelawny for three years' service expired. Concern-
him, Winter wrote to Trelawny soon after Mr. Gibson's arrival: "Our
ministeer is a very fair condition man and one that doth keep him-
self in very good order, and instruct our people well, if please God
to give us the grace to follow his instruction."1 Sometime later,
however, Winter's attitude toward Mr. Gibson changed and his ministry
at the island and vicinity henceforth was by no means a happy one.
Ill and even slanderous reports concerning him at length reached
Plymouth, England. Mr. Gibson alludes to them in a letter to
Robert Trelawny dated June 11, 1638. Their source is not stated,
but without difficulty it may be inferred. Having mentioned the
willingness of the people of Richmond's Island and vicinity to in-
crease out of their wages, his allowance from Trelawny, by twenty-
five pounds a year - one-half of the amount he received from Tre-
lawny, Mr. Gibson says Winter opposed it, "because he was not so
sought unto", that is, consulted or solicited, as he expected.2
It is in this connection that Mr. Gilson refers to these defamatory
reports. There were no such reports at the island, he affirms "and
have not been"; and he continues, "It is not in my power what other
men think or speak of me, yet it is in my power by God's grace, so
to live as an honest man and a minister and so as no man shall speak
evil of me but by slandering, nor think amiss by too much credulity,
nor yet aggrieve me much by any abuse." Trelawny even, to whom Mr.
Gibson
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 86, 87. 2. Ib., 127.
p.301 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
had written concerning these reports, seems to have been influ-
enced by them; and Mr. Gibson appeals to him to seek other testi-
mony than that he had furnished, adding, "You may, if you please,
hear of them that have been here, or come from thence, if they
have known or heard of any such drinking as you talk of, I had
rather be under ground, than discredit1 either your people or
plantation, as you, believing idle people, suppose I do. If you
have any jealousy2 this way (so doubtfully you write), I think it
best you hold off and proceed no further with me, either in land
or service".3
It is altogether probable that Mr. Gibson's marriage to a daughter
of Thomas Lewis of Saco, was not regarded with favor at Richmond's
Island, where Winter had a daughter, who subsequently became the
wife of Reverend Robert Jordan. Gibson makes mention of his marriage
in a letter to Governor Winthrop dated January 14, 1639, in which
he designates it "as a fit means for closing of differences and
setting in order both for religion and government in these planta-
tions". But it did not have that effect. At long length the way
opened for Mr. Gibson to go to Piscataqua, wither, in the summer of
1636, some of the men in the employ of Winter, so dissatisfied with
him that they "fell into a mutiny", had made their way purposing
"to fish for themselves".4 One of these men, mentioned at the time
by Winter as "the leader of them all", was one of the parishioners,
who "founded and built" at Piscataqua, the parsonage house, chapel,
with the appurtenances, at their own proper costs and charges", and
"made choice of Mr. Richard Gibson to be the first parson of the
said parsonage".5
Mention of Mr. Gibson's approaching removal is made in a letter
written at Richmond's Island, July 8, 1639, by Stephen Sargent.
Footnotes. 1. Disgrace. 2. Doubt or question. 3. Trelawny Papers,
129. 4. Ib., 93. 5. In a note (Trelawny Papers, 93) Mr. Baxter
has an interesting account of these men after they left Winter's
service. He says they all probably went to Piscataqua (Portsmouth)
and became citizens of good repute.
p.302 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
in Trelawny's employ under Winter, and addressed to Trelawny. Mr.
Gibson, he wrote, "is going to Piscataqua to live, the which, we
are all sorry, and should be glad if that we might enjoy his com-
pany longer".1 In any such expression of appreciation, Winter had
no share. All that he said to Trelawny concerning the matter is in
a letter written two days later: "Mr. Gibson is going from us; he
is to go to Piscataway to be their minister, and they give him
sixty pounds per year, and build him a house and clear him some
ground and prepare it for him against he com".2 Mr. Gibson him-
self, writing on the same day as Mr. Sargent, and also to Mr. Tre-
lawny, used these words: "For the continuance of my service at the
island, it is that which I have much desired, and upon your consent
thereunto, I have settled myself into the country, and expended my
estate in dependence thereupon; and now I see Mr. Winter doth not
desire it, nor hath not ever desired it but ....hath entertained me
very coarsely and with much discourtesy, so that I am forced to
remove to Piscataway for maintenance, to my great hindrance.....
I shall not go from these parts till Michaelmas, till which time
I have offered my service to Mr. Winter as formerly, if he please,
which, whether he will accept or no I know not; he maketh diffi-
culty and suspendeth his consent thereunto as yet".3 Folsom4
places the date of Mr. Gibson's removal to Piscataqua "at the
close of 1640, or early in the following year". Inasmuch, how-
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 158. 2. Ib., 170. 3. Ib., 160. Mr.
Gibson remained at Piscataqua holding church services there, and
at the Isles of Shoals, until 1642, when "being wholly addicted
to the hierarchy and discipline of England", he was brought before
the Court at Boston on a charge of marrying and baptizing at the
Isles of Shoals, the southern half of the islands being at that
time, under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. He was also
charged with disrespect to the authority of the Bay Colony, and
was committed to jail. Having "made a full acknowledgment of all
he was charged with, and the evil thereof, as he was a stranger
and was to depart the country in a few days, he was discharged
without any fine or other punishment". The Journal of John
Winthrop, 2, 66. 4. History of Saco.
p.303 SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
ever, as he was paid by Winter "for six weeks' service after his
three years expired",1 and he came to this country with Winter,
reaching Richmond's Island May 24, 1636, as is supposed, it
would seem as if his departure from that place is likely to have
occurred in the latter part of the summer of 1639. Between that
time and Michaelmas, he may have tarried with friends at Saco,
the home of his father-in-law.
Concerning the settlements between the Presumpscot and the
Kennebec immediately after Thomas Purchase established his
fishing interests at Pejepscot, there is little information.
Unquestionably a proprietor so capable and energetic as Purchase
drew to the banks of the Androscoggin other settlers, who were
connected in one way or another with his varied business opera-
tions. Doubtless others, too, there were, who at different points
in this part of the Province of Maine established homes for them-
selves and commenced the task of subdoing the wilderness in the
effort to obtain such a living as the country at that time afford-
ed. But the lack of a firm, settled government in the territory
was easily discoverable. The brief administration of provincial
affairs at Saco by Governor William Gorges, extended but a little
way, and soon came to an end. As settlers in larger numbers, how-
ever, came hither from England, and especially as the Massachusetts
Bay colonies in a little while, developed prosperous communities
under governmental regulations that were effectual in securing law
and order, there was naturally in the Province of Maine an in-
creasingly wider recognition of the value and necessity of such
regulations, and a growing demand for their speedy establishment.
THOMAS PURCHASE OF PEJEPSCOT.
One of those who recognized the need of like regulations, because
of existing conditions in the Province of Maine, was Thomas
Purchase of Pejepscot. For aid in improving these conditions in
so far as his own proprietary interests extended, he now turned
toward the Province of Massachusetts Bay; and in the negotiations
that followed, Massachusetts, through him, acquired her first right
of jurisdiction within the limits of Sir Ferdinando
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 299.
p.304 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Gorges' original Grant. Doubtless from an early period after his
arrival in the country, Purchase was recognized as a man of im-
portance not only within the limits of his own domain, but through-
out the Province. As has already been mentioned, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, in 1636, made him a member of his Court of Commissioners
under Governor William Gorges. He may also have been one of the
commissioners including Winthrop, Cleeve and others, whose names
are not now known, whom Sir Ferdinando Gorges, after the return
of Governor William Gorges to England early in 1637, appointed
to govern his colony of New Somersetshire, in accordance with a
scheme of Gorges which, Winthrop says "was passed in silence" and
which he designates "as a matter of no good discretion".1 At all
events, in the failure of Gorges to establish within his juris-
diction such an administration of civil government as was necess-
ary for the proper protection of life and property, Purchase deemed
it imperative to make an effort in some direction, and he made his
appeal to the Governor of the colony of Massachusetts bay. John
Winthrop evidently listened sympathetically to a description of
conditions among the settlers along the Androscoggin River, and as
a result of the interview, by an indenture executed August 23,
1639, Purchase conveyed to "John Winthrop and his successors, the
governor and company of the Massachusetts, forever, all that tract
of land at Pejepscot....upon both sides of the river of Androscoggin,
being four miles square, towards the sea, with all liberties and
privileges thereunto belonging". The right to plant there "an
English colony" was included in the rights conveyed, as also, "full
power forever to exercise jurisdiction there as they have in the
Massachusetts"; while Purchase, his heirs and assignees, together
with all other inhabitants within the limits of the Pejepscot Grant,
were to be given that "due protection of the said governor and
company" as was enjoyed by the inhabitants of the Bay Colony.2.
Footnotes. 1. Journal, 1, 276. 2. Farnham Papers, I, 243, 244. The
original deed in connection with this transaction was entered in
the "Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts,
p.305 SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
however, made no effort to assume the obligation set forth in this
agreement. Sir Ferdinando Gorges' commission to Sir Thomas Josselyn
and his councilors "for the government of the Province of Maine,
according to his ordinances", issued September 2, 1639 1 - only
eleven days after this conveyance of land at Pejepscot - indicated
a purpose on the part of Sir Ferdinando to meet within his terri-
torial limits the need Purchase and others so strongly felt; and
the colony of Massachusetts Bay wisely determined to hold matters
in abeyance awhile and await the development of movements already
in progress.
Reverend Richard Gibson's place at Richmond's Island was filled by
the coming thither of Reverend Robert Jordan, a kinsman of Thomas
Purchase, with whom Mr. Jordan had lived at Pejepscot about two
years. Winter made mention of him in a letter to Trelawny dated
August 2, 1641.2 "Here is one Mr. Robert Jordan, a minister,
which hath been with us this three months, which is a very
honest religious man by anything as yet I can find in him. I
have not yet agreed with him for staying here, but did refere
it till I did hear some word from you. We were long without a
minister, and were in but a bad way, and so we shall be still,
if we have not the word of God taught unto us sometimes." In
these last words there is doubtless a reference to the fact
mentioned by Winter that negotiations had already been commenced
with settlers at Pemaquid indicating a desire on the part at
least, of some of them to secure Mr. Jordan's services one-half
of the year, Richmond's Island to have them the other half. "I
know not how we shall accord upon it as yet", adds Winter, but
an agreement was not reached, and Mr. Jordan remained at Rich-
mond's island, identifying himself prominently with matters there
and in the vicinity. A student at Baliol College, Oxford, and a
graduate of the University of Oxford,1
Footnotes continued from previous page: the Massachusetts Bay
in New England", and is found in the printed "Records", I, 272,
273. There is an early manuscript copy in the possession of the
Maine Historical Society, Pejepscot Papers, VII, 489. 1. Farn-
ham papers, I, 245. 2. Ib., 288.
p.306 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
he became a clergyman of the Church of England and doubtless
had held religious services at Pejepscot during his residence
there. Not long after his removal to Richmond's Island, he
married Sarah Winter, John Winter's daughter, and by his en-
dowments, education and wide interest in provincial matters,
long occupied a place of large influence.2
Reverend Robert Jordan.
The above reference to negotiations having in view the estab-
lishment of religious services at Pemaquid, under the direction
of Reverend Robert Jordan, is the only recorded fact concerning
such services in English settlements east of the Kennebec,
throughout the whole period under review in this volume, except
in connection with the Popham colonists at St. George's harbor
at the time of their arrival on the coast. Such services un-
doubtedly were held in private and probably in public assemblies
increasingly as the settlements enlarged; but there was no or-
dained minister in those parts, and none came hither for a long
time afterward.
GILES ELBRIDGE.
ABRAHAM SHURT.
THOMAS ELBRIDGE.
On the death of Robert Aldworth of Bristol, England, which
occurred in 1634, Giles Elbridge, Aldworth's co-partner in
the Pemaquid patent, became his heir and the executor of his
Will. His, now, were the large business interests at Pemaquid,
where Abraham Shurt had his residence and acted as his agent.
With Giles Elbridge's death, which occurred February 4, 1644,
the Pemaquid patent came into the possession of his oldest son,
John Elbridge, who by his last will and testament, dated Septemb-
er 11, 1646, bequeathed the patent to his brother, Thomas Elbridge,
second son of Giles, who not long after, probably having settled
his
ROBERT JORDAN.
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 269. 2. Mr. Baxter (Trelawny
Papers, 270) says concerning Robert Jordan: "He was a man of
ability and under other conditions might have perhaps ranked
among the leading divines of the New World; but at this time,
the church for which he belonged found an unkindly soil in
New England, and would not take root, toiled the husbandman
never so faithfully. Hence discouraged by opposition, and the
word within him, perhaps becoming choked by the deceitfulness
of riches, he finally gave up the ministry and devoted himself
to his private affairs." 2. Johnston, History of Bristol and
Bremen, 77, 78, 96, 112, 465, has interesting references to
Thomas Elbridge.
p.307 SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
affairs in England, and perhaps on account of the continued dis-
turbed state of the country, made his way to Pemaquid and took
possession of his inheritance. The time of his arrival is not
known. Johnston considers it probable that he came about 1647;
but as he was appointed executor to the Will of his brother, it
could not have been earlier and probably it was somewhat later.
He was certainly her ein 1650, for November 5, in that year, he
mortgaged the islands of Monhegan and Damariscove to Richard
Russell of Charlestown, Mass., by a deed in which he described
himself as "Thomas Elbridge of Pemaquid in New England, merchant"
.1.
INSERT.
RICHARD RUSSELL.
Torry, New England Marriages Prior to 1700.
p.644
Richard Russell, (1611-1676) & 1st wife, Maud Pitt?
(-1652) married in England, before 1638; of Charlestown,
Massachusetts.
He is represented as a man of small stature and insignificant
appearance", 2, and it is evident that he possessed little, if
any, ability for the management of his Pemaquid estate. Appar-
ently he made no attempt whatever to improve conditions, moral
or religious, among the settlers at Pemaquid, or in any part of
his large land possessions. Although he "called a Court, unto
which divers of the then inhabitants"3 repaired, it was not an
institution of civil government, but merely a proprietory office
for the collection of rents and the conveyance of rights and
privileges. His business transactions evidently were not large.
While his opportunities for exerting helpful, beneficent in-
fluences in all parts of his domain were wide, he seems to have
been lacking in those qualities that would have enabled him to
grasp and use them; and easily and speedily he allowed his ex-
tensive inherited lands to pass into other hands,4 and himself
at length, to drop out of sight. In 1659, he was either plaint-
iff or defendant in several cases at a
Footnotes. 1. Water's Genealogical Gleanings in England, I, 635,
says the deed was to Shurt. 2. Johnston, History of Bristol and
Breman, 78. 3. Ib., 465. 4. February 5, 1652, Thomas Elbridge
sold one-half of the patent to Paul White, who in May, 1653, con-
veyed it to Richard Russell and Nicholas Davison of Charlestown,
Mass. Still another change in the ownership of the patent occurr-
ed in July, 1657, when Russell sold his quarter to Davison; while
Elbridge, about two monts later, sold the half he had retained,
to Davison, who now became the sole possessor ot the Pemaquid
patent. Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremand.
p.308 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
court held at York,1 and in 1672, his name appears with other
residents at Pemaquid on a petition to the General Court in
Boston, to be taken under its government and protection.2 With
this record he passes from our view. The names of other children
Giles Elbridge are found on the elaborate Elbridge monument in
St. Peter's Church in Bristol, England - but the name of Thomas
Elbridge is not there, and the time and place of his death are
unknown.
INSERT - THOMAS ELBRIDGE.
TORRY, NEW ENGLAND MARRIAGES PRIOR TO 1700.
p.245 Thomas Elbridge died 1684; & wife, Rebecca ___?
Pemaquid, Maine.
Fishing and traffic with the Indians continued to be the chief
business of the colonists on the Maine coast. But as the political
troubles in England affected more and more all the industrial and
commercial affairs, the supplies which the settlers had been accus-
tomed to receive from that source began to fail. Winter, writing
July 19, 1642, not only records a scarcity of money at Richmond's
Island, but adds, "cloth of all sorts very scarce; both linen and
and woolens are dear"3. It is significant with reference to this
scarcity of money in the province that at this time, Deputy Govern-
or Thomas Gorges and Richard Vines made their way to the White
Mountains,4 passing through Pegwackit, in search of "precious
metalic substances", a lure that had expoited the coast regions
from the first arrival of explorers and colonists, but which now
led Gorges and Vines into the distant recesses of the Whit Mount-
ain range, glimpses of whose fair outlines are afforded here and
there from places along the coast, in the vicinity of Saco.
Thither they made their way safely, but their pospecting for gold
and silver was without success. Their toil, however, could not
have failed of rich reward in the experiences of the journey conn-
ected with what they saw of the beauty of the valley of the Saco as
they traveled toward the river's source and of the glory of the
White Mountain scenery that still, with each recurring season,
irresistably attracts visitors from near and far.
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 176-179.
2. Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 112. 3. Trelawny
papers, 321. 4. Winthrop, Journal, 266.
p.309 SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
THE SETTLEMENT AT WELLS.
The settlement at Wells, which occurred during the deputy
governorship of Thomas Gorges, is traceable to the action
of the Massachusetts authorities with reference to theolo-
gical differences.
Anne Hutchinson.
Reverend John Wheelwright, a brother-in-law of the cele-
brated Anne Hutchinson, had made his way from England to
New England in the great emigration that followed the esta-
blishment of the Bay colony. Williamson refers to him1 as a
"pious and learned" preacher; but apparently he was in sym-
pathy with Mrs. Hutchinson's peculiar theologicial views,
at least to some extent. Among other opinions he is said
to have, held that "the Holy Spirit dwells personally in
a justified convert, and that sanctification can in no
wise evince to believers their justifications".
Anne Hutchinson by John Winthrop.
Source: The Journal of John Winthrop, 1630-1649.
p.105
Anne Hutchinson (1591-1643) was the daughter of the Rev.
Francis Marbury, a silenced Lincolnshire (England) minister
and the wife of a merchant, William Hutchinson of Alford, Lincs.,
England. She came to Boston with her husband and eleven children
in 1634 and settled in a house across the street from John Win-
throp. "One Mrs. Hutchinson, a member of the church of Boston,
a woman of ready wit and bold spirit, brought over with her,
two dangerous errors: 1. That the person of the Holy Ghost dwells
in a justified person. 2. That no sanctification can help to evid-
ence to us our justification -from these two grew many branches;
as, 1. Our union with the Holy Ghost, so as a Christian remains
dead to every spiritual action, and hat no gifts nor graces, other
than such as are in hypocrites, nor any other sanctification but
the Holy Ghost, himself. There joined with her in these opinions
a brother of hers, one Mr. Wheelwright, a silenced minister, some-
times in England. Footnote. 66. With this paragraph, John Win-
throp introduces the most dramatic chapter in his narrative, the
Antimonian controversy that wracked Massachusetts from October,
1636 to March, 1638. Like Roger Williams, Anne Hutchinson was a
religious radical who found John Winthrop's brand of Puritan
orthodoxy to be spiritually dead, but she posed a more serious
challenge to John Winthrop because her stronghold was in his
Boston church, her supporters included Cotton and Vane and she
held religious meetings in her house that rivaled, in influence
the clerical conferences of ministers and elders. By October,
1636, Hutchinson's weekly religious exercises had generated a
public crisis and John Winthrop realized that if he could not
defeat her, he might well be forced out of the colony himself.
REVEREND WHEELWRIGHT SENTENCED TO BANISHMENT 1637.
It was a period of theological speculation as well as of Bible study
and uniformity in religious matters was regarded by the General Court
of Massachusetts as desirable as it was by Archbishop Laud in England
and the ecclesiastical Court in England. Mr. Mr. Wheelwright, in mak-
ing his way across the sea, because of oppressive, intolerable condi-
tions in religious matters, expected to find at least toleration if
not liberty. He soon learned, however, that he was mistaken; and hav-
ing been called to account by the General Court, for his theological
opinions, and being "extremely pertinacious" of them, he was sentenc-
ed by the Court November, 2, 1637, to banishment from the colony.2
Reverend Wheelwright accordingly, removed to Exeter, in the Province
of New Hampshire, where he established a church to which he minister-
ed until, by the political union of New Hampshire with the Province
of Massachsuetts Bay, he found that again, he was within the reach of
the Bay authorities. Then, in search of another refuge, he turned his
footsteps toward the Province of Maine, and April 17, 1642, Deputy
Governor Thomas Gorges, out of the grant he had received from his
uncle, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, conveyed to Wheelwright "a tract of
land lying at Wells in the county of Somerset", in all, about four
or five hundred acres of land on or
Footnotes. 1. History of Maine, I, 293. 2. Records of the Colony
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, I, 207.
p.310 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
JOHN WHEELWRIGHT, HENRY BOND & OTHERS.
near the Ogunquit river, and along the seashore. Another tract of
land, also conveyed by Gorges and in the same year, was secured by
John Wheelwright, Henry Bond and others, greatly enlarging the terri-
tory of which Mr. Wheelwright had obtained possession, and constitut-
ing the township of Wells, Maine.1
REVEREND WHEELWRIGHT AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH OLIVER CROMWELL.
Here Mr. Wheelwright established a church. But his theological
opinions still removed him from the fellowship of other ministers
and Christian people, who had been his early friends, and whom he
still held in high esteem; and in December, 1643, he addressed a
communication to the Governor and the Assistants of the colony of
Massachusetts Bay, in which he made confession that in the matter
of justification, his differences had been magnified by the "glass
of Satan's temptations", and distorted by his own imagination. In
this way, his differences had secured an importance in his thinking
that was unwarranted. "I am unfeignedly sorry", he wrote, "I took so
great a part in those sharp and vehement contentions, by which the
churches have been disturbed; and it repents me that I gave en-
couragement to men of corrupt sentiments, or to their errors, and I
humbly crave pardon"2 The communication, because of its frankness
and the excellent spirit that characterized it throughout, made a
very favorble impression upon those to whom it was addressed; and
Mr. Wheelwright not only was given a safe conduct to Boston, but in
the summer of 1644, that action was followed by the revocation of
the sentence of banishment.3 At a later period he made his way
back to England, where he remained a few years during the Puritan
rule, possessing, it is said, the friendship of Oliver Cromwell,
and then returned to New England.4
Footnotes. 1. Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 408.
2. John Winthrop, his Journal, J.K. Hosmer's Ed., II, 165-167.
3. Records of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
II, 67; III, 6. 4. William son, History of Maine, I, 294. On his
return, Mr. Wheelwright settled at Salisbury, Mass., where, accord-
to Williamson (I, 293) he died in 1679 aged 80 years. (History of
the District of Maine, 234) says that he died in 1680.
p.311 SOME UNRELATED MATTERS.
Matters connected with the settlement of Wells, Maine were among the
last that received the attention of Thomas Gorges in his wise admini-
stration of the affairs of his uncle's province. That administration
was now drawing to a close. Unlike his uncle, the Deputy Governor was
in sympathy with Parliament, rather than with King Charles, in the
breach between the King and the House of Commons; and as things in
England, while he was here, had gone from bad to worse, and the Civil
War of England had opened, in which was to be decided the great issue
as to which of the contending parties should rule England, Thomas
Gorges regarded his place of duty there in England and not here; and
he began to make preparations to leave the province and return home
to England.
REVEREND GEORGE BURDETT.
From the first, his management of affairs as Deputy Governor strongly
commended him to all those who longed for the establishment of law and
order in the Province of Maine. At Agamenticus, which he made his place
of residence at the time of his arrival, he at once had his attention
called to a scandal that, in his treatment of it, illustrated in a most
striking manner Gorges' administrative ideals as well as the low condi-
of the morals of the community. The affair required boldness, as well
as firmness, in its proper handling. The man involved, Reverend
George Burdett, was a prominent resident at Agamenticus, yet was known
to be grossly immoral in life and had assumed an attitude of brazen
defiance to just requirements, human and divine. Williamson says,
"Pride and abilities had given him self-confidence and obstinacy, and
he regarded no law otherwise than to wrest it and make it sanction or
excuse his iniquities".1 On being made acquainted with the facts of
the case, Thomas Gorges at once ordered Burdett's arrest and he was
promptly brought before the Court instituted by Gorges, at Saco. The
accused was found guilty not only of immoralities but of "slanderous
speeches", and
Footnote. 1. History of Maine, I, 284. Baxter (Trelawny Papers, 249)
says Burdett, "Instead of leading his flock into paths of righteous-
ness, he proved to be a wolf among them, and the records of his mis-
deeds stain the pages of history."
p.312 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
received sentence accordingly. Evidently Burdett had expected to
manage matters at the Court as he had at Agamenticus; but as he
was adjudged guilty, he appearled from the decision in an out-
burst of indignation, claiming the right of a rehearing in England.
The Charter of the Province, however, contained no provision for
such a re-hearing; and the deputy governor, denyinng the appeal,
ordered execution to be levied on the property of Burdett for the
payment of the fines imposed when sentence was pronounced. Railing
against the Deputy Governor and the Court, Burdett returned to Aga-
menticus and soon after made his way to England, threatening a re-
opening of the Court proceedings, there. Failing in this, he joined
one of the two great parties in the conflict then raging in the King-
dom, and while thus engaged, falling into the hands of teh party to
which he was opposed, he was thrown into prison, and while there he
passed into such obscurity that his subsequent career is unknown.
With the same firm adherence to high moral standards, Thomas Gorges
conducted the affairs of the Province of Maine throughout his adminis-
tration. From first to last, he had the respect of all law-abiding
citizens, and his manifest aim in the management of public interests
was to proceed along the same lines that were so strictly followed
in the administration of the government of the affairs of the Bay
Colony by Governor John Winthrop, whom Gorges visited upon his arriv-
al in New England, and from whom he wisely sought counsel and advice.
The three years he spent here, from 1640 to 1643, were passed in a
way not only exceedingly creditable to himself, but helpful to the
settlers in their desires to secure better conditions; and his name
deserves to be accorded high honor for the services he rendered at
an important period in the beginnings of Colonial Maine. It is not
too much to say of Thomas Gorges that his was by far the one con-
spicuously attractive personality in the Province in all its early
history.2
Footnotes. 1. Hubbard, New England, 316. Journal of John Winthrop,
207. 2. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,
II, 186-190.
p.313 CHAPTER XVIII.
AGAMENTICUS BECOMES GORGEANA.
KING CHARLES OF ENGLAND AND PARLIAMENT.
By this time things had come to such a pass in England that one
must choose between the supremacy of King Charles, and the supre-
macy of Parliament. The question at issue was whether the King or
the House of Commons was the strongest power in the realm.1 Cer-
tainly things were not going well with those who supported the
Crown. Strafford had already been brought to the block as an enemy
of the country. Archbishop Laud, who mingled ecclesiastical matters
with those of state, and had given great offence in so doing, was
behind prison bars as early as 1641. In the opening of 1642, the
King, unable to discover the real significance of the great up-
rising against his arbitary rule, had separated himself still
farther from his opponents in Parliament by demanding the im-
peachment of Lord Kembolton, in the House of Lords, and Pym,
Hampden and three others in the House of Commons. When the Commons
returned an evasive answer to this demand, King Charles, followed
by a crown of armed retainers, proceeded to the House. As he stepped
to the speaker's chair he addressed the Commons, saying that he had
come to fetch the traitors. The words eliciting no respons, the King,
looking over the House and failing to discover any of the five look-
ing over the House and failing to discover any of the five whom he had
named, in his demand, turned to the Speaker and asked if the men he
sought were present. "May it please your Majesty, replied Lenthall,
"I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place, but
as the House is pleased to direct me".
Footnote. 1. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 118. Concern-
ing the attitude of the members of the House of Commons towards the
King, Gardiner says: "It is useless to ask whether they might not have
regulated the King's authority instead of shattering it. It was its
business to shatter it because, with King Charles on the throne, it
was impossible to regulate it."
Insert.
Subject: Trial of the Regicides
Source: History of New England
by John Gorham Palfrey.
p.426
The trial of the Regicides was not to be delayed till the angry loyalty of the
time might have opportunity to grow cool and merciful. No sooner was Parliament
dispersed, than a special commission, constituted of thirty-four persons - great
officers of state and others, was assembled to judge and to doom. The trials
lasted ten days.
Twenty nine persons were arraigned, all of whom were convicted and sentenced.
The punishment of nineteen was, by a royal grace, commuted for imprisonment.
The rest suffered death with all the horrible accompaniments prescribed by the
English law of treason as it then stood. Among them were Colonel Axtel and Col.
Hacker, who respectively were in command of the guard at the King's trial and
at his execution; Coke, who had acted as public prosecutor; and Major-General
Harrison. The remains of Cromwell, Bradshaw and Ireton were dis-interred and
hung on gibbets in conspicuous places in London.
The fate of one of the sufferers at this time appealed especially to the com-
passion of the people of New England. Hugh Peter had been one of the Company
of Massachusetts Bay before the emigration. Following the pioneers almost
immediately, he became the admired minister of one of their churches, a counsel-
lor largely trusted through a period when the new social fabric was in imminent
danger of overthrow, and a contriver and guide in methods of industry which
proved to be copious sources of public wealth. He had established what seemed
a permanent position in New England, and had given his step-daughter in marriage
to Governor
p.427
Winthrop's eldest son. But, after seven years' residence he returned to England,
early in the Civil War in England, with the purpose - if one of the witnesses
of his trial reported truly his unguarded talk - of "stirring up this war and
driving of it on." He became a prominent "agitator" among the soldiers. He put
himself forward at the trial of Bishop Laud, and at the execution of that prelate
stood armed upon the scaffold. At the siege of Bridgewater, the siege
of Winchester and the storming of Bristol, he did active service.
In Cromwell's conquest of Ireland, he is said to have "led a brigade against
the rebels," and to have "come off with honor and victory." "Drogheda is taken,"
he wrote from that place to the Speaker, "three thousand five hundred and fifty-
two of the enemy slain, and sixty four of ours; - Ashton, the Governor, killed,
none spared...I come now from giving thanks in the great church." When the
arms of the Commonwealth had completely triumphed, he withdrew from the military
service; and he was one of the household chaplains who stood by the Protector's
death-bed.
He had not been a member of the court which condemned the King. What the public
prosecutor undertook to prove against him was "that he was a chief conspirator
with Cromwell at several times and in several places and that the King's death
was designed by them...he was the principal person to procure the soldiery to
cry out 'Justice! Justice!' or assist or desire those for the taking away the
life of the King....he preached many sermons to the soldiery in direct terms
of taking away the King, comparing the King to Barabbas; he was instrumental
when the
p.428
in the formation for the High Court of Justice (as they called it) was pro-
claimed, directing where it should be proclaimed and in what place; when the
King was brought upon the stage, that mock-work, he was the person that stirred
up the soldiery below to cry for justice."
The third day after their trial, Peter and the Solicitor, John Coke, who had
been one of the prosectutors of the late King, were dragged on hurdles from
Newgate gaol to the place of their execution, at Charing Cross. Their sent-
ences were the same. Coke suffered first. He was hanged by the neck and then
cut down alive. His body, after other mutilation, was opened, and the bowels
were taken out and burned. Then came the merciful blow which severed the head
from the body; and lastly the body was cut into four parts for permanent exhib-
ition in as many places. The executioner - his arms red to the shoulders with
this slaughter - approached the other victim, and asked, "Mr. Peter, how like
you the work?" "You have butchered one of the servants of God before my eyes,"
replied the sturdy man, "and have forced me to see it, in order to terrify and
discourage me; but God has permitted it for my support and encouragement."
Truly had Sir Ferdinando Gorges said of him thirty years before, that "his
courage was not inferior to any." The head of Coke and that of General Harrison
were set on poles at the northeast end of Westminster Hall, looking towards
London; and the head of Mr. Peter on London Bridge.
The offences of Peter against royalty had been substantially the same as those
of numbers who escaped unquestioned. As his death may be interpreted as a sacri-
fice on the tomb of Bishop Laud, so the doom of another eminent actor in New
England affairs was a propitiatory offering to the names of Strafford. The
convinction of that nobleman had been wrought about through a disclosure by
Sir Henry Vane
p.429
of matters which came to his knowledge from papers of his father. In respect
to the death of King Charles, Vane was entirely blameless. He had taken no
part in the transaction at any stage; he had protested against the project,
from the moment of his first knowledge of it; and, when it had been carried
into effect, he showed his displeasure by withdrawing for a time from Parlia-
ment and from participation in public affairs. Though he felt bound not to
withold his great abilities form the serice of the country that rejected his
counsel, he never lent himself to the personal elevation of Cromwell; and, during
five years before the Protector's death, he had been part of the time
self-banished from court, and part of the time in prison.
The hour had not yet arrived when a prosecution of Vane would have been prudent.
Dreamy recluse as he was apt to become when emergency and opportunity did not
summon into exercise the practical sagacity, promptness, vigor and resource, in
which no man, in that age of memorable men, surpassed him, it cannot be said
that he was ever a general favorite. But his great qualities and services, his
unimpeached disinterestedness, and his independence of spirit, made him the
object of a veneration which, marked as he was for vengeance, was for the present
his safeguard. When, after two years, Lord Clarendon's skilful politics,
and an extravagant reaction of the public mind, had made the mitre and the crown
seem to their wearers omipotent, the time was ripe for reckoning with Henry
Vane. Denied the aid of counsel, he conducted his own defence in a manner worthy
of his character and ability, and greatly adding to his reputation for
courage. His unanswerable reasoning, to the effect that the indictment charged
him with no acts but such as, according to the strictest tenor of the law of
England, were consistent with the duty of a good citizen during a suspension
of the established government, made
p.430
no impression upon the judges who had predetermined his fate. He was convicted,
and sentenced to die as a traitor. The King, who had induced the Convention House
of Commons to except him from the Act of Indemnity, by a promise, conveyed
through Lord Clarendon, that if convicted, he should receive a pardon, now wrote
to that minister, "He is too dangerous a man to let live, if we can honestly put
him out of the way."
Some of the horrible accompaniments of the penalty of treason were remitted.
He was beheaded on Tower Hill. He was magnanimous and intrepid to the end.
"Father, glorify thy servant in the sight of man," were his last words, "that
he may glorify thee in the discharge of his duty to thee and to his country."
Of the executions of the actors in the late troubles, Vane's was the last.
Lambert, excepted with him in the Act of general amnesty, had now ceased to
be cared about. He was sentenced to die, but the punishment was commuted for
perpetual imprisonment. He lived twenty-three years in gaol on the Island of
Guernsey and at Plymouth, and then died in the communion of the Church of Rome.
Three other persons owed their fate to the newly awakened loyalty of a New
England man - a man eminent among the most able and the most unworthy that the
venerable University of Massachusetts has reared.
Emanuel Downing, of the Inner Temple, who had married a sister of Governor
John Winthrop, followed him to New England after a few years, bringing with
the rest of his family, his son George Downing, who became a member of the class
first graduated at the American Cambridge college.
p.431
Three years after the completion of his studies there, he was one of the
"three honest young men (as they were considered) good scholars and very
hopeful,' who 'went in a ship to the West Indies, to instruct the seamen."
In three of the Island, Downing "gave such content, as he had large offers
made to stay with them. But he continued in the ship to England, and, being
a very able scholar, and of ready wit and fluent utterance, he was soon taken
notice of and called to be a preacher in Sir Thomas Fairfax his army to Colonel
Okey, his regiment. He was at the battle of Worcester, of which he wrote an
account to Parliament; and in the following year was Scout Master General to
the army in Scotland. The Protector, Oliver Cromwell, employed him in negotiation
with the Duke of Savoy; and he sat in Cromwell's last Parliament
and was sent by him as Ambassador to the Low Countries.
End.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
The Execution of King Charles I.
Source: Cromwell The Lord Protector by Antonia Fraser
Knopf, 1973. (with her permission)
"Proceeding against the King capitally"
Jan 1, 1649 Ordinance passed setting up trial.
Heading the committees were Henry Ireton (to advise
council) and Edmund Ludlowe (prepare for his defense)
Jan 6, 1649 "Charges Act"
Jan 15, 1649 Agreement on High Court (Commons and Lords)
Jan 20, 1649 Court Opens
John Bradshaw who was the Chief Justice of Cheshire, England,
appointed President of the Judges for the trial of King
Charles I (p.279)
Jan 22, 1649 2nd Hearing.
Jan 24, 1649 Hearing barring public.
Jan 25, 1649 Public hearing announces that the King shall
be put to death by beheading.
Jan 26th, 1649 There were 62 signed Judges for the
Warrant for the death, however, Fairfax, Vane and Steele
did not appear at any session.Actually only 59 did sign.
John Cook read the charges. The charge, in part read:
"tyrant, traitor, murderer and a public and implacable enemy
of the Commonwealth of England".
When the signers asked (privately)
what should be said when the King asked by what authority
was this trial, Henry Marten coined: "In the name of the
Commmons and Parliament assembled and all the good People
of England."
Just before the trial King Charles was brought to the
home of his father's friend Sir Robert Cotton, near West-
minster Palace and St Stephens Court. By Jan 27th he had
been moved to St. James Palace.
Jan 27, 1649 King is sentenced for execution. He was refused
his request to address the Court. The original date of Jan 27th
for the execution that was on the Death Warrant was altered to
Jan 30th. It is assumed that rather than make a new Warrant
wherein some might not sign it again, the original (still
extant) was poorly and hastily erased as to date. Note: the
original document was signed with each signer's thumbprint
next to each name.
On Tuesday, Jan 30, 1649 at 2 p.m. King Charles I - was walked
from St. James Palace to his place of death at Whitehall. He
had had red wine and bread for strength just prior to the walk.
He was accompanied by his Chaplain, Bishop Juxon. There were
two masked executioners. The one who actually executed the
king was named Brandon it was later found. Colonel Hacker and
Colonel Tomlinson supervised the execution. The King addressed
the crowd. The death occured within a minute of the first
axe.
The signers were:
"To Colonell Ffrancis Hacker, Colonell Huncks and Lieutenant Colonell
Phayre and to every of them -
Jo. Bradshawe
Ri.Deane
Tho.Horton
Tho. Grey
Robert Tichborne
J. Jones
Oliver Cromwell
H. Edwardes
John Moore
Edw. Whalley
Daniel Blagraue
Gilbert Millington
M. Liuesey Owen
Rowe G. Fleetwood
John Okey
William Purefoy
J. Alured
J. Dauers
Ad. Scrope
Robt. Lilburne
Jo. Bourchier
James Temple
William Say
H. Ireton
A. Garland
Anth. Stapley
Tho. Mauleuerer
Edm. Ludlowe
Greg. Norton
Har. Waller
Henry Marten
Tho. Challoner
John Blakiston
Vinct. Potter
Tho. Wogan
J. Hutchinson
Wm. Constable
John Venn
William Goff
Rich. Ingoldesby
Gregory Clement
Tho. Pride
WilliamCawley
Jo. Downes
Pe. Temple
Jo. Barkestead
Tho. Wayte
T. Harrison
Isaa. Ewer
Thomas Scot
J. Hewson
John Dixwell
Jo. Carew
Hen. Smyth
Valentine Wanton
Miles Corbet
Per. Pelham
Symon Mayne
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
p.314 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The King, again using his own eyes, remarked "I see that all my birds
have flown". He then renewed his demand, saying that if the men he
had named were not surrendered to him upon their return, he would be
obliged to take his own course to find them. As the King left the
House, shouts of "Privilege! Privilege!" followed him.
Echoes of this Parliamentary struggle soon reached every part of
the Kingdom, and the lines of the two great parties contending
for the mastery, were now still more closely drawn. The affairs
of the nation weighed heavily on all hearts, and Gorges, unable to
throw himself into the conflict on account of advancing years,
sought relief by directing his thoughts toward his Province of
Maine. Reference has already been made to a grant of land on the
"west most side" of the Agamenticus river made December 2, 1631,
by the Council for New England to Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Ferdin-
ando's grandson and heir; and also to a grant on the east side of
the river made at the same time to Lieut. Colonel Francis Norton
and others.1 In his Briefe Narration, Gorges, referring to these
grants, says his grandson, Ferdinando and some of his associates
hastened to take possession of their territories, carrying with
them their families and necessary provisions; "and I sent over for
my grandson, my nephew, Captain William Gorges, who had been my
lieutenant in the fort at Plymouth, with some other craftsmen, for
the building of houses and erecting of saw mills; and by other
shipping from Bristol, some cattle with other servants, by which
the foundation of the plantation was laid, and I was the more hope-
ful of the happy success thereof, for that I had not far from that
place Richard Vines, a gentleman and servant of my own, who was
settled there some years before."2
Gorges' statement is a general one covering a number of years.
Captain William Gorges came hither as Governor of New Somersetshire
probably in the spring of 1636 and therefore several years after the
Agamenticus grant was made. It at any time during his
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 159-161. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, II, 57. 2. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 58.
p.315 AGAMENTICUS BECOMES GORGEANA.
governorship he made his residence at Agamenticus, there is no
record of the fact. He established his government at Saco, and
apparently he resided there during the short time he remained in
the province. But Sir Ferdinando had not lost sight of his name-
sake's grant. As early as 1630, Edward Godrey was living at Aga-
menticus. It is possible that Godfrey went there in accordance
with an arrangement made with Gorges before he left England.
At all events, his first appearance in this country was as the
"lawful attorney" of the Council for New England, in trans-
ferring to Gorges and Mason the grant made to them November 17,
1629, and known as the Laconia patent. Godfrey served the
grantees for a short time at Piscataqua in connection with their
fishing interests, but with broader aims in view, he soon took
up his residence at Agamenticus, "being the first that ever built
or settled there".1
Another indication of Sir Ferdinando's acquaintance with Godfrey,
and of the favorable opinion he held concerning him, is found in
the fact that when, in 1634, Gorges and Mason made a division of
the lands they had received from the Council for New England, in
1622, Godfrey acted as one of the referees. Also, when Sir Ferdin-
ando organized the government of his province in 1636, with William
Gorges at its head, Edward Godfrey of Agamenticus received an appoint-
ment as a member of the Court of Commissioners, and took his seat with
his associates at the opening of the court March 21, 1636, in the
house of Richard Bonython of Saco. In a letter to John Winthrop
under date of January 25, 1640, Richard Vines wrote: "Three or four
years since, Mr. Cleeve, being in England, procured a writ out of
the Star Chamber office to command Mr. Edward Godfrey, Mr. John
Winter, Mr. Purchase and myself to appear at the Council table to
answer some supposed wrongs". It is known that Godfrey proceeded
to England in answer to the summons, and made a successful defence
against the charges Cleeve had preferred. Probably this was in the
year 1637. Godfrey remained in England, it is supposed, a
Footnote. 1. Maine Historical Society's Coll., First Series, IX, 344.
p.316 THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
year or more.1 A part of his time, he says, was employed in an en-
deavor "to provide a patent from the Council for New England for him-
self and partners, the south side to Ferdinando Gorges and only the
north side to himself and divers others, his associates".2 This was
the tract of land granted by the great council December 2, 1631, to
Ferdinando Gorges (grandson and heir of Sir Ferdinando), Walter
Norton and others. Vines, in his statement with reference to the
matter, says that he was obliged to take this course with reference
to the patent "by oppression of Sir Ferdinando Gorges.3 What is
meant by the word "oppression" is not indicated.
It may be that the right to that part of the tract of land granted
to Norton and others had lapsed, partly because of failure to fulfil
prescribed conditions with reference to settlement which became the
occasion of disagreements with Gorges, or partly because of claims
against those who had settled upon these lands and were not legally
in possession of them. As there was a renewal of the grant to Ed-
ward Godfrey and others March 22, 1649,4 the matter seems to have
been adjusted amicably, and if there had been differences between
Godfrey and Gorges previous to this visit, they were now forever
settled. From that time on, Gorges in various ways manifested high
regard for Godfrey and gave him appointments to positions of honor
and influence.
While Godfrey was in England at this time, he performed a service
that could not have been otherwise than helpful to the colony of
Massachusetts Bay. This service was in connection with Quo Warr-
anto proceedings brought in England against the Bay colony by
Sir John Banks, as attorney general, the charge being that the
colony, without any warrant or Royal Grant, had usurped certain
"liberties, privileges and franchises".5 During these proceedings,
when the agents and friends of the Puritan colony were "called
Footnotes. 1. Maine Historical Society's Coll., First Series, IX,
310. 2. Ib., IX, 344. 3. IX, 344. 4. Farnham Papers, I, 159.
5. Hazard, Historical Collections, I, 423, 424.
p.317 AGAMENTICUS BECOMES GORGEANA.
THE DEMAND FOR THE SURRENDER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS CHARTER.
on to confront a peremptory demand from the Lords Commissioners
in England for the surrender of the Massachusetts Charter, coupled
with the threat of sending over a new governor general from England",
and these agents and friends of the colony "stood mute",1 Godfrey,
who was present, rose and made an effective plea in their behalf.
Apparently this service was not estimated by the Massachusetts col-
onists at its real value. At least, John Winthrop and his associates
preferred to attribute their deliverance in such a crisis to the fact
that "it pleased God so to order in his good Providence".2
An important result of Godfrey's interviews with Sir Ferdinando
Gorges at this time is discoverable in the latter's thoughts and
plans with reference to his Province of Maine. First of all,
Gorges turned his attention to measures for securing "the better
government and welfare of the inhabitants" of his province, a need
which doubtless Godfrey had not failed to impress upon him.
But especially at this time were Gorges' thoughts and plans di-
rected toward Agamenticus. In all probability it was not with-
out his suggestion, inspired by Godfrey, that Thomas Gorges, in
coming hither and taking up his duties as deputy governor, de-
cided to make his residence there. Agamenticus as yet was a
small community, and the character of its inhabitants, as in-
dicated in Court records, was not of the best; but by making
Agamenticus the seat of the provincial government, and with ade-
quate provisions for securing a firm and just administration of
law, better conditions, it was believed, would inevitably follow
with the result that Agamenticus would soon develop into a large
and prosperous community.
In thus making Agamenticus the center of his thoughts in his
colonial undertakings, Sir Ferdinando first of all sought to
confer distinction upon the place by elevating it into a borough.
This was done by a Charter3 signed and sealed April 10, 1641.
With
Footnotes. 1. Gardiner, New England's Vindication, 5. Hazard,
Historical Collections, I, 564. 2. Winthrop, I, 161. 3. Hazard,
I, 470-474.
p.318 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
characteristic regard for his official relation to the "humble
suitors" who had asked for the incorporation of Agamenticus,
Gorges, in the Charter, referred to himself not only as "Lord
of the Province of Maine", but as "Lord of the Province of Maine
within the territories of New England", calling attention in this
way to that wider field over which the King had made him govern-
or general, and toward which his colonial dreams at this time
seem very frequently to have attracted his thoughts.
The Charter, in its unfoldings, conferred upon "his Majesty's
liege people" at Agamenticus the right to exercise civil govern-
ment among themselves, freed from the jurisdiction and authority
of any other officer or officers whatsoever, unless called upon
as assistants in repelling armed invasiion or in suppressing re-
bellion against the due course of justice. In the Charter, provi-
sion was made for the election of a mayor, eight aldermen and a
recorder by the voices of the burgesses; but in order to assist
in the organization of the new government, Gorges proceeded to
nominate in the Charter, as the first Mayor of the borough, his
"well-beloved cousin", Thomas Gorges, the deputy governor of the
province.
As the first eight aldermen, he nominated Edward Godfrey, Roger
Garde, George Puddington, Bartholomew Barnett, Edward Johnson,
Arthur Bragington, Henry Simson and John Rogers. Edward Godfrey
was also nominated as Justice of the Peace for the first year and
Roger Garde as the first recorder.
The Mayor and Aldermen were authorized by the Charter to make
such laws, orders and ordinances as were "accustomed to be made
in towns corporate in England", and they were to execute the same
for the benefit of the inhabitants of the borough and the peaceable
ordering of the business of the corporation. They had power, also,
to make as many free burgesses as they should "think fit", and also
to disfranchise any for just and reasonable cause. Provision, also,
was made for "one town hall", which should also serve for Court uses
in hearing and determining civil cases. There were to be court sess-
ions also for the "dispatch of criminal causes" by indictment and
trial before jurors, provided,
p.319 AGAMENTICUS BECOMES GORGEANA.
however, that no proceeding in such causes should be contrary to the
laws of England, nor for offences committed outside of the limits of
the borough.
however, that no proceedings in such causes should be contrary to the
laws of England, nor for offences committed outside of the limits of
the borough.
To the mayor was given authority to muster men and levy arms for the
defence of the borough, in case of hostile invasion, and to appoint
and commission such officers as should be found necessary; also to
erect fortifications and provide armaments for the same.
In granting to Agamenticus such extraordinary powers and privileges,
it was evidently the design of Gorges to give the place a prominence
that would attract to it additional settlers, and at the same time,
make it a fitting location for the residence of the deputy governor
of the province. For awhile the scheme thus outlined occupied Sir
Ferdinando's thoughts and gave him pleasing occupation; but other
dreams followed and the scheme was enlarged to such an extent that
March 1, 1641, only on year later, Gorges gave to Agamenticus a 2nd
and more elaborate charter,1 transforming the borough into a city,
and bestowing upon it the designation, Gorgeana. Flattering him-
self with the assertion that he had settled the Province of Maine
in a helpful way of government, Sir Ferdinando now announced his
purpose by all good means, to further and advance the same; and he
increased the borough limits, extending them "from the beginning
of the entrance in, of the river commonly called and known by the
name of Agamenticus and so up the said river seven English miles
and all along the east, and northeast side of the seashore three
English miles in breadth from the entrance of the said river and
up into the main land seven miles, butting with the seven miles
from the seaside up the said river the breadth of three miles
opposite thereunto".
It was a grand scheme and the territorial boundaries of Agamenti-
cus required such ample expansion as the second charter outlined.
But with the enlargement of the territory of Agamenticus, there
was a corresponding enlargement of the governing body
Footnote. 1. Hazard, Historical Collections, I, 480-486.
p.320 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
which was now made to consist of a mayor, twelve aldermen and
twenty-four councilmen. The first mayor of Georgeana, and also
the aldermen were to be appointed by the deputy governor of the
province, while the councilmen were to be elected by the free-
holders. Courts were to be instituted, one to be held twice a
year in the interest of the public weal, and for the punish-
ment of all offenders; also a Court of Justice to be held on
Monday of every week for hearing and determining "all actions
and differences", the proceedings to be "as near as may be to
the course of his Majesty's Court of Chancery at Westminster,
England, wherein the mayor for the time being was to sit as
Judge, with the Recorder and aldermen, or so many of the said
aldermen as shall be there". The right of appeal from any decree
of this Court to Sir Ferdinando, or his deputy, was granted. Pro-
vision also was made for two or four sergeants, known as serg-
eants of the white rod, who should serve and return all precepts
issuing out of this court. They were to be appointed by the Mayor
and the Aldermen, and were also to wait on the Mayor. A market,
also, was established to be held on Wednesday of each week; also
two fairs annually "upon the feast days of St. James and St. Paul,
the benefit of the toll, and other customs incident and belonging
to fairs and markets", to redown "to the use and advantage" of
the mayor of Gorgeana. In a word, Gorgeana, as a municipality,
received "such and so many privileges, liberties and freedoms as
the city of Bristol", of which Thomas Gorges was a resident.
When, in 1642, Sir Ferdinando Gorges drew up this charter of
Georgeana, he was living, it is said, at Bristol in the Great House
at St. Augustine's Back, so long known, at a later date, as Col-
ston's School. He had married September 28, 1629, as his fourth
wife, Lady Elizabeth Smyth, a daughter of Sir Thomas Gorges, and
widow of Sir Hugh Smyth of Ashton Court, near Bristol.1 The Great
House was the property of his wife, as also was the Ashton Phillips
residence in which Gorges is said to have died. At this time Sir
Ferdinando, by several years, had passed the limit
Footnote. 1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 167.
p.321 AGAMENTICUS BECOMES GORGEANA.
of threescore years and ten. He was too old for the duties of camp
and field, but he was not too old to busy himself with his poss-
essions on this side of the sea. Accordingly, as Gorges mused and
the fire burned, he saw a new empire springing up on the shores of
New England, and stretching westward over an unexplored continent.
Imagination was enkindled. Even if Gorges should not cross the sea
and assume the governorship of New England, he could still be in-
fluential through others; and thoughts of Gorgeana filled him with
new and brighter hopes. Again the aged knight was young and he saw
visions, he was old and he dreamed dreams.
In the Charter of 1641, Thomas Gorges, the deputy governor of the
province, was nominated by Sir Ferdinando, as the first mayor of
Agamenticus, then elevated into a borough. In the Charter of 1642,
Thomas Gorges was not mentioned, and it is supposed that Edward
Godfrey was made the first Mayor of Gorgeana.1 In all probabil-
ity, Thomas Gorges was already in sympathy with Parliament in its
contentions with the King; and when, in the summer of 1642, King
Charles set up his standards at Nottingham, and summoned his loyal
subjects to come to his aid against rebellious Parliament, Thomas
Gorges with others could hardly have failed to raise the question
of personal duty and to give it thoughtful consideration.
When his decisiion was made, cannot now be ascertained, but it was
in favor of a return to England; and he commenced to arrange the
affairs of the province with reference to that end. The precise
date of his retirement from the deputy governorship is not known.
In a letter to Governor John Winthrop, dated June 28, 1643, how-
ever, he announced his purpose soon to sail for England; and in
all probability, his arrival in England followed in the autumn
of that year. How he was received by Sir Ferdinando can only be
conjectured in the absence of any known record. Interviews the
two, doubtless had. Gorges naturally desired to have a full re-
port of the conditions of things in the
Footnote. 1. Maine Historical Society's Collections, First Series,
IX, 314.
p.322. THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SIR FERDINANDO'S LOYALTY TO KING CHARES.
CLOUDS AND THICK DARKNESS.
Province of Maine, and such a report the Deputy Governor would ex-
pect to make. Thenceforward, each went his own way, Sir Ferdinando
still adhering to the fortunes of the King. No opportunity, in
which it was possible for him to manifest his loyalty to King
Charles, was overlooked. At one time he sought permission from
the Mayor of Bristol, England, to bring within the city's de-
fences a body of cavalry, under Lord Paulet, and designed to serve
the King, but the Mayor declined to gratify Gorges, on the ground
that that part of England had declared for Parliament and not for
the King. At another time he manifested his devotion to the inter-
ests of King Charles in such a way that he was summoned before Parlia-
ment to answer for his conduct.1 On account of his age, probably, he
was not made to experience "the sadness of the times" as were Tre-
lawny and others, and he was allowed to return to his home, probably
accompanied with admonitions that he deemed it wise to heed. It was
not sunshine with Sir Ferdinando, but clouds and thick darkness.
Not much has come down to us concerning the life of Thomas Gorges
after his return to England.2 While his sympathies were with the
Parliamentary forces, he seems not to have held any conspicuous
position, either civil or military, until 1649, when he was made
Lieutenant Colonel of a cavalry regiment in the Somerset militia.
Both before and after the Restoration, he was made a member of
Parliament from Taunton, England. He lived an honored and use-
ful life at Heavitree, near Exeter, England, where he died Oct.
17, 1670 and a monumental stone in Heavitree Church marks the
place of his burial.3 In his Will4 he bequeathed to his son,
Thomas
Footnotes. 1. Barrett, History of Bristol, England, 414. 2. For
more prominent facts of his life, see Baxter's Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, II, 186-190. His Epitaph. 3. "Here lyeth the bodye
of Thomas Gorges of Hevitree, Esquire, and Rose, his wife. He
departed this life the 17th of October, 1670 and she the 14th of
April, 1671." Ferdinando, a son of Thomas Gorges, died at York,
Maine, in February, 1683, "having come to New England as early as
1674, perhaps in the interest of his kinsman, Ferdinando, the
grandson of Sir Ferdinando, and a proprietor of the Province of
Maine". Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 189.
p.323 AGAMENTICUS BECOMES GORGEANA.
Gorges, five thousand acres of land at "Ogungigg" (Ogunquit), "of
which five thousand acres", with cattle thereon, the father took
posession on August 18, 1642, the territory having been granted
unto him by Deed bearing date August 4, 1641.
Amid many discouragements, Godfrey, Garde and others upheld for
awhile, the interests of Sir Ferdinando at Gorgeana. But no assist-
ance came to them from England. In the battles of Marston Moor,
July 2, 1644, and Naseby, June 14, 1645, the Parliamentary forces
were victorious. At Naseby especially, King Charles I suffered
overwhelming defeat. Indeed, so decisive in that action, was the
result, that the King was unable at any later period to rally his
forces upon any other great battlefield of the English Civil War.
RAGLON CASTLE.
A few months later the counties were cleared of Royal troops and
their garrisons capitulated. Raglon Castle held out the longest
against the Parliamentary troops, but surrendered in August, 1646.
Meanwhile, "in these sad seasons", Sir Ferdinando Gorges found em-
ployment1 in writing his Briefe Narration, in which he reviewed his
long connection with colonial enterprises. It is the work of an old
man, and furnishes abundant evidence of the writer's failing mental
powers and his enfeebled condition by reason of his advanced age;
but, notwithstanding, it is a record of great value with reference
to colonial beginnings upon the coast of Maine.
Having finished this task, Gorges rested from his labors, and
patiently awaited the final call. It came in the springtime of
1647. His Will2 was dated May 4, 1647 and his burial in the par-
ish church at Long Ashton followed ten days later. In the last
words of the Briefe Narration, Gorges gave fitting expression to
his most serious thoughts as he approached the close of his life:
"I end and leave all to Him, who is the only author of all good-
ness and knows best his own time to bring His Will to
Footnote. 4. The Will is inserted in full in Baxter's Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges, II, 190-192. See also, York Deeds, Book I, Part II,
folios 5, 6, 7. 1. The words occur in a letter written by Gorges
at Ashton, June 1, 1646. See Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III,
299. 2. Ib., II, 149, 150.
p.324 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
be made manifest, and appoints his instruments for the accomplish-
ing thereof, to whose pleasure it become every one of us to submit
ourselves, as to that mighty God, and great and gracious Lord, to
whom all glory doth belong."1
1. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 81. It may be asked why it was that
one who stood in high favor with two of England's Kings, and in
close official relations with men of prominence and influence, re-
ceived only scanty notice in contemporary history. The explanation is
doubtless to be found in the fact in the great movements of his time,
Gorges was on the unpopular side. In the fight for free fishing, he
was clearly in the wrong, and while in the Civil War of England, this
was equally true, he was too old to have any important part in it.
Equally, was he on the losing side in his new world enterprises. It
was the Puritan Colony of Massachusetts Bay and not the Province of
Maine, that was aided by the time spirit.
p.325 CHAPTER XIX.
CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY IN COLONEL RIGBY.
THE LYGONIA PATENT.
The relations between Winter and Cleeve were still unfriendly and
even hostile. Unquestionably, if Cleeve had been left in peaceable
possession of his lands at Machegonne, the earlier conflicts would
not have been renewed. But Winter, with out any ground for the
assertion, insisted that Cleeve, whom he had unsettled at Spurwink,
was a trespasser also in his present location. Moreover, he now had
an able assistant as the successor of Reverend Richard Gibson, had
espoused Winter's cause with an intensity of interest, and a dis-
position to overreach, not equalled even by Winter himself.1 The
situation, therefore, was one that could not fail to awaken in
George Cleeve many anxious, disturbing thoughts. It was not in
Cleeve, however, to lose heart in the face of opposition and even
possible defeat; and he entered at once upon a search for ways and
means with which to strengthen his hold on Machegonne. In so doing,
he recalled earlier grants of land in the vicinity, and among them,
the already mentioned Lygonia patent,2 of which the patentees in
coming hither made no use on account of dissatisfaction with the
location, and so "vanished away". This patent covered territory
forty miles square, extending from Cape Porpoise to the Sagadahoc
River, and not only included but atedated the Trelawny patent.
What if the grantees, or their survivors, could be induced to
part with the patent, and it should become the possession of one
friendly to
IT WAS KNOWN AS THE PLOUGH PATENT.
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 314-320. 2. It was known as the Plough
Patent, a name derived from the name of the vessel that brought hither
the company of husbandmen in whose interest the Lygonia patent was
obtained.
p.326 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Cleeve's interests? The answers suggested by such a consideration
took a strong hold upon Cleeve's mind and heart; and he was not long
in outlining a course of procedure for himself that promised results
of which, up to this time, he had not even dreamed.
Animated by the hopes that were thus awakened, Cleeve sailed from
Boston for England June 4, 1642. On his arrival in London, he lost
no time in putting himself in communication with such original grant-
ees of the Lygonia patent, or their survivors, as he could find. Some
time, doubtless, was spent in the necessary search; and also later
in negotiations with reference to the purchase of the patent. Settle-
ments in the Province of Maine had not as yet brought to their promo-
ters large financial returns, but the prosperity of the Puritan
settlements in New England aided Cleeve in his approach to those who
were in sympathy with Puritan ascendency in England; and availing him-
self of opportunities that opened to him, on account of this ascend-
ency, he at length made the acquaintance of Colonel Alexander Rigby,1
an influential member of Parliament, to whom he made known his plans
and
Footnotes. 1. Colonel Alexander Rigby was born in 1594 at Middleton
Hall, Goosnargh Parish (near Preston), county of Lancashire, England.
He studied for the profession of law, and entered upon the practice of
law, but becoming identified with matters leading up the the English
Civil War, in which he advocated the popular cause, he devoted his
attention largely to political affairs. In 1640, he was elected a
member of Parliament, and soon, by his ability and careful attention
to business, he obtained considerable distinction. In the progress of
the civil war, he was made a Colonel in the Parliamentary forces. He
was also a member of the Lancashire Committee for sequestrating
"notorious delinquent estates". He held many important public offic-
es. When King Charles was brought to trial in 1649, Cromwell nominat-
ed Colonel Rigby as one of the Judges, but he declined to serve. In
that year he was made one of the Barons of the Court of Exchequer.
He was also one of the two commissioners appointed for the establish-
ment of the High Court of Justice. He died in London, August 18, 1650,
having with other officials been taken ill while attending Court at
Croyden in Surrey. For an extended account of Colonel Rigby's life
and services, see three papers by Dr. Charles E. Banks in the Maine
Historical and Genealogical Recorder for 1885; also a note by the
Honorable James P. Baxter in the Trelawny Papers, 365-367.
p.327 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
purposes. Apparently Cleeve had no difficulty in interesting Rigby
in colonial undertakings, and inducing him to make the small outlay
required in securing possession of the Lygonia patent. The purchase
was consummated April 7, 1643, when "John Dye, John Smith, Thomas
Jupe, and others, survivors of Bryan Bincks and others, with their
associates", granted unto Colonel Alexander Rigby, of Rigby in the
county of Lancashire, England, "all their estate, interest and claim"
in the Province of Lygonia, the name given to the new province.
Thus far Cleeve's efforts had been crowned with entire success. But
provision must be made for the government of the new province. This
received due attentiion and Colonel Rigby gave Cleeve a commission as
Deputy President of the province, Rigby retaining only nominal head-
ship, in recognition of proprietary control. Subordinate adminis-
trative officers were also appointed.
Cleeve had now secured all that he sought in making his way to Eng-
land. But his eyes were not closed to certain obstacles which must
be removed, if he was to reach the results he had in view. Robert
Trelawny, upon whom Winter had leaned in his persecution of Cleeve,
was in a London prison, withdrawn from the world to such an extent
that even his correspondence with Winter had ceased. But what of the
men on the other side of the sea - Vines, Godfrey, Winter and others,
Cleeve's most strenuous opponents hitherto - who were not likely to
accept without question and added conflicts, the new order of things
about to be established? Especially was opposition to be expected
from Vines and Godfrey; and in order to have the questions at issue
settled at once upon his return to New England, Cleeve in a petition
to the House of Commons - on his own behalf and also of other planters
whose names he added, probably by request and for whom he "avowed"1 -
called attention to the action of Sir Ferdinando
Footnote. 1. After Cleeve's return and the contents of this Petition
were made know, the charge was brought against Cleeve, that he attach-
ed to the petition the names of persons who had no knowledge of its
contents and had not authorized such use of their names. Depositions,
including such statements, will be found in Baxter's George Cleeve,
pp. 262-264. The petition itself, however, (footnotes continued be-
low)
p.328 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Gorges in placing over the petitioners and other planters "several
governors and other officers", who were exercising "unlawful and
arbitrary power and jurisdiction over the persons and estate" of
the petitioners and "the said other planters to their great
oppression, utter impoverishment and the hindrance of the plan-
tation in these parts".2 In certain "articles" affixed to the
peti-
Footnotes continued. ever, shows that while Cleeve added to the
petition, thirty names, he did not indicate in any way that these
were names of signers, for at the close of the list of names he
added the words, "Avowed by me, George Cleeve". In fact in one
of these depositions, that of Francis Robinson of Saco, an ex-
planation of Cleeve's action in adding these thirty names is given
as follows: "And I do moreover testify that Mr. Thomas Jenner,
minister of God's word, told me he asked Mr. Cleeve why he put men's
hands to a petition that they never saw, and he said his answer was
that the Parliament bid him do it." (Baxter's George Cleeve, Colla-
teral Documents, 263). Mr. Baxter's remark (George Cleeve, 122) with
reference to this action of Cleeve, places the matter in its true
light. "We are not for a moment to suppose that the Parliament order-
ed him to forge names to his petition, and certainly it would be
nearly as unreasonable to suppose that he could have been so fool-
hardy, nay, such an imbecile as to say that Parliament bid him
commit forgery; for a statement so palpably false to the weakest
intellect would only submit him to instant condemnation. A better
theory and one which meets all requirements readily presents itself
to the mind, and this is, that when Cleeve presented his petition
to Parliament, he was ordered to write upon it, the names of such
persons as he thought he could rely upon to aid in substantiating
his charges, which he did by writing upon it the names of persons
residing in the Province and cognizant of the acts charged." 2.
Inquiry with reference to this petition was made in the Public
Records Office in London by Honorable James P. Baxter, when he was
collecting material for his George Cleeve of Casco Bay; but he was
informed that this was one among other papers of Parliament destroy-
ed by fire at some period in the history of the Records Office.
Fortunately, however, a copy of the Petition found its way to
this country, probably among the papers which Cleeve brought with
him on his return, and that copy in recent years has come into the
possession of the Maine Historical Society. It is herewith printed
for the first time:
"To the right honorable, the knights, citizens and burgesses of the
House of Commons assembled in Parliament:
"The humble petition of George Cleeve, gent, on the behalf of him-
self and others, the planters and inhabitants of New Somersetshire
in New England, whose names are submitted:
p.329 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
tion the "several oppressions, injuries and offences" charged upon
these governors and other officers were recorded, and the members
of the House of Commons were asked to take "the premises into due
consideration and to cause redress thereof to be made". Unfortu-
nately the "articles" referred to in the petition have
"Most humbly showing that the petitioners and the rest of the
planters there, by virtue of her patent made by the late King
James, bearing date the 3rd of November in the 18th year of His
Majesty's reign, and by other grant and assignment thereupon made,
ought to be governed according to the rules and directions con-
tained in the said patent.
"Yet, nevertheless, so it is, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight,
hat of late years without any lawful authority set over your peti-
tioners and the said other planters, several governors and other
officers, who contrary to the said her patent, exercise unlawful
and arbitrary power and jurisdiction over the persons and estate
of your petitioners and the said planters to their great oppress-
ion, utter impoverishment and the hindrance of the plantation in
these parts. And these governors and officers amongst many other
misdemeanors have done and committed the several oppressions, in-
juries and offences contained in the articles hereto affixed.
"Wherefore your petitioner on the behalf of himself and the said
other planters most humbly pray unto your honors to take the prem-
ises into due consideration, and to cause redress thereof to be made
and due recompense to the parties grieved. "And your petitioner as
by duty bound shall daily pray for your honor's good.
Richard Tucker George Frost Thomas Page
Michael Mitton John Bonython George Puddington
Arthur Mackworth John West John Baker
William Ryall William Coale Edward Johnson
Arnold Allen John Smith Henry Lyme
Henry Watts John Wadley John Alcock
Henry Boade William Smith Andrew Alger
William Hayward John Wilkinson
Thomas Raynolds Anthony Newland
Henry Sympson Francis Robinson
Richard Barnard Joseph Jenks
Peter Weare.
Avowed by me, George Cleeve."
p.330 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
not come down to us.1 From the petition, however, as well as
from the action of the House of Commons, it may be inferred that
these "articles" presented charges of "oppressions, injuries, and
offenses" against such prominent officials as Vines and Godfrey.
But whatever may be the fact, it is certain that the Commons
appointed a commission, consisting of four prominent residents
in New England:
Governor John Winthrop, Arthur Mackworth, Henry Boade
and Captain Edward Gibbons
to take these articles into consideration and render a decision
upon the charges they contained.
With these papers from the House of Commons, the papers with
reference to the transfer of the Lygonia patent to Colonel Rigby
and his commission as deputy governor of the new Province of
Lygonia, Cleeve once again set his face homeward. He would have
been less than human if he had not contrasted the conditions under
which he first embarked for the new world and those under which he
now set sail, and his reflections must have given to him peculiar
satisfaction. He indulged, however, in no feelings of bitterness
or revenge. All that he claimed or desired was that the treatment
he had hitherto received should now stop and bygones be bygones.
On his arrival at Boston, Cleeve had an interview with Governor
John Winthrop, and having made known to him the result of his
visit to England, he endeavored to enlist his interest in the
speedy and peaceful establishment of the new government of the
Province of Lygonia. Unquestionably the sympathy of John Winthrop
and his associates was with Cleeve and the new order of things he
desire to institute in the eastward settlements; but for prudential
reasons they hesitated to manifest their sympathy while matters be-
tween the King and Parliament had not as yet reached a decisive
issue - the General Court, September 1, 1643, placing on record
its attitude in the vote that it was "not meet to write to the
eastward...
Footnote. 1. They were written on a sheet or sheets of paper, and
accompanied the petition, as is indicated in the petition itself.
Their loss is greatly to be regretted as it deprives us of the in-
formation not elsewhere to be found.
p.331 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
about Mr. Cleeve according to his desire".1 It seems to have been
understood, however, that Governor Winthrop would send an unofficial
communication to Deputy Governor Vines at Saco, informing him of
Cleeve's return with a commission as deputy president of the
Province of Lygonia under Rigby's proprietary government; and this
was done doubtless with a diplomatic expression of hope for a
peaceable adjustment of the differences that had hitherto existed.
The information called forth from Vines - only an indignant re-
sponse dated January 9, 1644. It was not sent, however, until
after the arrival of Cleeve at Machegonne, now known as Casco.
In his reply2 Vines assailed the present validity of the Lygonia
patent. In its purchase, "Mr. Rigby (a worthy gentleman by report)"
had secured what in Vines' estimation was "no better than a broken
title", resting upon claims that were utterly indefensible, and
furnished another illustration of the "insufferable wrongs" he and
others had received in connection with the "sinister practices" of
George Cleeve. Then followed mention of the latter's attempt to set
up his authority in the territory covered by the Lygonia patent, -
his appointment of officials, also "a Court to be kept at Casco Bay
by the 25th of March next" (1644). He had also sent his agent,
Tucker, with a paper persuading all such as in any way were in-
clining to innovation "to set their hands to it for the better
approving of what they have begun", and also to entreat Winthrop
and the rest of the Massachusetts Magistrates to defend them from
the French, Indians and other enemies, "which we construe to be
Sir Ferdinando Gorges' commissioners". In addition to these "sed-
itious proceedings", Vines called attention to Cleeve's assaults
upon Gorges, using the "foul name of traitor", accusing him of
counterfeiting "the King's broad Seal", and so inflicting upon
"that grave Knight a deeper wound in his reputation".
These and other grievances Winthrop was asked to take into con-
sideration, Vines expressing the hope that if those opposed to
Footnotes. 1. Massachusetts Colonial Records, II, 41. 2. Baxter,
George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 223-236.
p.332 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Cleeve were forced to take such courses as "the necessity and the
equity" of the case required, the Governor would not think they
had done amiss.
Evidently some allowances must be made for the excited state of
mind in which Vines penned this letter. On the other hand, Cleeve
in his attitude toward Vines and his opponents manifested a calm-
ness of demeanor under the circumstances that was hardly to be ex-
pected, and which later led so careful a historian as Williamson1
to say of Cleeve in his relation to this matter, "he adjusted his
conduct by rules of strict prudence and moderation."
VALIDITY OF VINES GRANT AT SACO.
As to the validity of his own grant on the Saco, Vines had no
occasion for anxiety inasmuch as the grant antedated the Lygonia
patent. But it was otherwise with those who had settled on land
within the limits of that patent, especially as Cleeve, when in
England, had secured from Rigby a confirmation of his Machegeonne
Grant,2 a procedure designed for the instruction of those whose
titles were derived from a similar source. It was certainly an
undesirable state of things.
With two rival governments in the territory from Cape Porpoise to
the Sagadahoc, it was not likely that either would exercise those
helpful, restraining influences which are desirable and needful in
all civil relations, and of which there had been a lamentable lack
in the scattered Maine settlements hitherto.
The beginnings of a movement for bringing to an end such a condi-
tion of affairs was made by Cleeve, who at his first Court at Casco
suggested that the question of governmental authority in the province
should be submitted to the Magistrates of Massachusetts Bay. The
suggestion was approved by those present at the Court, and a letter
was prepared, addressed to Cleeve and Vines, asking the Bay colony
officials to arbitrate their differences and pledging themselves to
stand by the result "till it shall be otherwise made known unto them
by a trial in England". In such a reference, however, Vines only
could see a deep-laid plot on the
Footnotes. 1. History of Maine, I, 296. 2. Baxter, George Cleeve,
Collateral Documents, 246-250.
p.333 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
part of Cleeve, and he declined to enter into the agreement on
the ground that neither he nor any other had the right to attempt
anything of the kind without the authority of Gorges; and, in his
letter to John Winthrop, Vines added, "neither do I believe that
your worship and the rest of your honored court will meddle with
any trial of this nature".1
Evidently Vines had grounds for this belief. While the sympathy
of the leaders of the Puritan colony were with Rigby and Cleeve,
it was of the greatest importance that they should have regard to
existing conditions in the mother country. As yet no decisive
battle had been fought between the forces of the King and the
forces of Parliament. It was evident that even in the Parliament-
ary army there were those who "did not want to beat the King too
much",2 and John Winthrop and his associates, notwithstanding
their remoteness from the din and shock of arms, needed to be ex-
ceedingly careful not to imperil their own interests by acts on
this side of the sea, for which later they might be called to
answer in case King Charles should abandon his present hostile
attitude and so retain his Crown.
But the matter did not end with Vines' refusal to consent to the
suggestion of Cleeve. When Tucker, who acted as Cleeve's messeng-
er, appeared in Saco, bringing a letter to Vines containing the
proposal for arbitration, he was arrested for "peremptory and
abusive language"; and when Tucker, indignant at the reception
he received, refused to give security for his appearance at the
next Court at Saco, he was committed to the "Marshall". Security,
however, was furnished on the following day, and Tucker was re-
leased. "He deserved much more", Vines wrote to Governor Winthrop,
"but we forbear till we hear from your worship".3 If Vines ex-
pected any words from Winthrop appoving of this treatment of
Tucker, he was disappointed. In this stress of affairs at the east-
ward, Cleeve, as well as Vines,
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 241.
2. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 145. 3. Baxter,
George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 240-242.
p.334 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
appealed to Winthrop, referring to Reverend Robert Jordan as a
"minister of antichrist", accusing him of slandering "the Parlia-
ment of England with vile reproachful terems" and belching out
"his blasphemies against the churches of Christ in this land,
charging them with schism and faction for fasting and praying
for the affliction of their brethren in England".1 While these
words and others hostile to the "prelatical" party in the prov-
were plainly designed to enlarge the sympathies of the Puritan
Governor (Winthrop) in his thoughts of Cleeve and his associates
in the province of Lygonia, John Winthrop was not moved to de-
viate from the non-partisan course he had adopted with reference
to the settlements upon the coast outside the limits of the Bay
Colony.
But there was need that something should be done; and a few days
later, Cleeve reverted to the action of the House of Commons in
answer to the petition he presented with reference to the "great
oppression, utter impoverishment and the hindrance of the planta-
tion in these parts" by reason of the exercise of "unlawful and
arbitrary power" as exhibited in certain "articles" therewith
presented; and he addressed a letter to Governor Winthrop and his
"loving friend" Captain Edward Gibbons of Boston, asking them to
proceed against the parties mentioned in the action of the House,
appointing a commission of prominent men in New England to examine
and act upon the charges preferred in the articles presented. It
was suggested that the most suitable time for such a hearing, "in
regard of men's occasion of planting", would be about the middle
of May; and a request was made for the appearance at that time of:
John Baker of Piscataqua.
Francis Robinson of Saco.
Andrew Alger of Stratton's Island.
John Bonython, William Royall, Michael Mitton and Richard Tucker,
"to prove the articles".2
In all probability, however, there was still hesitancy on the
part of Governor Winthrop and his associates with reference to
the duty laid upon them by the House of Commons, and matters
were
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents 238-240.
2. Ib., 243, 244.
p.335 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
allowed to drift on as hitherto. But, in accordance with a sug-
gestion by Winthrop, Vines agreed that matters as to governmental
relations should be held in abeyance until further orders should
come from England. There is evidence, however, that Vines did not
hold to this agreement, and after some time had elapsed, in oppo-
sition to advice he had received from Winthrop, he proceeded to
reopen hostilities by sending out warrants for the arrest of
Cleeve and Tucker, indicating a purpose also to "subdue the
rest unto obedience".1
KING CHARLES.
But in 1644, affairs in England were adverse to King Charles, and
increasingly so in 1645. In fact, after the battle of Naseby, when
the Royal forces were so utterly defeated that the King "never
ventured to lift his head again in the field",2 there was no longer
occasion for hesitancy on the part of Winthrop and his associates,
and they entered upon the task assigned to them. This was not
pleasing to Vines, who complained to Winthrop that by the action
of the House of Commons, he had not been afforded that "lawful
favor and means" he should have received in order to vindicate
himself from Cleeve's "most unjust accusations". That he had
not answered the summons to appear in Boston, he explained, was
on account of a fear of danger to himself and lest some mischief
should befall his family in his absence. As to Rigby's right, he
regarded it as without any foundation. It rested upon "an old
broken title (for we hear of nothing but the Plough patent, which
was deserted thirteen years past)", while Sir Ferdinando Gorges'
right was from the King, and in not defending it he "might be
justly condemned of infidelity and pusillanimity". This much,
however, he would concede: "If there come an order, either from
King or Parliament, for the establishing of Mr. Rigby in that
patent", he and those in agreement with him would submit. This
letter was written August 4, 1645.3
Parliament, as represented by the House of Commons, had
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 252.
2. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 149. 3. Baxter, George
Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 258-262.
p.336 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
already spoken; but no word came from the King or from Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges, whose authority Vines and his associates recognized.
The General court of the Province of Maine accordingly proceeded
October 21, 1645, to elect Vines deputy governor "for one whole
year", and directed that a deputy governor should be elected
annually. It was also provided that "in case said Richard Vines
should depart the country before one year expired", Henry Josselyn
should become his successor.1 In this last provision there is an
indication that Vines had in view intentions that would withdraw
him not only from his official position in the province but also
from the strife in which largely because of this position he hither-
to had been involed. And this was the fact. Evidently Vines was dis-
heartened. Things on the other side of the sea were not moving in
accordance with Royalist hopes and expectations; and wearied with
this burden of continual disappointment, he decided to lay it off,
and with it the other burdens he had carried so long. Accordingly,
he sold his landed interests on the Saco and shortly after, sailed
for the Barbadoes, where he made for himself and his family a new
home under sunnier skies and more peaceful conditions.
THE PURITANS OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
But while the departure of the Deputy Governor deprived Cleeve's
opponents of a forceful, inspiring leader, Vines had in Henry
Josselyn, the new Deputy Governor, a successor no less resolute
and aggressive. In fact, he was so aggressive that he proceeded
at once to carry war into Cleeve's own territory, aiming, as
Cleeve and his friends reported, to draw away the people of Lyg-
onia "from their subjection to Mr. Rigby's lawful authority", and
force of arms to deal with the supporters of Cleeve as opportunity
and pleasure suggested.2 Cleeve had called a court to meet at
Casco on the last day in March. This was the day selected by
Josselyn and his associates for a warlike demonstration, and Cleeve
and his followers, deprecating "a civil war", hastened to implore
the aid of the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay.
Footnotes. 1. Early Records of Maine, I, 107. 2. Baxter, George
Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 265-269.
p.337 GOVERNOR JOHN WINTHROP, MASSACHUSETTS BAY
Governor John Winthrop, in his reply to this appeal, addressing a
letter to Josselyn, as well as to Cleeve, discouraged acts of
hostility and urged forbearance on the part of both parties until
expected advices, then on the way from England, were received.
THOMAS JENNER OF SACO.
What happened on court day was described by Reverend Thomas Jenner1
of Saco, in a letter to Governor Winthrop,2 both Cleeve and Josselyn
having united in a request that Mr. Jenner, who had opend the pro-
ceedings of the day with a sermon, should present the report. "Mr.
Josselyn and his company", he said, "came armed with guns and swords,
or both: Mr. Cleeve and his company were unarmed.
After the sermon was ended, Mr. Josselyn and his company separated
themselves about a furlong from Mr. Cleeve and his company. They
sent unto Mr. Cleeve a demand in writing (with all their hands sub-
scribed) to have a sight of his originals, promising a safe return.
After some hesitation and demur, Mr. Cleeve, upon con-
Footnote. 1. Rev. Thomas Jenner was the first Puritan minister in
Maine. That we find him in Saco was due doubtless to the suggestion
of Governor Winthrop, who had known him probably since his arrival
in New England in 1634-1635. In 1640, he represented in the General
Court, the town of Weymouth, Massachusetts, where he served as
pastor. Williamson (Maine Historical Society's Coll., 2nd Series,
III, 293), says it would seem that his mission was to "remove some
impressions supposed to have been made by Reverend Mr. Gibson, favor-
able to the Episcopal sentiments and form of worship". It is easy
to understand why the services of a Puritan minister at Saco would be
deemed desirable by Governor John Winthrop; but that Richard Vines
shared the governor's feelings is not to be considered in the least
probable.
It is quite likely, however, that there were those in Saco who had
made known to the Massachusetts Governor (Winthrop) a desire for a
Puritan minister, and that John Winthrop opened the way for Mr.
Jenner's coming. This may be inferred from a letter addressed by
Mr. Jenner to Governor John Winthrop, April 2, 1641, in which he
says that his preaching seemed to him to make a good impression on
those who heard him, except, "Mr. Vines and one more", who told him
he "struck at the Church of England". This Mr. Jenner disclaimed,
and there was no complaint from others.
Unquestionably at Saco, as in other places in the Province of Maine,
there was an increase of the Puritan element with the increase of
population by immigration. It is not known how long Mr. Jenner re-
mained in Saco. Folsom (History of Saco, 82) limits his stay to two
years, but it may have been longer. Afterwards he returned to England.
2. Baxter, George Cleeve, 273, 276.
p.338 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"HIS SOMETHING, AND THEIR NOTHING."
condition they would come together in one place, promised to gratify
them". By the "originals" evidently were meant the Lygonia patent,
its assignment to Rigby, Cleeve's appointment as Deputy President
and the instructions Cleeve had received from Colonel Rigby. To
place such documents in the hands of Cleeve's militant opponents
might well have occasioned hesitation; but the rightfulness of the
demand was recognized and the documents were produced. These were
"publicly read and scanned", but nevertheless the next morning
there followed a demand on the part of Josselyn and his associates
that Cleeve and his adherents should "submit themselves unto the
authority and government derived from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and
that for the future, they address themselves unto their courts".
Thereupon, Cleeve demanded a sight of the originals of the other
party. "None being produced", says Mr. Jenner, Cleeve "disclaimed
obedience and told them there was no equality between his something
and their nothing."
This ended the conference, the Gorges party, as a final word,
offering to submit all matters in dispute to the Massachusetts
magistrates as arbitrators. The offer was accepted and both parties
bound themselves "each to other in a bond of five hundred pounds
personally to appear in Boston the next court after May, then and
there to implead each other".
In this outcome of the conference, Mr. Jenner saw "the power of
God's holy word swing their hearts", so that "thus after two or
three days' agitation, each man departed very peaceably to his
own home".
At the hearing in Boston, Cleeve and Tucker represented the Rigby
interests and Josselyn and Robinson, the Gorgers interests.1 At
the outset there was doubt on the part of some of the magistrates
as to whether the matters in dispute came properly within their
jurisdiction; but the majority, considering that it was the "usual
practice in Europe for two states being at odds, to make a third
judge between them", saw an opportunity for a peaceful settle-
ment and the trial proceeded. The statements and evidence pre-
sented, however, were of such a contradictory character that
Footnote. 1. The Journal of John Winthrop, under date March 26, 1646.
p.339 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
both parties, according to Winthrop "failed in their proof". The
perplexed jury, therefore, "could find for neither, but gave in a
"non liquet"; and the Magistrates closed the case with an exhorta-
tion for "the parties to live in peace, etc., until the matter might
be determined by authority out of England."
Evidently it was within the knowledge of the Massachusetts magi-
strates that Parliament was about to direct its attention to
these New England matters. In fact, they themselves may have
urged such consideration. It is altogether likely, also, that
similar action had been urged by Colonel Rigby, who was in fre-
quent communication with Cleeve and was fully informed with refer-
ence to the difficulties that Cleeve had encountered in his conflict
with the Gorges interests. Neither party, however, had long to wait
for the desired authoritative decision. The case came before the
Earl of Warwick and the commissioners for foreign plantations.
Colonel Rigby appeared for himself and John Gorges, the eldest son of
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, represented the Gorges interests. Details with
reference to the hearing are wanting. March 27, 1647, judgment was
rendered in favor of Rigby, who was declared "the rightful owner and
proprietor" of Lygonia, which in the decisiion was made to cover the
territory from the Kennebunk river to the Sagadahoc, leaving to
Gorges and their heirs only the small tract of land between the Kenne-
bunk and Piscataqua rivers.1.
Of course it is to be remembered that naturally the sympathy of the
judges was with Rigby. It is also to be remembered that for some time
affairs in England had been moving very strongly against the Royalist
party. Had it been otherwise, the decision might have been different.
It is difficult, however, to escape the conclusion that the decision
was a just decision. When in 1630, the Council for New England grant-
ed to the London Husbandmen the Lygonia patent, Sir Ferdinando Gorges
was a memember of the Council, indeed, on of its prominent members,
and so was not ignorant of its action in making this Grant. He never
denied participation in that action, or protested against it.
Moreover, as
Footnote. 1. Winthrop, Journal, II, 390.
p.340 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
LYGONIA.
CICELY LYGON, THE MOTHER OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES.
the province which the grant covered received the designation of
Lygonia, in honor, it is supposed, of Cicely Lygon, the mother of
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, his connection with the grant from the first
seems to have been especially close. The Grant was legally made; it
legally came into possession of Colonel Rigby; and the Earl of War-
wick,1 and his associates, the commissioners for foreign plantations,
evidently saw no reason why they should not confirm the validity of
Rigby's title to it.
THE DEATH OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES.
It is possible that no information concerning this decision came to
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, adding to the disappointments that had so
frequently darkened his pathway through life. His last work was
in writing his Briefe Narration, in which are found so many evid-
ences of failing mental powers. As the decision of the judges was
rendered only a few weeks before the aged knight closed his eyes
in death,2 it may be that then the things of earth had so far
faded to his view that the loss of so large a part of his Province
of Maine, as the decision announced, had no message and therefore no
sorrow for him.
Cleeve, with a commission as Deputy President, now proceeded to organ-
ize the Province of Lygonia. In this he had the assistance of a comm-
ission appointed by Parliament, and consisting of such prominent
Massachusetts officials as John Winthrop, Dudley and Bellingham.
Footnotes. 1. He was a member of the Council for New England when the
Grant was made. 2. He died at his residence, Ashton Phillips, in a
suburb of Bristol, England. "His Will bears the date of May 4, 1647,
and the date of his burial in the Church at Long Ashton, a few rods
from his residence, called Ashton Phillips, is the 14th." Baxter,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, I, 196. Lewis Upton Way, in a paper on "The
Smyths of Ashton Court", Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucester-
shire Archaeological Society, XXXI, 255, says, "Sir Ferdinando Gorges
died in May, 1647 and his widow in 1658, both being buried in the
Smyth vault at Long Ashton". Ashton Court is still in the possess-
ion of the Smyth family, and the large, attractive mansion, with its
beautiful gardens, extensive grounds and doubtless fine old trees as
today, must have been a familiar place to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. The
widow of Sir Hugh Smyth was Gorges' last wife, and a portait of her
continues to adorn the walls at Ashton Court. The mansion was erected
by Inigo Jones in 1634.
p.341 CLEEVE SECURES AN ALLY.
Bellingham. In the seclection of assistants necessary for the proper
administration of the affairs of the province. Cleeve's most strenu-
ous opponents were not overlooked. Unhappily only a few of the early
records of the province have come down to us, and we are unable to
tell with any fulness, the story of the establishment of the gener-
ally recognized authority and order within the provincial limits.
Among these records,1 however, in a report of a court held at Black
Point on the last of May, 1648, signed by the three Judges of the
Province of Lygonia - George Cleeve, Henry Josselyn and Robert
Jordan - there is furnished an illustration of the new order of
things that followed the establishment of Rigby's claim. The de-
cree of Parliament was accepted, at least for the present; and the
inhabitants of the province, however divided hitherto, worked to-
gether in harmonious relations, seeking the common weal.
SIR FERDINANDO GORGES' PROVINCE IN MAINE - KITTERY, MAINE.
All that now remained of Sir Ferdinando Gorges' Province of Maine
was the small territory between the Kennebunk and Piscataqua Rivers,
comprising the settlements of Piscataqua (name was changed to Kittery,
Maine in 1647), Gorgeana and Wells.
EDWARD GODFREY.
THE PURITAN COLONIES ON THIS SIDE OF THE ATLANTIC.
Since the return of deputy governor Thomas Gorges to England in 1643,
Edward Godfry, at Gorgeana, had been at the head of the Provincial
government, and had faithfully served the Gorges interests. But from
all that has come down to us concerning him, it is evident he had not
caught even a glimpse of the new political era then opening in England,
and which found its speediest development in the Puritan colonies on
this side of the Atlantic. Olde, established forms of government were
good enough for him, and he deprecated movements that would bring in
an order of things that was new and untried. Sad days he had seen in
his efforts to do the right as he saw the right; but he had fallen on
what to him were evil times, but his saddest days were those yet to
come.
Footnote. 1. Early Records of Maine, I, 121.
p.342 CHAPTER XX.
ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
PROVINCE OF LYGONIA.
Concerning Winter's attitude toward Cleeve after the latter's re-
turn from Enland, as the Deputy President of the Province of Lygonia,
there is no information. In his last letter to Trelawny, written in
Boston, July 19, 1642, Winter recorded Cleeve's departure in these
words:
"Cleeve is come for England, in a ship that came from Virginia, that
spent her masts and stopped here in Massachusetts Bay, to new mast.
The ship is of London."1 Evidently Cleeve's latest movement had no
important significance to John Winter. In charge of Robert Trelawny's
interests at Richmond's Island and vicinity, he then regarded those
interests as in every way secure. Plainly in his opinion any effort
on the part of Cleeve to thwart the declared purposes of one so power-
ful as Robert Trelawny, was sure to fail, and accordingly Winter, in
his letter to Trelawny, saw no need of added reference to his Mache-
gonne opponent.
Moreover, while Cleeve was taking advantage of conditions in England
that opened to him an easy way to desired success, Winter, apparently
gave them no heed. His letters to Trelawny had no reference to diff-
erences between the King and Parliament, then dividing the Kingdom.
"On the Maine coast, times are very bad"
He makes mention of the fact that on the Maine coast, "the times are
are very bad". He represents business as, "at a standstill". "Here
lies fish unsold for want of a ship to carry it to a market", he
writes. He mourns over the distress of of the people, because there
is "no money to be gotten". He regrets
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 322. Probably the ship was the "Eleanor"
of London. "She was laden with tobacco from Virginia, and was well
fitted with masts, sails, rigging and victuals at such reasonable rates
as the Master was much affected with his entertainment." Winthrop, II,
75.
p.343 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
that English manufactures were not coming to New England as formerly.
"Cloth of all sorts", he says, is "very scarce; both linen and woolen
are dear".1 Indeed all trade relations were in such a depressed
state, that Trelawny wrote to Winter concerning the sale of his inter-
ests at Richmond's Island, Maine, and vicinity. In his reply, Winter
praised the property, but expressed a doubt if, under the circum-
stances, a purchaser could be found.2 In a subsequent letter, Winter
added: "I have written into the Bay to give notice of the intent and
purpose of the sale of (this) plantation; but as yet I hear nothing
from them ..... I purpose, God willing, to go into the Bay, but I
make doubt of finding any there that will buy3 it". Winter went to
Boston, as he proposed, but he found the same conditions there as at
the eastward.
THE SALE OF THE PLANTATION.
"I have acquainted some here of the sale of the plantation", he
wrote to Trelawny, "but cannot learn of any that will buy it".4
The correspondence shows that Winter saw and felt existing condi-
tions in the New England settlements. Writing to Trelawny in one
of his most depressing moods, he said: "There are a great many
weary of this country, and I think have spent most of their
estates, and now are going for the West Indies to liver there,
as soon as they can get passage".5 This statement, of course,
was an exaggerated one, but unquestionably it represented a wide-
spread feeling in the Province, at the time. The noteworthy thing
in connection with it, is the entire absence in Winter's letters of
any reference to affairs in England, as affecting conditions in New
England.
THE ARREST AND IMPRISONMENT, IN ENGLAND OF ROBERT TRELAWNY.
Winter's first awakening to a recognition of the changed political
conditions in England apparently occurred in connection with the
arrest and imprisonment of Robert Trelawny. It will be remembered
that in his last letter to Winter, Trelawny, then a member of Parlia-
ment in England, had insisted that all things in Parliament
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 321. 2. Ib., 284. 3. Ib., 309., 4.
Ib., 321. 5. Ib., 309.
p.344 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
were going "well", and he expressed the hope, to Winter, that in a
few days its members would "settle religion in peace and restore the
subject to his ancient liberty and right of property".1 Doubtless,
Winter, without hesitation accepted Trelawny's encouraging state-
ments. It was enough for him that one so well informed as Robert
Trelawny, had made this forcast concerning England's immediate
future, and he was satisfied.
Winter, was not ledt long, however, in this condition of satisfaction.
Because of his hearty sympathy with the Royal cause and his readiness
to aid it in all possible ways, Trelawny soon fell under suspicion, and
on March 9, 1642, by order of the House of Commons, England, he was
arrested, tried and expelled for having said "that the House could not
appoint a guard for themselves without the King's consent, under pain
of high treason".
Lord Clarendon2 says an attempt was made to prove the charge by a
witness who pretended to have overheard Trelawny. The person with
with whom the conference was held, however, "declared that he said
it 'might' be imputed to them for high treason; and it was confessed
on all parts that the words were spoken long before the discovery,
and some days before the House had resolved 'that they would have a
guard' ". According to the Journal of the House of Commons, also,
the testimony presented at the trial, in support of the charge, was
of very little worth.3 Obviously it would not have been given any
weight whatever in ordinary times. But this was not an ordinary time.
CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND.
England was rapidly approaching the brink of civil war, and suspic-
ions not only were rife on the part of combtants on either side, but
they were influential, and too often decisive.
It is known that the imprisonment of Robert Trelawny by order of
the House of Commons followed his expulsion, but it may not have
followed immediately. Lord Clarendon says, "when the
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 274. 2. History of the Rebellion,
folio edition, I, 349. 3. Baxter (George Cleeve, 136) says Trelawny
was "a martyr to the prejudice and bigotry which seemed to inspire
all parties alike".
p.345 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
war began to break out", meaning the English Civil War, Trelawny
was "again imprisoned", 1 thus indicating that there had been a
previous arrest and imprisonment; and such probably was the fact.
When, and in what way, the tidings of Trelawny's arrest and im-
prisonment reached John Winter, there is no record. The Trelawny
papers have preserved to us important information concerning life
and affairs in connection with Trelawny's interests at Richmond's
Island and vicinity (Maine) but they fail us in our search for any
letter or letters in which there is even a hint at the misfortunes
that overtook Plymouth's representative in Parliament and the poss-
essor of the Trelawny patent. But such information must have found
its way hither. It may have long been delayed. Robert Trelawny was
arrested and tried March 9, 1642 - as already mentioned; but a letter
written by Winter to Trelawny, July 19, 1642, 2 makes no mention of
Trelawny's misfortunes. Prudential considerations cannot account for
such silence on Winter's part. If Winter had received such intelli-
gence, it seems impossible that he should have failed to give some
expression of regret and hope, in a letter to one with whom he had
held close personal business relations for many years. It is to be
remembered, however, that letters then came to Richmond's Island
only occasionally, and for the most part, by some vessel making its
way to the coast for fishing or trading purposes. Accordingly, the
opportunities for such transmissal were exceedingly irregular.
But one day, still unknown, a sail was discovered approaching Rich-
mond's Island from the eastward. It awakened, at once, eager ex-
pectation, and all eyes were directed towards the newcomer.
When at length, the vessel sailed into the island harbor and the
anchor was dropped, John Winter, we may well believe, was at the
vessel's side and among the first to receive the tidings that
she brought from old England whence she came. How, we shall never
know; but in some way, either by word of mouth, or by letter whose
seal was hastily broken, John Winter heard of the
Footnotes. 1. History of the Rebelion, folio edition, I, 349. 2.
Trelawny Papers, 321, 322.
p.346 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
blow that had fallen upon Robert Trelawny, and there was opened
to him suddenly such a vision of conditions in England as he had
not even dreamed of before. he had supposed that things were go-
ing "well", as Trelwny wrote. Taht they were not going as he would
have them, he now clearly saw: and from that time, John Winter
walked under a shadow that darkened the rest of his days.
Possibly Winter found some encouragement in the thought that
Trelawny's friends might be able, in a short time, to secure his
release, and that business relations between Plymouth and Richmond's
Island might still be maintained. Indeed, by a petition addressed
to the House of Commons, November 23, 1642, Trelawny attempted to
secure his release. Evidently he had no political purposes in view,
yet favorable action did not follow. In fact, in denying the peti-
tioner's request, the Commons ordered that Robert Trelawny should
be committed to Winchester House - the old Bishop's palace at Win-
chester, then devoted by Parliament to prison uses - "there to re-
main during the pleasure of the House".1 In all probability, this
was the second imprisonment to which Lord Clarendon referred to in
his mention of the Trelawny case. March 22, 1643, Trelawny pre-
sented to the House of Commons, a second petition for his release,
the petitioner expressing his readiness to furnish bail; but this
added request was also refused.2
Among the Trelawny Papers there are Richmond's Island accounts from
July 10, 1641 to the lastof June, 1643.3 Evidently in those years
Winter continued to care for the Trelawny interests as hitherto, for
the accounts show it; but they show just as clearly that these were
years in which business at the island, once so prosperous, had greatly
declined. It was under discouraging circumstances, therefore, that
Winter continued his labors. Then too, the tidings that from time to
time reached the Island from England
Footnotes. 1. Journal of the House of Commons, II, 854. 2. Ib., III,
14. 3. Trelawny Papers, 323-335, 344-362.
p.347 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
TRELAWNY DIED AND BURIED BUT IT IS NOT KNOWN WHEN
OR WHERE HE WAS BURIED.
were in no wise cheering. Trelawny's wife, a few days after the
refusal of her husband's first petition for release, died at the
Trelawny residence at Ham, and was laid to rest in the Trelawny
vault in St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth. Depressed by this afflic-
tion and also by failing health, Robert Trelawny made his last
Will and testament, August 24, 1643, a codicil following February
23, 1644.1 Doubtless life had lost all attractions for him and not
long after, certainly before the end of the year, he closed his
career behind English prison bars, and was buried, no one known
when or where. As one thinks of Robert Trelawny's sad and lonely
death, the lines of an old ballad have a new application:
"And shall Trelawny die?
And shall Trelawny die?
Forty thousand Cornishmen
Will know the reason why."
This ballad belongs to a later date than 1644, and its question has
no reference to Robert Trelawny. If, however, the twice repeated
question still rings in our ears as we recall Trelawny's sad end,
and think of his unknown grave, it is to be remembered that war,
even now, when so much is done to mitigate its evils, is a "dreaded
instrument", and the Civil War is the worst of all wars.
Robert Trelawny suffered, as many another, on both sides in the Civil
War in England, suffered, suffering even unto death, and there were
few, if any, to ask the reason why.
After the death of Robert Trelawny, business at Richmond's Island,
Maine, still further declined. The Trelawny interests there, however,
were maintained, so far as can now be ascertained by John King, a mer-
chant of London. An interesting glimpse of Winter and his family about
this time is afforded in a letter from Winter to his married daughter,
Mary Hooper, living in England. It is dated at Richmond's Island, Maine,
June 13, 1644. Winter had not then heard of Robert Trelawny's death, for
in his letter, he informs his daughter that he had directed Mr. Robert
Trelawny to pay her
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 450-456.
p.348 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
fifteen pounds. "I pray demand it of him", he wrote; "where of five
pounds of it is a token from me sent unto you, in token of my fatherly
love unto you; forty shillings of it is a token sent unto you from your
mother; the other eight pounds is for your sister Sara, whereof six
pounds of it, she desired you would bestow in linen cloth for her of
these parts: some cloth of three quarters and half quarter broad, and
some of it neck cloths, and other some for pillow cloths, for she is
now providing to keep a house. She hath been married this five months
to one Mr. Robert Jordan, who is our minister. The other forty shill-
ings she doth send unto you for a token".1
When this letter was written, Winter was evidently enjoying a measure
of health calling for grateful mention. In all probability, however,
it was not long continued. Trelawny's death, under circumstances so
peculiar and distressing, doubtless laid upon Winter, a heavy burden
of sorrow, and may have hastened his own death.
Winter died in the year 1645; buried on the Island.
It is known only that sickness at length compelled him to withdraw
from his usual occupations, and that some time in the year, 1645,
probably near the close of the year, Winter died, and was buried on
the Island which he made the center of Trelawny's interests in the
Province.
In the above quotation from Winter's letter, there is a statement
that enables us to ascertain approximately the time when Robert Jordan
married Sarah Winter. It was early in January, 1644. As Robert Jordan
came to Richmond's Island in 1641, 2 it cannot be said that he made an
early surrender to the charms of John Winter's daughter. The Trelawny
Papers show that he was more expeditious, however, in placing himself
on Winter's side in his attitude toward George Cleeve; for only a
little more than a year after reaching the Island and entering upon
his religious work, Jordan addressed a letter3 to Robert Trelawny in
which he represented himself as "employed at the request of Mr. winter"
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 363. 2. Ib., 287. 3. Ib., 314-320.
p.349 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
in the actions entered upon between him "and the crafty Mr. Cleeve",
and expressed the hope that Trelawny would look upon him "as a faith-
ful agent therein". The letter shows that Jordan already not only had
made himself familiar with Winter's aims and purposes in his conten-
tions with George Cleeve, but had thrown himself into the conflict with
no less energy and far greater ability than John Winter possessed.
MACHEGONNE.
He was not satisfied with a Court decisiion that had recognized Cleeve's
rightful possession of Machegonne. The verdict, he says, was "contrary
to evidence", and when the matter came up again and was settled by
arbitration in Cleeve's favor, Jordan, in making known this result to
Trelawny, says the decision did not seem to him "to be reasonable law
nor conscience", so completely thus early had he taken position as an
ardent ally of Winter.
THE DEATH OF JOHN WINTER.
After John Winter's death, Robert Jordan, as Winter's son-in-law,
took charge of the business interests at Richmond's Island and vicinity.
Those interests, as already mentioned, had declined before Winter's
death. The period of decline continued. Neither fishing nor trading
vessels came hither as formerly, and the scattered settlers anxiously
awaited news and issue of the Civil War in England. So far as is known,
the Trelawny heirs made no attempt whatever to look after their inter-
ests here. Probably the political upheaval in England at that time may
account in part for this neglect. Then too, it is to be remembered that
John Trelawny, Robert Trelawny's son and heir, was less than ten years
of age when his father died and the duty of caring for his American
interests rested upon those who had affairs of their own that engrossed
their attention. Certainly, those who should have given thought and
attention to Trelawny's interests on this side of the sea, failed to
do so, and so gave occasion for feelings at least of regret that have
continued to find expression in the descendants of Robert Trelawny in
successive generations to the present time. This neglect was not
overlooked by Robert Jordan. He knew the value of those interests and
saw the opportunity opening
p. 350 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.`
before him for acquiring in his own right, the shore privileges and
extensive territory covered by the Trelawny patent. As the executor
of the estate of John Winter, Jordan attempted to open communication
with Robert Trelawny's executors. This was a matter of considerable
importance as from an examination of Winter's accounts it appeared
that Trelawny was largely indebted to Winter. But Jordan's letters
to the Trelawny executors brought no reply.
Of course reply should have been made. If on account of the political
crisis in England, and the business disturbances therefrom, the Tre-
lawny executors were unable at that time to undertake the settlement
of these accounts, they should have said so, and asked for delay until
a more favorable opportunity present itself. On the contrary, they
adopted an attitude of silence, and Winter's estate remained unsettled,
doubtless to the disatisfaction of all parties concerned.
It was in this condition of things at Richmond's Island that Cleeve,
as Deputy President of the Province of Lygonia, succeeded in securing
the support of those who, after the death of Winter and the departure
of Vines to the Barbadoes, had been his most strenuous and even bitter
opponents. Recognizing their defeat, and the importance of establishing
law and order in the scattered settlements within the limits of the
province, they laid aside their individual opinions and prejudices,
accepted office in the new government and for awhile labored with Cleeve
and his adherents for the advancement of common interests. In the Court
Records of that period are documents signed by George Cleeve, Henry
Josselyn and Robert Jordan, Judges of the Province of Lygonia, and sitting
side by side in harmonious relations.1.
September 22, 1648, or about three years after Winter's death, Robert
Jordan, having received from Trelawny's executors no response to his
letters, presented a petition to the President, Deputy President and the
General Assembly of the Province of Lygonia, in which he called attent-
ion to "his desperate condition". As the executor of the estate of John
Winter, he had
Footnote. 1. Early Records of Maine, I, 121.
p.351 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
"emptied himself of his proper estate" in order to pay the legacies
mentioned in Winter's Will. Trelawny, at the time of his death, he
said, was greatly indebted to Winter. Indeed, the larger part of
Winter's estate, he claimed, was in the hands of the Trelawny execu-
tors; but though by "persuasive letters" he had urged a settlement
on their part, he had received no reply, and was left "without hope
of any timely recovery" of what was due Winter from the Trelawny es-
tate. Nor was this all. "Their intentions in appearance", he added,
"are to deprive your petitioner of what he hath in his hands in comm-
on employment with them, and so to forbear all satisfaction of dues
until the heir of the said Trelawny (being now about seven or eight
years old) shall come to full age". The result, he said, be "the
destruction of your petitioner and his whole family". It would also
be to "the prejudice of this growing commonwealth"; while if the peti-
tioner "could obtain his rights", it was his desire "to emply his es-
tate to the furtherance of public good, from which he is now disenabled".
Jordan, therefore, asked for an examination of Winter's accounts by
committee or otherwise, and that "upon the inventory thereof", the
petitioner might have "secured and sequested unto himself and for his
singular use, what he hath of the said Trelawny in his hands, or at
least so much as you shall find due from him to the petitioner".1
Robert Jordan's "proper estate" when he came to Richmond's Island,
could not have been large, and, if we may infer from the meager pay
credited to him in Winter's accounts, it is not likely that he was
able to increase it while serving as Minister at the Island and in the
vicinity. In paying Winter's bequests, therefore - it is not known what
they were, as Winter's Will has not come down to us - any small amount
would have drawn heavily upon Mr. Jordan's resources. Accordingly, the
statement of his impoverishment is not to be taken seriously. Evidently,
in making the statement, the petitioner had in view the members of the
general assembly and it was plainly his desire to set before them
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 365-368.
p.352 THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
at the outset as impressively as possible this view of his "desperate
condition". The Petition, as may be inferred, was one in which the
members of the General Assembly of the province, were much interested.
With Trelawny's territory and interests in the possession of Robert
Jordan, they were persuaded that improvement in business matters would
follow not only at Richmond's Island, but in the neighboring settle-
ments. The petition was readily granted and George Cleeve, William
Royall, Richard Foxwell and Henry Watts, were appointed a committee
to examine Winter's accounts as requested; also to report at the next
meeting of the Assembly "the state of the thing petitioned for".1
The members of the Committee proceeded to Richmond's Island as direct-
ed and examined Winter's accounts, on which Jordan's claims rested. AT
the examination, the Trelawny heirs were not represented, and in all
probability they had no such notice of the action of the Assembly as
would enable them to be represented. Indeed it is not known that they
received any notice. The action of the assembly occurrred September
12, 1648, and December 18, following, the committee having reported,2
it was ordered by the assembly3 that it should be lawful for the peti-
tioner, "Robert Jordan, his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns,
to retain, occupy to his and their use and profit, to convert all the
goods, lands, cattle and chattels belonging to Robert Trelawny, de-
ceased, within this province, from this day forward and forever against
any claim or demand whatsoever by what party or parties soever".
In this way the Trelawny territory and the Trelawny interests on this
side of the sea, came into the immediate legal possession of Robert
Jordan. In the order adopted by the Assembly, it was indeed added that
the Executors of Robert Trelawny should have the privilege of redeem-
ing and releasing the Trelawny goods,
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 369. 2. Ib., 377-383. 3. Ib., 370, 371.
p.353 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
lands, etc., "by the consent and allowance of the said Robert Jordan,
his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns". This redemption
clause in the order, however, offered little hope tothe Trelawny heirs.
Robert Jordan and his successors, placed in possession of the Trelawny
territory and interests in the Province of Lygonia, were likely to hold
them, as was made to appear in the further unfoldings of proceedings
with reference to Trelawny's American estate.
Machegonne, or Casco Neck.
The order of the assembly giving Jordan possession of Trelawny's lands
was signed by George Cleeve as Deputy President of the Province of Ly-
gonia. In his conflicts with Winter, Cleeve, in Robert Jordan, had
found Winter's ablest and most resourceful ally; and in placing Jordan
in such a position of power and influence as that which he now came to
occupy, he exhibited great repression of personal feeling. Under the
circumstances, he doubtless thought it was for the general good that
such a settlement should be made. He had occasion, however, to regret
this action during the remainder of his troubled life. Reference has
already been made to Winter's claim that Trelawny's patent embraced
Machegonne, or Casco Neck, as the place came to be called.
The claim was finally settled in Court in Cleeve's favor. But Jordan,
not long after he came into the possession of the Trelawny acres,
furnished evidence that he had not forgotten this former claim in
which he had supported Winter; and he, at length, commenced pro-
ceedings of an artful kind, by which, having obtained the privi-
lege of erecting a saw-mill, on the Presumpscot River, he asserted
a prior claim based on his possession of Trelawny's patent. More
and more heavily Cleeve was not made to feel the blows that were
struck by his younger antagonist.
The story of the wrongs that Cleeve suffered because of Jordan's
efforts to maintain his claim to Casco Neck, is a long one, and
involves transactions extending beyond the limits of the period
under review in this volume. Cleeve sought to obtain redress for
his wrongs, but the death of Colonel Rigby in 1650, deprived him
of needed support. During the Commonwealth and the Pro-
p.354 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
tectorate, Massachusetts, having interests here of her own, was
not inclined to listen to the contentions of rival claimants with-
in her newly acquired jurisdiction.
After the restoration of King Charle II, added efforts on the part
of Cleeve were useless. In fact, the King's commissioners, who came
hither at the request of the Royalist party in Maine for the purpose
of advancing Royalist interests in the province, declared the Grants
of the territory made by Cleeve, on authority derived from Rigby,
to be null and void.
In this way, all hope of redress was extinguished and not long after
the announcement of this decision, Cleeve found in teh grave that
peace of which he had known so little in his long and troubled life.1
Some time after the death of John Winter, Robert Jordan removed his
family to the mainland and made his residence at Spurwink. Having
yielded unwilling obedience to the authority of the Massachusetts
Bay Colony, he was one of those who, on the
GEORGE CLEEVE.
Footnote. 1. "George Cleeve has been criticised adversely by several
writers who have been hasty in forming opinions based upon teh care-
less remarks of a careless writer, or upon an insufficient study of
his acts. In a time when men of upright lives were charged with wrong
doing, the social conditions amid which they lived making such charges
easy, the character of Cleeve appears exceptionally clean.
Every charge on record against him has been noted in this brief
account of his life and times, that the reader might be able to
form an independent judgment of the correctness of this statement,
by comparison on his record with that of his contemporaries who have
been commended for moral attainments by their biographers. That he
was a man of great energy and perseverance, ready to take advantage
of an opponent when in conflict; aye, more, an ambitious and selfish
mand to the degree that most men since his time have been, we may
justly admit. Such qualities, some of which are not consonant with
the ideal Christian character, have been possessed by successful and
honored men of all times, and, we may not uncharitably suppose are
possessed by such men even in this more enlightened day; but that he
was an immoral or dishonest man, we may not justly admit; indeed, we
may claim, after a careful examination of such facts as have been pre-
served relating to his character, in connection with the turbulent
times in which he played his part, that he stood morally above the
average of the people about him." Baxter, George Cleeve, 210, 211.
With Mr. Baxter's estimate of the character of George Cleeve, the
writer of this volume is in entire agreement.
p.355 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
restoration of Charles II, sought the King's assistance in estab-
lishing new governmental relations in the Province, and with Josselyn
and others of the Royalist Party was indicted in 1663 by the Massa-
chusetts Grand Jury for renouncing the authority of the Bay Colony.
The arrival of the King's commissioners in the Province, in 1665, re-
vived the hopes of Jordan and his Royalist associates; but it was only
for a while. By prudent management in her relations with the Province,
and also with the governmental party in England, Masschusetts succeed-
ed maintaining her authority, and opposition at length ceased.
THE SECOND INDIAN WAR.
In the second Indian War, Jordan left his home at Spurwink and esta-
blished his residence at Great Island, now Newcastle, New Hampshire,
where he died in 1679. Thourgh his Will, 1 which has come down to
us, we get a glimpse of the broad lands that came into his possession
by order of the General Assembly of the province. To his wife, Sarah,
he bequeathed three thousand acres, and to his sons, Dominicus, Jeded-
iah and Samuel, he bequeathed thirty-one hundred acres. Repeated efforts
at length were made by the Trelawny heirs to obtain possession of this
large territory, but all their efforts were unsuccessful; so that "ow-
ing partly to many long minorities, or to the feeble and desultory
manner in which the claims had been followed up, their posterity,
under the statute of limitation, became debarred from all further
attempt at recovery".2 This fact, however, has not destroyed the
interest of the Trelawny heirs in matters connected with their
family history here. As an evidence of their "Christian love and
good will", they have presented to the Maine Historical Society, in
recent years, the valuable, indeed priceless Trelawny Papers, which
so often have been referred to in these pages, and which furnish so
much information concerning affairs and conditions connected with
the beginnings of Colonial Maine.
Footnotes. 1. York Deeds. 2. Trelawny Papers, Memoir, p. xxviii.
p.356 CHAPTER XXI.
MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
At the close of the first half of the seventeenth century what is now
the State of Maine included four distinct territorial divisions. The
first ws the comparatively small tract of country between the Pisca-
taqua and the Kennebunk Rivers, the only remaining part of Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges1 Royal Province of Maine.
The second division comprised the territory confirmed to Colonel
Alexander Rigby, after his purchase of the Lygonia or Plough patent,
and known as the Province of Lygonia, extending from the Kennebunk
river to Kennebec. East of the Kennebec, forming the third division,
was the tract of country that may be designated as the Sagadahoc
territory, situated between the Kennebec and the Penobscot rivers.
A fourth division, extending from the Penobscot eastward as far as
the St. Croix River, was claimed by the French as included within
their territorial limits.
References to this claim occur in some of the preceding chapters.
The claim itself reappears in the commission bestowed upon Aulnay by
King Louis XIV in February, 1647, the western boundary of France upon
the Atlantic coast being carried in that commision "as much and as can
be as far as the Virginias".1 At that time the word "Virginias" was
used as a designation of New England, and "Virginias" doubtless had
that signification in Aulnay's commission. The rightfulness of the
French claim was denied in England and by the English colonists on
the American coast, and the determination to maintain England's right
to the territory found frequent and forceful expression as has
already appeared.
When the first half of the seventeenth century drew to a close,
Footnote. Farnham Papers, I, 262.
p.357 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
however, neither England nor the English colonists on the Atlantic
seaboard were in a condition to maintain their territorial claims
in opposition to the claims of France. The attempt to establish
in England a new form of government, to take the place of that under
which the people of England hath hitherto lived, was a work that was
pressing and demanded the strongest possible endeavors on the part of
those upon whom the arduous task now fell. The claim of England in
opposition to the claim of France, however, was not yielded, but
matters pertaining to territorial rights were for the present held
in abeyance.
In the first three of these territorial divisions there was growth
in the half century, but it was slow. Help that should have come to
the colonists was not received. Gorges, the one dominant figure in
the effort to develop colonial interests within these limits, was a
strenuous supporter of King Charles and the Royal prerogatives.
Moreover, he had no sympathy with those who were opposed to the King
and had brought about the great upheaval in which the King's over-
throw was accomplished. The strong Puritan movement exerted no in-
fluences upon his wishes and hopes. What he desired to see, and what
he aimed to create in his colonizing efforts, was a New England, of
which he, as governor general, should be the head. If King Charles
had yielded in his conflict with Parliament, and there had been no
Civil War in England, Gorges might have accomplished his purpose and
have aided Archbishop Laud in his endeavor to establish the Anglican
Church in New England. But King Charles did not yield and the Civil
War in its onward progress resulted in the destruction not only of the
King's despotic rule, but of Gorges' feudal visions.
The death of Gorges not only removed the strong support on which the
Royalist Party in the Province of Maine had leaned, but it brought be-
wilderment to the settlers in the province's diminished territory. At
first only rumors of Sir Ferdinando's death were received by the col-
onists; but as soon as the tidings were confirmed, in their trouble and
anxiety they endeavored to put themselves in communication with the
heirs of Gorges in
p.358 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
order to obtain information with reference to their future interests.
Would the form of government under which they had hitherto lived, be
continued? If it should be continued, by whom would its affairs be
managed? Moreover, was it to be expected that such a government and
administration would be acceptable to Parliament? These and other in-
quiries must have been made in 1647 and 1648, but they elicited no
replies. Their failure in seeking information, they attributed to
"the sad distractions in England"; and certainly conditions there were
such as to afford little opportunity for the heirs of Gorges to give
any attention to matters in the far-away Province of Maine.
In order, therefore, that there might be consultation and consideration
with reference to matters of such vital interest in the province, Edward
Godfrey, whom Thomas Gorges left in charge of the Gorges interests on
his return to England in 1643, and who was still the leading spirit in
the Province, united with the other officers of the Gorges proprietary
in calling the inhabitants of Piscataqua, Gorgeana and Wells to
assemble at Gorgeana in July, 1649. Such and assembly was held, and
after full and free discussion, it was agreed to enter into a "combina-
tion" or social compact for the purpose of securing such a form of
government as would enable the colonists to manage their provincial
affairs until "further order, power and authority shall come out of
England"; binding themselves "to see that parts of the country and
province regulated according to such laws as formerly have been exer-
cised and such others as shall be thought meet, not repugnant to the
fundamental laws of our native country".1
EDWARD GODFREY BECOMES THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF WHAT BECAME THE STATE OF
MAINE.
It was then also agreed "to make choice of such governor or governors
and magistrates as by most voices they shall think meet." In the
election that followed, Edward Godfrey received the "most voices" for
the office of Governor, and thus became the first governor elected by
the people in what is now the State of Maine. Those who had assisted
Godfrey in administering the affairs of the province in the preceding
year were also elected to
1. Farnham Papers, I, 266.
p.359 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
fill the offices they had hitherto held. Under the organization
thus effected, the governmental affairs of the colonists between
the Piscataqua and the Kennebunk rivers were continued as hither-
to. All the while, however, existing conditions in England were kept
steadily in view, and with the change in the form of government there,
following the death of King Charles I, regarding themselves as still
holding to recognized authority in the country whence they came, the
inhabitants of the province adjusted themselves to the new order of
things in England and wisely and prudently awaited the further un-
folding of events.
Very different in the Province of Lygonia was the effect of the
death of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. It is true that men like Josselyn
and Jordan were in sympathy with the Gorges interests and in their
attachment to those interests they shared the views of Godfrey and
his associates. But they had recognized Rigby's authority as the
proprietor of the Lygonia patent, and had accepted office in connect-
ion with the administration of provincial affairs, which were in no
wise affected by Gorges' death. When, however, tidings reached the
province of the death of Rigby, which occurred in London, suddenly,
unexpectedly, August 18, 1650, a new situation presented itself.
All along the relations of Josselyn and others to the Lygonia govern-
ment were not of their liking. Their association with Cleeve, the
deputy president of the provine, was for prudential reasons only.
If an opportunity should open for a change in these relations, there
was no reason, in their view, why they should not avail themselves of
it; and such an opportunity they recognized on receiving information
of the death of the proprietor and president of the Province of Lygonia.
Their action, however, was not hasty. In all probability, they held
open and secret meetings for consultation. Doubtless their public
utterances indicated a desire for any change that would bring the
Rigby authority to an end. But there is no evidence that on the
part of Josselyn, Jordan and others there was any attempt to set
up in place of the existing government such an independant govern-
ment as was organized by the inhabitants of the Province of Maine.
p.360 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Their leanings in no wise were toward democracy. On the other hand,
Cleeve and those who were in agreement with him, desired as a settle-
ment of recognized difficulties, a confirmation of the Rigby authority
by Parliament. This was indicated in a petition to Parliament prepared
by Cleeve and having such a confirmation in view. Similar action was
desired by the inhabitants of the Province of Maine, as already ment-
ioned.
Undoubtedly, in this movement on the part of the General Court of the
Province of Maine, there was co-operation with Cleeve and those of the
Province of Lygonia in agreement with him, not only as a petition with
reference to Lygonia interests was prepared by Cleeve having the same
end in view, but especially as Cleeve was the bearer of both petitions,
when he sailed for England, probably not long after. Of the leadind
men in both provinces, Cleeve unquestionably was the best fitted for
the service required. His connection with the Rigby interests and his
sympathy with the Parliamentary party in the struggle through which
England has passed in the preceding years, gave him easy access to
those whose assistance he sought. First of all, on his arrival, he
placed himself in communication with the heirs of Baron Rigby, and
hastened to set before them an account of existing conditions in both
of the provinces which he represented, and at the same time, the perils
with which they were threatened.
Doubtless among the perils, so far as the Province of Lygonia was con-
cerned, Cleeve mentioned the attitude of Josselyn and others. But the
peril to which he especially called attention was occasioned by the en-
croachments of Massachusetts. In the preceding decade, the Bay Colony
had gradually extended its jurisdiction over the New Hampshire settle-
ments. Now, in the disturbed state of feeling north of the Piscataqua,
it was the evident purpose of the Massachusetts authorities to extend
their jurisdiction still farther up the coast so as to include the
territory over which Gorges and Rigby had exercised proprietorship.
This is made to appear in a paper in the Records Office in London,
in which it is
p.361 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
stated that in 1652, Edward Rigby, the son and heir of Colonel
Alexander Rigby, joined with the heirs of Gorges and other patten-
tees of Maine and New Hampshire in a petition to Parliament for
relief from such encroachments. Doubtless the reference is to the
petitionns to Parliament brought by Cleeve; and from the paper
mentioned, it would seem that Rigbby, in uniting with the peti-
tioners, resented the action of Massachusetts as hostile to the
Gorges and Rigby interests. Inasmuch as there is no further
information concerning these petitions, it is reasonable to
suppose that the influential and watchful representatives of
Massachusetts in London, succeeded in defeating the efforts of
Cleeve and his friends in their effort to secure Parliamentary
action.
While Cleeve was in England, he seems to have made a favorable
impression upon Edward Rigby. The latter not only approved Cleeve's
attitude toward Josselyn and others, who were endeavoring to bring
the Province of Maine and the Province of Lygonia under one govern-
ment as in the earlier period under the Gorges propriety, but he
increased Cleeve's land-holdings by adding one thousand acres to
the territory already granted to him. Moreover, he addressed a
letter to the opponents of Cleeve, upbraiding them for their
wrongs and abuses and demanding that both they, and others, who
had taken office under his father, should cease further activity
in administrative relations as their commissions expired with his
father's death. He expressed sorrow that they "should still act so
directly" against his father's and his interests as they did, and
insisted that they should no longer continue their "private and
secret combinations", but should join with him, and his deputy and
other officers, for the peace and quiet of the Province. He closed
the letter with the declaration that he should strive to do equal
justice in all things, and to this end he informed them that "with
all convenient speed" he should not only send back Mr. Cleeve or a
near kinsman of his own with instructions and commissions to such
as he deemed fitting to receive them, not doubting that upon the
receipt of his communication, those addressed would desist from
their former illegal proceedings and
p.362 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
join with those to whom he should send commissions, adding the
assurance that with the letter went "the respects of him that is
your real friend if yourselves be not your own enemies".1
GOVERNOR JOHN WINTHROP JR. OF CONNECTICUT.
The letter furnishes us not only with information concerning
Edward Rigby's knowledge of affairs connected with the Province
of Lygonia, but at the same time, it gives us such a glimpse of
the writer himself as can be obtained nowwhere else. Indirectly,
also, the letter is a tribute to the character of George Cleeve;
for it was of Edward Rigby that Roger Williams, in a letter to
John Winthrop, Jr., the Governor of Connecticut, sent this mess-
age about a year and a half later: "We have sound rumor of a
general governor (of New England), and that Baron Rigby's son
is the man".2 That George Cleeve, in his position as Deputy
President, and now in repeated personal interviews, should have
impressed such a man as Edward Rigby so favorably and so strongly
as to continue him in office, furnishes certainly no slight testi-
mony to the ability and character of George Cleeve.
The time for Cleeve's return had not been fixed, when Rigby's
letter was written. In fact, Cleeve lingered in England some time,
doubtless in hope that added efforts might yet secure Parliament-
ary aid in behalf of the interests that he represented. The exact
date of his return in unknown, but there are documents in the
Massachusetts archives from which information is derived that he
landed in Boston in September, 1653.3
During Cleeve's absence in England, Massachusetts had continued
earlier efforts to extend her jurisdiction northward. This was
in accordance with a purpose suggested by the death of Mason,
and was greatly strengthened by the success of the Puritan revo-
lution in England. These successes, it was believed, had not only
been destructive to the establishment of royalist and Church of
England authority in New England, but had opened the way for
Puritan ascendancy in the same territory. These
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collatural Documents, 284-
286. 2. Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Fourth
Series, VI, 260. 3. Baxter, George Cleeve, 161, 162, 287, 288.
p.363 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
efforts on the part of the Massachusetts authorities were now
encouraged by political strife and the lack of law and order
north of the Piscataqua. In the scattered settlements there
were those who desired to see an end of the conditions under
which they had lived for so long. Some of them had visited the
comparitively strong and prosperous communities in the Bay, and
were familiar with the more favorable conditions under which the
colonists there, lived. It was but natural, therefore, that from
time to time strong expressions on their part for the possession
of like benefits and government regulation should find their way
to the Massachusetts settlements.
RICHARD LEADER.
Up to this time, however, Massachusetts does not seem to have
given much attention, if any, to the provisions of her Charter
with reference to the northern boundary of the colony. In 1651,
however, Joseph Mason, a kinsman of Captain John Mason (to whom
in 1635 the Grant of New Hampshire was confirmed), came over to
New England in the interest of the widow of his deceased rela-
tive. Finding Richard Leader in possession of land on the New-
ichwannock (Salmon Falls) river,1 he brought an action for tres-
pass against Leader in the Norfolk County Court, then in session
at Salisbury, Massachusetts. At the trial, the defendant, Leader,
held that the lands in question were not within the limits of
Massachusetts territory, and on the point thus raised, the Court
declined to rule and referred the matter to the General Court of
the colony at its annual session in May, 1652.2
In the records of the Colony, under date of May 31, 1652, this
entry appears: "On perusal of our Charter, it was this day voted
by the whole Court, that the extent of the [boundary] line is to
be from the northernmost part of the River Merrimack and three
miles north, where it is to be found, be it an hundred miles more
or less from the sea, and thence upon a straight line east...
Footnotes. 1. For Mason's protest against Leader's possession,
see Jenness' New Hampshire Documents, 38. 2. See Massachusetts
Archives, 38, 70, 71.
p.364 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
and west to each sea; and this to be the true interpretation of
the terms of the limit northward granted in the patent".1
It is not easy to follow the members of the General Court in
thus arriving at "an interpretation of the terms of the limit"
of their territory northward. The Charter gave the Bay Colony
"all those lands and hereditaments whatsoever, which lie and
be within the space of three English miles to the northward of
said river, called Monomack alias Merrimack, or to the north-
ward of any and every part thereof".2 If the language of the
Charter with reference to the northern boundary of the Colony
embraced these words only, the members of the General Court
would have found little, if any basis for the interpretation
they made and recorded.
Their boundary line, as thus described, started on the Atlantic
coast three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimac River, and
followed the windings of the river, at the same distance from
the river, to its source, or to a point three miles north of
its source.
But the Charter description of the northern boundary of the
colony does not end with the words now cited. Immediately
following are added words that make the territory of the
Colony to include "all lands and hereditaments whatsoever,
lying within the limits aforesaid, north and south in lati-
tude and breadth, and in length and longitude, of and within
all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there,
from the Atlantic and Western sea and ocean on the east part
to the South sea on the west part".3 Those who wrote thes
words evidently attempted by them to indicate more definitely
the northern boundary of the colony's territory; but their
knowledge of the country was exceedingly defective, and the
words they used to convey no clear meaning. Accordingly, as
the words needed interpretation, the members of the General
Court, finding in the boundary designated such words as
"length" and "breadth", "latitude" and "longitude", "north"
and "south", "east part" and "west part", used them as
helps to a
Footnotes. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
274. 2. Hazard, I, 243. 3. Ib., I, 243.
p.365 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
decisiion and evidently found in them the interpretation their
perusal suggested, and which made the northern boundary of the
Colony a straight line east and west from a point three miles
north of the source of the Merrimac River.
Before this time, evidently, Massachusetts had not given any
particular attention to her northern boundary as described in
her Charter.1 In extending her jurisdiction over the New Hamp-
shire communities north of the Merrimac, she had not asserted
Charter rights. That movement was designed to meet certain needs
following the death of Mason, an event that left the territory
between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua without governmental
oversight and protection. But while such needs existed to a
like extent, if not a greater, in the Maine provinces, other
and more forceful reasons now influenced the General Court in
attempting a still farther advance up the coast.
There had been a time, and that not far away, when Royalist
and Church of England designs had seriously threatened the Bay
colony's existence. While for the most part these designs had
their origin in the mother country, they were fostered by some
of the more prominent settlers north of the Piscataqua, them-
selves Royalists and members of the English Church.
But political conditions in England, as the result of their
Civil war, had not only allayed all fear of harmful assaults
from across the sea, but at the same time had opened the way
for such and advance into Maine territory as would strengthen
and make dominant Puritan influences in New England. Indeed,
it is not improbable that the members of the General Court,
even before
THE OPPORTUNITY OF WORSHIPPING GOD IN THEIR OWN WAY.
Footnote. 1. In the earlier years of the Colony, there was no
need of examining the Charter with reference to boundary lines.
Naturally the colonists devoted themselves to the work of esta-
blishing comfortable homes and providing means of support. But,
in 1652, prosperous settlements had been developed. Those who
founded and established them had purposes that ripened fast and
stopped short of nothing less than the building up of a New Eng-
land, which should be neither feudal nor monarchical, but a
democracy - "an incorporated group of individuals seeking in a
new country a permanent home and an opportunity of worshipping
God in their own way". C. M. Andrews, The Colonial Period. 66
p.366 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
their perusal of their Charte had reached clear and definite
purposes with reference to their boundary claim, and these the
Charter strengthened. Men generally find what they seek. At all
events in their perusal of the Charter, the Massachusetts magis-
trates found what they desired to find, and their interpretation
of their Charter with reference to their northern boundary was an
important aid in securing the accomplishment of their purposes.
In this advance into Maine territory ambition on the part of
Massachusetts is not to be denied. But it was not a low, sordid
ambition. It was an ambition that sought fairly and squarely the
betterment1 of existing conditions, and aimed to give to Maine
settlers the same measure of prosperity that the Bay colonists
themselves enjoyed. Nearly a century ago, a son of Maine, who
had made its history a careful study, placed on record these
words: "If Massachusetts were actuated by motives of ambition
in this enlargement of her borders, and the adoption of these
plantations, it must be acknowledged she guided her measures by
maxims of prudence, and manifested great assiduity and zeal for
the good of the inhabitants so eagerly adopted".2 Half a cen-
tury later, another son of Maine, also deeply interested in the
history of his native state, and receiving its highest honors for
his educational, military and other services, in reviewing this
action of Massachusetts, justified that action on the ground of
necessity. "It was necessary", he said, "that Massachusetts
should control Maine". Such a necessity he found in the fact that
this added territory was needed in order "to ward off her enemies,
Churchmen, Frenchmen, Indians".3 All this is true, but it is not
the whole truth. Not only was it necessary that Massachusetts
should provide for self-defence, but for the growth and expansion.
The planting of Massachusetts meant the planting of New England.
Footnotes. 1. "Massachusetts was never mean. She was square and bold.
You could always see her coming; and tell what she was after." J. L.
Chamberlain, Maine: Her Place in History, 59. 2. Williamson, History
of the State of Maine, I, 356. 3. Maine: Her Place in History, 58,
67.
p.367 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
In time the colony was to become a Commonwealth, a Nation, and Maine
was needed in the development already in progress.
CAPTAIN SIMON WILLARD AND CAPTAIN EDWARD JOHNSON.
Massachusetts lost no time in entering upon the undertaking "for the
better discovery" of the north line of the colony's territory; and on
the same day when her interpretation of the boundaries of the Charter
was announced, the General Court appointed Captain Simon Willard and
Captain Edward Johnson commissioners, with "such artists and other
associates" as they desired "to find out the most northerly part of
Merrimack River". By their instructions they were required to use
"their utmost skill and ability to take a true observation of the
latitude of that place", and they were to make a return thereof at
the next session of the court.1
As "artists and other assistants" in the task thus assigned to them,
Massachusetts commissioners selected "John Sherman, Sergeant of Water-
town, Massachusetts, and Jonathan Ince, a student at Harvard College",
and they, with the commissioners, proceeded to the source of the
Merrimac River. This they found at Aquedahian, where the river "issues
out of Lake Winnapusseakit" (Winnipesaukee).
Insert.
John Sherman.
Source: Bond's Watertown, Massachusetts.
Capt. John Sherman, b. in Dedham, Essex County, England, 1613, came to America, 1634; admitted freeman May 17, 1637; a land surveyor; a Selectman many times from 1637 to 1680, Town Clerk, 1648 and often afterwards; Representative, 1651, 1653, and 1663. He married Martha, dau. of Roger and Grace Porter. He died Jan 25, 1690/1 aged 76 and his widow d. Feb. 7, 1700/1. He was chosen Ensign, 1654 and was Steward of Harvard College, 1662.
Children:
1. John Sherman b. Nov. 2, 1638, was killed in the Narragansett fight.
2. Martha Sherman b. Feb 21, 1640/1; m. Sept 26, 1661, Francis Bowman.
3. Mary Sherman, b. Mar 25, 1643; m. Jan 18, 1666/7, Timothy Hawkins, Jr.
and died in childbed Nov 6, 1667, leaving son Timothy Hawkins b. Oct 26, 1667,
who probably died early.
4. Sarah Sherman, b. Jan. 17, 1647/8; died 1667.
5. Elizabeth Sherman, b. March 15, 1648/9; m. July 20, 1681, Samuel Gaskill,
of Charlestown (this marriage is doubtful if not improbable).
Insert: Torry, New England Marriages Prior to 1700.
p.296
Gaskell/Gaskill, Samuel, (1650-1706) & 1st wife, Elizabeth ____? (d. 1686,
Cambridge); Watertown/Cambridge/New Haven.
Gaskin/Gaskell, Samuel (1650-1706) d. aged 56. Charlestown; & 2nd wife,
Elizabeth Sherman (1651-1736) Watertown; m. July 20, 1687; marriage bond
July 26, 1687; Sudbury/Boston/Charlestown/New Haven.
6. Joseph Sherman, b. May 14, 1650.
7. Grace Sherman, b. Dec 20, 1653. died.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
LAKE WINNAPESAUKEE.
Continued.
And they, with the commissioner proceeded to the source of
the Merrimac River. This, they found at Aqudahian, where the
river "issues out of the Lake Winnapusseakit" (Winnipesaukee)
Observation for the latitude was taken August 1, 1652, when,
according to the report made by Sherman and Ince, October 19,
1652, it was found "that the latitude of the place was 43 d.
40' 12" besides those minutes which are to be allowed for the
three miles more north which run into the lake.2
There is no evidence that George Cleeve, while in England, re-
ceived any information concerning this action with reference to
the northern boundary of the Bay Colony. On landing in Boston in
September, 1653, however, he was informed of it, and his study
of the new boundary showed that it brought a part of the Province
of Lygonia within the territory now claimed by Massachusetts.
Cleeve, accordingly, addressed a letter to "the Honored Magis-
trates and Deputies" of the colony, asking for an explanation
of this action. In this communication, Cleeve called attention
to the
Footnotes. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
III, 278. 2. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
III, 288.
p.368 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
numerous commissions and other instruments, "as well from the
Crown, by the Council of Plymouth as also several confirmations
by the Parliament and Council of State", in which the boundaries
of the Province of Lygonia were stated. The territorial rights of
Baron Rigby had now descended to his son, Edward Rigby, Esq., of
Gray's Inn, who had directed Cleeve on his return, to call an
assembly of all the villages in the Province from the Sagadahoc to
the west side of Wells. This, he added, he had intended to do, but
he had learned it was now claimed that the Province of Lygonia, or
a great part of it, was within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.
He asked the General Court, therefore, to give him in writing, a
full statement of its intentions in order that he might report the
facts "without any mistakings" and in the interest of "peace and
love".1
To this courteous inquiry, the Massachusetts Magistrates replied,
insisting upon the rightfulness of their claim.2 About the same
time, the General Court of Massachusetts appointed Samuel Andrew
and Jonas Clarke of Cambridge ("both well skilled in the mathemat-
ics, having had the command of ships upon several voyages"), to
mark on the seacoast, the northern boundary of the colony, and also
to "run the line and mark trees forty poles into the woods, east &
west". This was done October 13, 1654, and in their report, the
parties employed stated that the line crossed the northern-most
point of Upper Clapboard Island, "about a quarter of a mile from
the main in Casco Bay, about four or five miles to the northward
of Mr. Mackworth's house".3 There were few trees at the place,
but four or five were marked, one of them with the letters M. B.,
and, it was added that "at the seaside, where the line doth ex-
tend, there lies a grayish rock at high water mark cleft in the
middle".4
Footnotes. 1. In Massachusetts Archives, misplaced under 1662. The
letter is printed in full in Baxter's George Cleeve, 161, 162. 2.
Baxter, George Cleeve, Collatral Documents, 287. 3. The house was
near the mouth of the Presumpscot. 4. Records of the Massachusetts
Bay in New England, III, 362, 362.
p.369 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
Cleeve, in continuing to protest against this action of Massachu-
setts, courteously called the attention of the General Court to
some propositions prepared by himself and others of the Province
of Lygonia. In their reply, the Members of the Geneal Court in-
sisted that their "general claim hath been constantly from the
first to three miles northward of the most northern part of the
said [Merrimac] river, in length and longitude, through the main
land, from the eastern sea to the sea on the west". Then followed
a reference to the fairness manifested by Massachusetts in its
attitude toward the Maine settlements.1 The weak point in this
answer of the General Court, was in the statement that the present
claim of Massachusetts as to her northern boundary had been the
general claim of the Bay Colony from the first. Of this, no proof
was furnished, and an examination of the records of the colony
seems to warrant the opinion that no proof could be furnished.
But Massachusetts now was by far the dominant power in New Eng-
land, and her able representatives in England had the ear of those
most influential in national governmental relations. John Gorges,
son and heir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Edward Rigby, son and heir
of Baron Rigby, found themselves powerless to render Godfrey, Cleeve
and others, any assistance in their efforts to resist the asserted
claims of Massachusetts. Moreover, conditions in the Province of
Maine and the Province of Lygonia were unfavorable to growth and
good order. Further opposition, accordingly, seemed to offer no
hope of success, and at length, in the interest of peace and ord-
erly government, opposition ceased.
Footnote. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collaterial Documents, 294, 295.
p.370 CHAPTER XXII.
THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS ACCEPTED.
KITTERY, MAINE.
The members of General Court of Massachusetts, in their search for
northern boundary of the Colony, perused the colonial Charter on
May 31, 1652. As has already appeared, however, the attentio of
the General Court had been called to the boundary matter in the pre-
ceding year. In fact, in October, 1651, they had reached the con-
clusion that from an extension of the northern boundary line of the
colony, "it doth appear that the town of Kittery, and many miles to
the northward, is comprehended within our Grant." In reaching this
conclusion, the members of the General Court were doubtless in-
fluenced by an effort on the part of several persons in Kittery to
induce the residents there ("who govern now by combination") to
present a petition to Parliament for a Grant of the place. This,
it was said, a majority of the inhabitants refused to do, many of
them expressing their willingness "to submit themselves to the
government of the Massachusetts".1 Under these circumstances
the members of the Court, taking into consideration the "commo-
diousness" of the Piscataqua River, and the fact that it would
be prejudicial to the Massachusetts government if Kittery and
the Piscataqua River should be held by those who were unfriend-
ly to the Bay colony, it was ordered, "that a loving and friendly
letter" be sent to the inhabitants of Kittery, informing them
that Kittery was within the Massachusetts Grant, and that a
commission had been appointed consisting of Simon Bradstreet,
Major Daniel Denison and Captain William Hawthorne to treat
with them in accordance with their instructions, and to re-
ceive them under the Massachusetts government provided "terms
of agreement can be
Footnote. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
III, 250.
p.371 THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS ACCEPTED.
concluded upon by mutual consent". If, however, the inhabit-
ants of Kittery declined to enter into such an agreement, the
commissioners, having "laid claim to the place", were to pro-
test against any further proceedings "by virtue of their com-
bination or other interest whatsoever"1.
Information concerning this action reached the Province of
Maine soon after the action was taken, and Edward Godfrey, as
Governor of the Province, summoned a Provincial General Court
to meet December 1, 1651. On the third day of the session, the
Court directed Mr. Godfrey, Mr. Leader and Mr. Shapleigh to
draw up a petition to Parliament for a confirmation of the
existing Provincial government. This petition, prepared by
Godfrey, professing free and willing submission to the govern-
ment of England as then established "without a King or House of
Lords", called attention to the circumstances under which the
colonists had been compelled to take upon themselves the govern-
ment of the Province, making mention especially of the death of
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and the failure of his son and heir to
identify himself with the interests of the Province. Having thus
been forced "by way of combination to govern and rule according
to the laws of England", in behalf of the General Court, the
Governor asked for a confirmation of the government thus esta-
blished and requested that the inhabitants of the Province, as
free-born Englishmen, might be declared members of the Common-
wealth of England.2
But Godfrey did not cease his opposition to the proposed action
of Massachusetts with the preparation of this Petition. Toward
the close of May, 1652, he addressed an earnest letter to Edward
Rawson, secretary of the General Court of Massachusetts, chal-
lenging the claim of the Bay Colony to Maine territory as in-
cluded within the Massachusetts limits. In his reply, which was
by order of the General Court, Rawson defended the actin against
which Godfrey had remonstrated. To this communication, Godgfrey
Footnotes. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
III, 251. 2. Hazard, I, 559, 560.
p.372 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
made a vigorous answer, July 9, 1652. "For our perusal of your
patent and your line", he wrote, "we apprehend the bounds thereof
were set more than twenty years last past, at the sea-side, and so
up into the country from the sea three miles on this side Merrimac,
as all other patents were which are no less than ten in number,
that we perceive by the extension of your unknown line you now
willingly labor to engraft". Against such pretended jurisdiction
Godfrey earnestly protested. "We are loath to part with our prec-
ious liberties for unknown and uncertain favors", he wrote.
"We resolve to exercise our just jurisdiction until it shall
please the Parliament, the Commonwealth of England, otherwise to
order under whose power and protectin we are."1
The General Court of Massachusetts made no haste in the procedure.
The action of the Court in connection with the perusal of its
Charter, did not take place until May 31, 1652. The commissioners
did not receive their instructions to repair to Kittery until June
11, 1652. On account of a change in the membership of the commiss-
ion as finally constituted, William Hawthorne, John Leverett and
Henry Bartholomew represented the Colony of Massachusetts Bay in
the Kittery conference, which seems to have been held July 9,
1652. Edward Godfrey, Richard Leader, Nicholas Shapleigh, Thomas
Withers and Edward Rishworth, who declared themselves "to be per-
sons in present power for the ordering and managing of whatsoever
might be of concernment to the people", represented the Province
of Maine. There is no record of the proceedings of the conference.
Doubtless there was much discussion, but Godfrey and those associ-
ated with him declined to accept the overtures of the Massachusetts
commissioners.
Because of this action it only remained for the commissioners to
present the protest of Massachusetts as their instructions re-
quired. It did not appear to them, the commissioners said, that
Godfrey and others, representing the Province of Maine, possess-
ed any rightful authority, inasmuch as the provincial territory
Footnote. 1. Hazard, I, 567, 568.
p.373 THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS ACCEPTED.
was included in the limits of the patent of the Bay Colony and so
by grant and charter, under the great seal of England, was under
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. But they were authorized to say
that those submitting themselves thereunto should "freely and
quietly possess and enjoy all the lands, goods and chattels
appertaining to and possessed by any or every of them" and that
they should have "right and equally share" in all acts of favor
and justice which by virtue of government, the inhabitants of
Massachusetts "do or may expect to enjoy". The followed the
protest of Massachusetts against any person or persons withing
the Province of Maine exercising jurisdiction over the inhabit-
ants of the province, or any part thereof, after October 10, 1652,
without order from the General Court of Council of the colony of
the Massachusetts Bay.1
GOVERNOR GODREY'S PROTEST TO THE MASSACHUSETTS PROTEST.
The commissioners' announcement of this protest was dated July 9,
1652. This, also, was the date of Governor Godfrey's answer to
Secretary Rawson's letter of June 12, 1652, to which reference
has already been made. It was also the date of the answer made
by Godfrey and his associates, "sworn Magistrates" of the Prov-
ince of Maine, to the Massachusetts protest.
MAINE ASSAILS THE ACTIONS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY.
Evidently, July 9, 1652, was a busy day in Kittery, Maine. The
answer made to the protest by the Magistrates of the Province of
Maine, was plainly the work of Governor Godfrey. It assailed
again, the action of the Massachusetts Bay colony, in attempt=
ing to extend its jurisdiction northward. "The truth doth and
shall appear", it was said, "that where their bounds were set up
more than twenty years passed, and both before and since, many
patents have been granted for the populating and propagating of
the land".
In this way, it was added, a large sum of money had been expended.
Also, lawful jurisdiction had been exercised by officers" acknowl-
ledged and owned by you of the Massachusetts", and "approved and
justified in England". And now, for these gentlemen to come "in
the name only and behalf of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts",
saying that the inhabitants who "shall submit
Footnote. 1. Hazard, I, 568, 569.
p.374 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
unto them shall freely and quietly possess and enjoy all the lands,
goods, chattels, and that we shall enjoy equal favors in acts of
government - these proposals are not, in our judgement meet; the
time, places and persons considered we patiently bear them, and
submit to be judged by those whom we acknowledge to be our supreme
judges.
WE ARE SUBORDINATE TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND...
MAINE.
Against exercise of jurisdiction, we resolve and intend to go on
till lawful power command us the contrary, as subordinate and de-
depending upon the Commonwealth of England."1
On receiving the report of the commissioners, the General Court
of Massachusetts, evidently saw no reason for discouragement. Its
conference had revealed the attitude of the provincial officers
only. It was now resolved to appeal to the inhabitants as a whole.
KITTERY, MAINE, THE ISLES OF SHOALS.
MASSACHUSETTS GRANTS EQUAL PRIVILEGES & PROTECTION.
Accordingly, October 23, 1652, the Court appointed six commissioners
to settle the civil government amongst the inhabitants of Kittery,
the Isles of Shoals, "and so the the most northerly extent" of the
colony's patent. By their instructions, the commissioners were to
proceed to the territory north of the Piscataqua and summon the in-
habitants to assemble in places deemed by the commissioners most con-
venient, and require their submisssion, granting unto them at the same
time, equal protection and privileges with the inhabitants of the
Bay colony.
"AS THE MASSACHUSETTS GENERAL COURT SHALL DIRECT"
They were also to establish Courts for hearing and determining all
causes, civil and criminal, to appoint commissioners, constables and
such other officers as they deemed needful for preserving peace and
good order, "and otherwise to act in the premises" as the General
Court should direct, doing whatever in their wisdom and discretion
would be most conducive to the glory of God, the peace and welfare
of the inhabitants and the maintenance of their own "just rights
and interests."2
Four of the six commissioners, namely,
Simon Bradstreet - Boston
Samuel Simonds - Boston
Captain Thomas Wiggin, New Hampshsire
Bryan Pendleton, Province of Maine
Footnotes. 1. Hazard, I, 569, 570, 2. Massachusetts Records, 128,
as cited by Williamson, History of the State of Maine, I, 343.
p.375 THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS IS ACCEPTED.
proceeded to Kittery, where they opened a Court, November 15, 1652,
and issued a summons to the inhabitants to assemble on the following
day, between seven and eight o'clock in the morning, at the house
of William Everett.
THE OFFENSIVE WORDS OF JOHN BURSLEY.
The inhabitants appeared as summoned and the conference was opened
by the Massachusetts commissioners, who presented evidence of their
appointment and also the instructions they had received. For four
days there was full and free discussion. In general, the temper of
both parties was good, but evidences of strong feelings are re-
ported and mentioned, is made of the offensive bearing and words
of one John Bursley, who, towards the commissioners and some of
the residents of Kittery, that apparently were ready to subscribe
their submission, indulged in threats to such an extent that at
once he was brought to trial and confession for his misbehavior.
Finally, the inhabitants declared their willingness to give
written consent to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, provided
certain conditions offered by them were accepted. This offer,
the commissioners declined on the ground that their instructions
required submission of the inhabitants first; the, a guaranty of
rights and of ample privileges would follow.
Evidently further opposition was thought to be useless, and on
November 20, 1652, forty-one of the inhabitants of Kittery, Maine
subscribed to the following declaration:
FORTY-ONE INHABITANTS OF KITTERY, MAINE.
"We whose names are underwritten do acknowledge ourselves subject
to the government of Massachusetts Bay in New England."
UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS.
COUNTY OF YORKSHIRE, MAINE.
In fourteen articles the commissioners then enumerated the rights
and privileges the people of Kittery were to possess under the
government of Massachusetts. The territory north of the Pisca-
taqua ws to comprise a county known as Yorkshire. The inhabi-
tants were to have "protection and equal acts of favor and
justice" with those dwelling on the south side of the Piscataqua.
KITTERY, MAINE.
Kittery was to remain a township,1 and enjoy the privileges of
other Massachusetts towns. Titles to property in houses and lands
"whether by the grant of the town or of the Indians", or of those
justly holding them. Kittery was promised a Deputy to the General
Footnote 1. Kittery, Maine, was incorporated as a town in 1647.
p.376 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Court, and two if "they think good". All the present inhabitants
of the town were to be regarded as freemen of the country, and hav-
ing taken the oath as freemen they were to have
INSERT - THE FREEMEN'S OATH
Massachusetts Bay Colony Freeman
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
Massachusetts Bay Colony
Freemen to take the Oath: 1630
Applied for Freeman Status, October 19th, 1630 What follows is the entire record of the Court of the session of October 19, 1630. The men that applied for freemen status were mostly arrived in 1630 with the Winthrop fleet and the Mary & John.
However, the earlier arrivals are also represented here, and this list contains many of the surviving settlers from the the Abigail and the Higginson fleet, as well as a few who came before 1628.
All names were inscribed by the Court clerk, and give an indication of the pronunciation, if not the oath-taker's prefered spelling of his name. The spelling of surnames and most prenames is given here as originally written down, but we have replaced abbreviated prenames by the common full spelling. Where prenames were omitted, they are inserted here in italics. The order of the names as written down originally can be seen here. There is no apparent indication of their social status
in the order of the names, but some of the earliest settlers appear first, and study has revealed groupings according to the MBC township of origin.
At General Court, holden at Boston the 19th of October, 1630 Present, The Governor (John Winthrop)
The deputy Governor (Thomas Dudley) Sir Richard Saltonstall Mr. (Roger) Ludlowe Capt. (John) Endicott Mr. (Increase) Nowell Mr. (William) Pinchon Mr. (Simon) Bradstreete
For establishing the government, it was propounded if it were not the best course that the Freemen should have the power of choosing Assistants when there are to be chosen, and the Assistants from among themselves to choose a Governor and a DeputyGovernor, who with the Assistants should have the power of making laws and choosing officers to execute the same. This was fully assented unto by the
general vote of the people and erection of hands.
Ralfe Sprage is chosen constable of Charlton, John Johnson of Rocksbury,and John Page for Watertown, for the space of one whole year, and after till new be chosen.
It is ordered that the sawyers shall not take above 12d a score for sawing oak boards, and 10d a score for pine boards if they have their wood felled and scored for them.
Walter Palmer made his personal appearance this day, and stands bound, he and his sureties, till the next Court.
he names of such as desire to be made Freeman:
Mr. Samuell Mavracke
Mr. Edward Johnson
Mr. Edward Gibbins
Mr. William Jeffries
Mr. John Burslin
Mr. Samuel Sharpe
Mr. Thomas Graves
Mr. Roger Conant
John Woodbury
Peter Palfrey
Mr. Nathaniel Turner
Mr. Samuel Freeman
Eprahim Childe
Mr. William Clerke
Mr. Abraham Palmer
John Page
Nicholas Upsall
Stephen Terree
Henry Smyth
Roger Williams (Roger Williams of Dorchester, not the Minister and later
founder of Rhode Island.)
John Woolridge
Thomas Lumberd
Bigatt Egglestone
John Grinoway
Christopher Gibson
John Benham
Thomas Williams alias Harris Richard Garrett
John Howman
John Crabb
Capt. Walter Norton
Mr. Alexander Wignall
Mr. William Jennison
Mr. Thomas Southcoate
Mr. Richard Southcoate
James Pemberton
Mr. John Dillingham
John Johnson
Mr. Robert Coles
Jehu Burr
Thomas Rawlins
Richard Bugby
Richards Hutchins
Ralfe Mushell
Thomas Lambe
William Throdingham
William Chase
(Richard) Foxewell
Mr. Charles Gott
Henry Harwood
Mr. George Phillips
Mr. John Wilson
Mr. John Mavracke
Mr. Robert Feake
Mr. William Pelham
Mr. Benjamin Brand
Mr. William Blackstone
Mr. Edmond Lockwood
Mr. Richard Browne
John Strickland
Ralfe Sprague
Mr. George Ludlowe
James Penn
Henry Woolcott
Thomas Stoughton
William Phelpes
George Dyar
John Hoskins
Thomas Ford
Mr. John Warham
Mr. Samuell Skelton
Mr. William Colbron
Mr. William Aspinwall
Edward Converse
Mr. Richard Palgrave
John Taylour
Richard Church
Richard Silvester
William Balstone
Robert Abell
Mr. Giles Sexton
Robert Seely
John Mills
John Cranwell
Mr. Ralfe Glover
William Hulbird
Edmond James
John Pillips
Nathaniell Bowman
John Doggett
Laurence Leach
Charles Chadwicke
William Drakenbury
John Drake
John Balshe
Mr. Samuell Coole
Mr. William Traske
William Gallard
William Rockewell
Henry Herricke
Samuel Hosier
Richard Mylett
Mr. Abraham Pratt
William James
William Allen
Samuel Archer
Thus ends the record of the Court of October, 1630
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
See also:
The Winthrop Fleet of 1630
(full book transcribed and sent, freely shared email farns10th@aol.com.)
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
p.376
Having completed their labors at Kittery, the commissioners on
Monday, November 22, proceeded to Agamenticus, Georges' Gorgeana,
where, in response to the commissioner's summons, the inhabitants
assembled at the house of Nicholas Davis. Prominent among them was
Edward Godfrey, still representing the Gorges interests.
Doubtless during the conference of the preceding week at Kittery
he had been in close touch with friends there holding like views
with reference to the claims of Massachusetts; and in the sub-
mission of Kittery's inhabitants, he could hardly have failed to
forsee the issue of the conference in his own town.
Nonetheless, however, in a day of "debatements", his voice rang
out loud and clear in opposition to any encroachment upon territory
that had long been known as the Province of Maine.
Footnote. 1. Hazard, I, 573, 574.
p.377 THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS IS ACCEPTED.
But, it was of no avail. At the close of the day, when the vote
was taken, the inhabitants of Agamenticus took the same action
as the inhabitants of Kittery on the preceding Saturday. As
recorded by the commissioners, the vote was as follows:
"MY SOULD DID NOT CONSENT UNTO" - GODFREY.
"Mr. Godfrey did forbear until the vote was passed by the rest,
and then immediately he did by word and vote express his con-
sent".1 According to Godfrey's own statement, however, his sub-
mission was with mental reservation. In a later appeal to Parlia-
ment, he wrote, "Whatever my body was inforced unto, Heaven knows
my soul did not consent unto".2
The statement seems to belong to a considerably later period in
Godfrey's life, as in the endorsement, at the close of the petition
occur the words, "This was after Richard Cromwell was out", and
therefore, after April 22, 1659.
In no sense could it be said that Godfrey was under any outward com-
pulsion in yielding submission to the government of Massachusetts.
His submission, it is true, was an unwilling one, but the act was
his own. Of course, his conviction with reference to his rights
remained unchanged. To the best of his ability, he had opposed
the onward advance of Massachusetts into territory north of the
Piscataqua. But now, even his fellow townsmen were not in agree-
ment with him - and when this fact was made clear by their votes,
at the close of the conference, he yielded and added his vote to
the forty-nine votes already recorded.3
This concession on the part of Godfrey has been called a mistake.
Rather, it seems to have been the only course open to him, if he
was to have any helpful influence at Agamenticus.4 The oppor-
tunity for such helpful influence appeared when he received an
appointment as the first of four commissioners to whom, with one
assistant of the Massachusetts government, was given authority...
AGAMENTICUS BECOMES YORK, MAINE.
Footnotes. 1. Hazard, I, 575. 2. Colonial Papers, Public Records
Office, London, England, XIII, 79. Maine Historical Society's
Coll., First Series, IX, 347. 3. For the privileges granted to
the inhabitants, see Hazard, I., 576. 4. From the Massachusetts
commissioners, Agamenticus now received the designation of York,
and became the second town within the limits of what is the State
of Maine.
p.378 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
to keep one County Court at York, each year, while any three of
them were authorized to try cases without a jury. They were also
empowered to conduct the affairs of the County, in general.
This position Godfrey held for three successive years. But the
fires of resentment continued to burn in his breast; and at length,
probably in 1655, he left Agamenticus and made his way to England,
in the hope of securing from the home government redress for the
losses he had substained.
CROMWELL'S PROTECTORATE.
ENGLAND'S KING CHARLES II.
During Oliver Cromwell's Protectorate, however, and also during the
Protectorate of his son, Richard Cromwell, conditions were unfavorable
for a successful presentation of his case. In 1660, however, with
the restoration of King Charles II, the withered hopes of Godfrey and
the heirs of Gorges and Mason, suddenly brightened.
GODFREY DIES IN LUDGATE JAIL, ENGLAND, DATE UNKNOWN.
Yet, under even these changed circumstances, disappointment upon
disappointment followed; and when we obtain our last glimpses of
Godfrey, he is an inmate of Ludgate Jail, London, hopeless, friend-
less, bending under the weight of more than fourscore years; and
there, on an unknown date, it is supposed that he died. His burial
place, like that of Robert Trelawny is unknown.1
Thus, in 1652, by a direct appeal to the people, Massachusetts
succeeded in extending her jurisdiction over the nearest of the
Maine settlements. Her success foreshadowed such added action on
the part of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, as would bring to an end
any exercise of authority derived from the proprietary governments
of Gorges and Rigby. Ye again, there was no hasty action in further
procedure. In May, 1653, the General Court of Massachusetts, ad-
mitted two representatives from Maine - one from Kittery
EDWARD GODFREY BURIED IN ENGLAND, NO GRAVESTONE, AS A PUBLIC PAUPER.
Footnote 1. The last information concerning him is in a letter
written in prison, April, 1663. "There we leave him in the poor
debtor's cell, where he had lived for two years. The end probably
came soon after, for it could not have been delayed long; and
Edward Godfrey, once the Governor of the Province of Maine, who
bore the unchallenged Arms of Godfrey of Boullon, the knightly
King of Jerusalem, was probably thence buried as a public pauper
in the Potter's Field, without a stone or a stake to mark his grave,
and his name and story have been almost lost in the two centuries that
have passed." Dr. Charles E. Banks, Maine Historical Society, First
Series, IX, 335.
p.379. THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS IS ACCEPTED.
WELLS, SACO AND CAPE PORPOISE, MAINE.
and one from York. Shortly after, however, having approved the
wise and successful work of the commissioners at Kittery and York,
the Court appointed commissioners to extend the jurisdiction of
the colony still further northward, so as to include Wells, Saco
and Cape Porpoise.
WELLS, SACO AND CAPE PORPOISE ACCEPT THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Equal success attended the efforts of the commissioners in these
settlements, and July 5, 1653, their inhabitants, by their votes,
placed themselves under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.1
PLYMOUTH, MASSACHUSETTS & ITS KENNEBEC TERRITORY.
THOMAS PRENCE.
THOMAS ASHLEY - MERRYMEETING BAY.
About this time, the Plymouth colonists, somewhat tardily indeed,
were directing attention to the lack of good government in its
Maine territory on the Kennebec. Someone, evidently, had remind-
ed the Pilgrims of their failure to comply with the requirement
of their Charter, that the English settlers on the river within
the colony's territorial limits "should be orderly governed and
carried on in a way of peace for their common good in civil con-
cernments".2 This requirement, they had not fulfilled, and the
General Court of the Plymouth Colony now authorized Thomas Prence,
one of the colony's honored Magistrates to proceed to the Kenne-
bec and call together the inhabitants along the river "for the
settling of a government". Mr. Prence made his way thither and
May 23, 1654, the people assembled at the house of Thomas Ashley
Merrymeeting Bay, where sixteen persons, including Thomas Purchase,
took the Oath of Fidelity to the Commonwealth of England and Ply-
mouth Colony, and agreed upon a series of articles designed to
secure a proper observance of law and order within the limits of
the Pilgrim Grant.3
THE PILGRIM GRANT ON THE KENNEBEC.
ANTIPAS BOIES, EDWARD TYNG, THOMAS BRATTLE AND JOHN WINSLOW.
Footnotes. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, III,
332-334. 2. Hazard, I, 583. 3. Ib., 585, 586. A glance at the
later history of the Pilgrim Grant on the Kennebec is interesting.
When the General Court of the colony met at Plymouth, June 6, 1650,
it was voted that if £500 could be obtained for the Colony's rights
on the Kennebec, the Grant should be sold. In accordance with this
vote, the Pilgrims, in 1661, sold all their lands on either side of
river to Antipas Boies, Edward Tyng, Thomas Brattle and John Winslow.
These four persons and their heirs held these Kennebec lands nearly
a century, making no endeavor to colonize them. In September, 1749,
a meeting of the proprietors was held with a view to the introduct-
ion of settlers. Other (see footnotes continued p. 380)
p.380 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
HENRY JOSSELYN, ROBERT JORDAN & ARTHUR MACKWORTH.
As yet, still farther to the eastward, there was little, if any
endeavor to make proper provision for securing the benefits of
good government. The necessity was recognized, but the ways and
means were not discoverable. And stil Massachusetts, while
watchful of the territory beyond Saco, delayed added action in
extending her jurisdiction. There, men of considerable influence,
like Henry Josselyn, Robert Jordan and Arthur Mackworth, contin-
ued their opposition to the claims of Massachusetts, as also did
George Cleeve; the former, on religious and political grounds and
the latter in an endeavor to retain his place in connection with the
Rigby interests which otherwise would be blotted out.
To Cleeve's protest against any further encroachment Massachusetts
made reply: "We have not endeavored to infringe the liberties of
the planters of those lands, but have offered them the same with
ourselves; not to nourish or ease ourselves by taxing of their
estates, to ease ourselves. We expect no more than what they
formerly did, namely, bear their own charges; not do we seek
to put upon them that which we ourselves would count unequal,
namely, to subject them to such laws and constitutions made by
others, without their consent, it being the portion of most of
our present inhabitants, as of the subjects of most countries,
to be in no other capacity; the constitutions of government and
new model of laws not being made in every age of men, or upon the
arrival of newcomers to a colony".1
But, all the while, Massachusetts held firmly to her purpose.
At length, having received "divers complaints for want of gov-
ernment at the westward, the Massachusetts authorities on May 15,
1657, addressed a letter2 to Henry Josselyn and Robert Jordan,
requesting them to meet the commissioners of the Colony, at the
Footnotes, continued - proprietors were admitted, and in June,
1753, a corporation was formed under the title of "The Proprietors
of the Kennebec Purchase from the late colony of New Plymouth".
The Kennebec Purchase papers, carefully arranged chronologically,
were presented to the Maine Historical Society by the Honorable
Reuel Williams of Augusta.
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 295,
296. 2. Ib., 296, 297.
p.381 THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS IS ACCEPTED.
next County Court at York, Maine, to assist in settling "those
parts beyond Saco, to the utmost bounds of the Massachusetts
Charter. As neither appeared in answer to this request, Massa-
chusetts proceeded to summons the inhabitants in the territory
mentioned, to present themselves at the General Court to be held
in Boston, October 14, 1657. Again there was default. Cleeve,
however, responded by a protest against the legality of the
action of Massachusetts in extending her jurisdiction into
Maine territory, adding an announcement that that the inhabi-
tants had resolved not to yield submission to the government
of the Bay Colony.
To this protest, the General Court of Massachusetts, October
23, 1657, replied by a "declaration and protestation",1 re-
affirming its "right and claim to those parts", but asserting
its purpose to "surcease any further prosectution", at the same
time insisting that "if any mischief or inconvenience" should
result "by means of their own differences, or for want of a
settled government .... all the blame and danger must and ought
to be imputed" to the inhabitants themselves. Here, also, it was
made to appear that Josselyn, Jordan and Cleeve, in their atti-
toward Massachusetts, did not represent the people among whom
they lived; and in response to added complaints of unsettled
conditions, commissioners, appointed by the Massachusetts General
Court, were directed to repair to Black Point, Richmond's Island
and Casco, to receive the submission of the inhabitants.
ROBERT JORDAN, AT SPURWINK.
In attending to this duty, the commissioners held a Court, July
13, 1658, at the house of Robert Jordan, at Spurwink. Hither came
a majority of the residents in the places mentioned. As at Kittery,
York, Wells, Saco and Cape Porpoise, there was "serious debate",
but final unanimity, "the inhabitants at Black Point, Blue Point,
Spurwink and Casco Bay, with all the islands thereunto belonging,"
acknowledging themselves to be subject to the government of the
Massachusetts Bay. Twenty-nine persons signed the form of sub-
mission. Among them appear such familiar names as:
Footnote. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 299.
BLACK POINT, BLUE POINT & STRATTON'S ISLANDS BECOME SCARBOROUGH.
SPURWINK & CLAPBOARD ISLANDS IN CASCO BAY BECAME FALMOUTH.
p.382 George Cleeve, Robert Jordan and Michael Mitton.1 In the articles
of agreement it was announced that the places formerly known as
Black Point, Blue Point and Stratton's Islands would be called
Scarborough henceforth. Those places, hitherto known as Spurwink
and Casco Bay from east side of Spurwink River to the Clapboard
Islands in Casco Bay, and run back into the country eight miles
would henceforth be called Falmouth.
Henry Josselyn, Robert Jordan, George Cleeve, Henry Watts and
Francis Neale were appointed commissioners for the year ensuing
and were invested with full power, or any three of them, for the
trial of all causes without jury, within the limits of Scarborough
and Falmouth; while Henry Josselyn, Robert Jordan, Nicholas Shap-
leigh, Edward Rishworth and Abraham Preble were invested with magi-
sterial power throughout the county of York.2
The purpose of Massachusetts, at least the initial purpose, in
her invasion of Maine territory, was now accomplished. It was not
without watchfulness and skilful management, however, that under
changed political conditions in England, she succeeded in retain-
ing her hold upon the territory thus secured.
The stars in their courses seem to fight on her side, and she was
able at length to extend her jurisdiction into the larger territory
still farther to the eastward. The story of those added endeavors
is one of very deep interest, but it belongs to a period outside
of that which this present volume is restricted.
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 301-303.
2. Ib., 303-306.
p.383 CHAPTER XXIII.
REVIEW OF THE PERIOD.
In its beginnings colonial Maine seemed to possess advantages
that promised much for its development and prosperity. It had
prominent and powerful promoters, and they lost no time in ob-
taining a foothold here. The date of the arrival of the Popham
colonists at the mouth of the Kennebec, is only a little later
than that of the colonists who made their settlement at James-
town, Virginia. But the Popham Colony was a failure.
None of the colonists remained in the country when Gilbert and
the ships returned homeward. English fishermen and traders con-
tinued to make their way to the coast of Maine, but of settlers
little is heard for many years. As late as 1620, and for some
time afterward, Maine had no settlement that equalled in the
number of its inhabitants, that of the Pilgrim colony at Ply-
mouth.
Indeed, after the landing of the Puritans at Salem and Boston,
Massachusetts, colonial Maine had no rivals to the larger and
more prosperous communities within the limits of the Bay colony.
This was also true at the time when Massachusetts extended her
jurisdiction over the Maine settlements.
It may be properly asked, therefore, why, during the period
covered in these pages, were Maine settlements weak, lacking
elements of growth and stability, as compared with settlements
in other parts of New England territory?
ALL SETTLERS IN NEW ENGLAND HAD A COMMON ENGLISH ANCESTRY.
Certainly it was not because of racial differences in the
colonists, for all the settlers in New England in the first
half of the seventeenth century had a common ancestry. They
spoke the same language, and their political opinions were
developed under the same conditions. But they were not all
on the same side in the great movement toward democracy that
was in progress in the period now under review.
p.384 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
A recent English historian1 tells us that "the sovereignty
of the people" and "the equality of man with man in the scales
of justice" were first ushered into the world of English poli-
tics, by the trial of King Charles I, that resulted in his
execution.
KING CHARLES HAD NO USE FOR THE "EQUALITY OF MAN".
As to the final act in the conflict between the King and the
House of Commons, this is true. King Charles had no use for
political principles that found expression in such notions as
"the sovereignty of the people" and "the equality of man with
man in the scales of justice". His own views concerning King
and people, he stated frankly, even bluntly, on the scaffold.
"For the people", he said, "truly I desire their liberty and
freedom as much as any body whatsoever; but I must tell you,
their liberty and freedom consists in having government, those
laws by which their lives and their goods may be most their own.
It is not their having a share in the government - that is
nothing appertaining to them. A subject and a sovereign are
clearly different things.".2
To King Charles, these were old truths, needing, as he thought,
reaffirmation. For them he was ready to die. It has well been
said that "nothing in King Charle's life became him like the
manner in which he left it".2 In that solemn hour, he certainly
exhibited calm dignity and bravery. But in these last words,
the King correctly represented his attitude towards the people
over whom he had reigned so arbitrarily as to make his trial
necessary.4
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE - THE NEW DEMOCRACY.
Over against these old-world ideas that at length wrought the
ruin of the Stuarts, stood those of the new democracy, which
for a score or more of years had found voices in the House of
Commons, declaring the sovereignty of the people and the suprem-
macy of Parliament.5 It was a new democracy. It had its beginn-
ings
Footnotes. 1. George MacAulay Trevelyan, England under the
Stuarts, 281. 2. Ib., 289. 3. S. R. Gardiner, Puritan Revolu-
tion, 160. 4. "England must be brought under a settled govern-
ment; and a settled government, with King charles to stir up
discord against every element in the state in turn, was a sheer
impossibilty." Ib., 158. 5. Some voices were heard in the House
of Lords, but in the progress of the movement for democracy, the
influence of the Lords rapidly declines.
p.385 REVIEW OF THE PERIOD.
farther back than the trial of King Charles, however, and in the
interest of religious rather than civil liberty. Happily in places
on the continent of Europe, conditions were better at that time
than in England.
For example, when the Pilgrims, in the latter part of th 16th
century, left the land of their birth and crossed over into
Holland, it was because there, "they heard, was freedom of
religion for all men".1 But in English towns and villages,
the word, "freedom" was already stirring the thoughts of men,
and becoming forceful to such a degree as to call for action
and sacrifice. But before their departure for Holland, the need
of civil freedom must have been strongly impressed upon the
Pilgrims on account of the cruel, it might indeed be called
the brutal treatment they received from the civil authorities
in their experiences in getting out of England.2 During their
residence in Holland, however, their civil and religious ideals
were enlarged; and at length, looking for a new home in which
their ideals might have such fulfilment as they desired, the
Pilgrims crossed the sea and made the first permanent settle-
in New England. To what extent their ideals had been enlarged
during those year of exile on the continent, appears in the
opening words of their General Laws and Liberties, to which they
gave these fitting words of introduction:
At the time of the opening of the Long Parliament, November 3,
1640, it is estimated that one-half of the Peers supported the
King, while about thirty remained at Westminster and continued
to act with the majority of the House of Commons. But just be-
fore the execution of King Charles (January 29, 1649) the
House of Commons voted, "That the House of Peers is useless
and ought to be abolished." It was abolished.
"Not only was the abolition of the Upper House the necessary
preliminary to all reforms, it was justifiable by nature and
reason." The House of Lords During the Civil War, by Charles
Harding Firth, Regius Professor of Modern History at the Univ.
of Oxford, England, 213, 216.
Footnotes. 1. Bradford, Journal, 15. 2. These experiences are
quite fully related by Bradford in the early part of his Journal.
p.386 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"We, the associates of the Colony of New Plymouth, coming hither
as free-born subjects of the Kingdom of England, endowed with all
and singular privileges belonging to such, being assembled, do
enact, ordain and constitute that no act, impositon, law or
ordinance, be made or imposed upon us at present, or to come,
but such as shall be made or imposed by consent of the body of
freemen or associates, or their representatives legally
assembled, which is according to the free liberties of the
freeborn people of England".1
The causes of irritation that drove the Pilgrims out of England
in the closing years of Queen Elizabeth's reign were also force-
ful during the reign of her successor. Many of the most influent-
ial and conscientious of the conformist Puritans in the English
Church, felt compelled to leave it.
"About the year 1620, the storm began to brew. Strong Protestants
of all sections, were drawn together by a vague sense of approach-
ing peril, which thenceforth inspired every word and action of the
House of Commons ... so King James I, when he died (March 27, 1625),
left Protestants angry and suspicious, and bold in the conscious-
ness of representing public opinion."2 Conditions under King
Charles, however, were not better than under King James, but worse.
In the opening years of his reign, it was only too evident that he
would run a more irritating course than his father.
Accordingly, there was still unrest in English hearts and homes,
and when, at length this was aggravated by an outbreak of reli-
gious tryanny that became increasingly intolerable, the Puritans
followed the Pilgrims hither, 2 with the purpose, as John Winthrop
Footnotes. From a copy of these Laws and Liberties printed at
Cambridge in 1672, and now in the Maine Historical Society Library.
2. Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 149, 150. 3. "The men
who formed the strength of the anti-monarchical and the Puritan
part of the community were always contemplating emigration. England
sent enough of these elements to found a new world; but if the
war had gone differently, she would have sent out enough to ruin
herself. The most advantageous merchants, the most skilled arti-
sans, the Lords and
p.387 REVIEW OF THE PERIOD.
he said on the voyage over, "to seek out a place of cohabitation
and consorship under a due form of government, both civil and eccle-
siastical".1 By "due form of government" John Winthrop did not
mean a form characterized by such a measure of civil and religious
liberty as the descendants of Winthrop and his fellow voyagers now
enjoy. The full vision of that better day had not broken upon them.
But they soon framed a form of government here, which, with all its
shortcomings as we now see them, afforded a freedom from political
and ecclesiastical constraint greatly in advance of what they had
known hitherto, and which in time, under the protection of just
laws, would develop the principles of true freedom, civil and
religious, to an extent not before attained in the history of
civilization, and in the enjoyment of which, even in the beginn-
ings of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, they greatly prospered.
In this, indirectly, the Puritans of Massachusetts were greatly
aided by the course of events in England. Not all came hither
who were in agreement with them in their democratic aspirations.
Indeed there were many who still hoped that in some way King
Charles would be made to see how destructive to his own inter-
ests, as well as to those of the country, was the course he had
taken, and that at length he would recognize the necessity of
retracing his steps.
But the hope had no fulfilment, and more and more the conviction
was strengthened that "a King who had ruled so badly in the past
was incapable of ruling at all in the future".2 And so there
followed what is sometimes designated as the "Puritan Revolution",
and sometimes as the "Civil War" and sometimes as the "Great
Rebellion". King Charles drew to his standard the cavaliers,
including all those who for various reasons rallied to the support
of the King; while around Oliver Cromwell gathered the yeomen free-
holders,
Footnotes from previous page, continued -
gentlemen who took cousel for the liberties of their country, the
ploughmen who saw visions, the tinkers who dreamed dreams, were
perpetually thinking of New England.
Thither, twenty thousand Puritans had already carried their skills
and industry, their sliver and their gold, their strivings and
their hopes." Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 225.
Footnotes. 1. The Puritan Age, Reverend Dr. George E. Ellis, 50.
2. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 126.
p.388 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
many of the smaller country squires, tenant farmers not a few,
some of the gentry and large numbers of the dwellers in cities
and towns, all inspired by the hope of securing better conditons
for themselves and their children. Generally it can be said that
the Puritan movement was the strongest in the eastern and middle
countries of England, while the King, although aided by devoted
Royalists and churchmen in towns and cathedral cities, relied
upon upon the support received from the southwestern counties.1
But the cause for which King Charles stood was a losing one. Ill
success attended his forces; and in the struggle until the fatal
close for the King, affairs on this side of the sea received no
attentiion. In this condition of things in England, the Puritans
of Massachusetts were left to develop in their own way, a form of
government based upon civil liberty and the sovereignty of the
people.
The colonists who came to Maine, however, were moved thereto by
other influences than were forceful in the establishment of the
Massachusetts Bay colony and other New England colonies.
The Popham colonists, on account of their early return homeward,
had no part in New England's development; but as they came hither
under influences that continued to be represented here, it is
noteworthy that those who were instrumental in their coming, were
in sympathy with the King, who, by his language and his acts, had
already irritated the Puritans of England in such a way2 as thus
early force an issue between King and Commons, that was finally
to be decided on memorable battlefields in a great crisis in the
history of the English people.
Very little is known concerning the settlers who had homes on
the Pemaquid peninsula in 1625, and at other places between
Pemaquid and the Kennebec at a later period. There are no
known facts that connect them with any movement in the mother
Footnotes. 1. Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 228.
2. Gorges, in a letter to Cecil, referring to the conditions
in England at the time of the Popham Colony, and urging the
importance of American colonization, to the English people, de-
scribes them as "now sick in despair and in time will grow des-
perate through necessity". Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III, 162.
p.389 REVIEW OF THE PERIOD.
country like that which brought the Pilgrims and the Puritans to
New England. They seem to have represented no organized enter-
prise, but, so far as may be inferred from such information as
has been preserved, they made their way hither out of personal
considerations, some of them bringing their families, allured
in all probability by what they learned from traders and fisher-
men, who called their attention to favorable opportunities for
advantageous settlement upon the coast of Maine.
At the same time, in the Province of Maine, a few voices were
heard that indicate in those who uttered them, the presence of
the spirit of the Puritan movement in England.
Thus, when George Cleeve was told by John Winter, that he was a
trespasser at Spurwink, but might become a tenant to Trelawny on
some other part of the latter's Cape Elizabeth estate, Cleeve
showed plainly where he stood by his very democratic reply that
"he would be tenant to never any man in New England".1
So also a kindred spirit seems to have been manifested at
Richmond's Island in 1636, by the six men in Winter's employ,
who "fell into such a mutinay" that they left the plantation
"to fish for themselves." As Winter in reporting the case
to Trelawny, mentioned the names of the men, it is possible
to follow them and learn somewhat of their subsequent history.2
They all seem to have made their way to Portsmouth. The one whom
Winter called the leader of the party was evidently a member of
the Church of England, for he was one of the parishioners who
"founded and built" at Portsmouth, in 1640, the "parsonage
house, chapel with the appurtenances at their own proper costs
and charges". The others, also, seem to have been citizens of
good repute. Evidently these men felt that they were not re-
ceiving just treatment from Winter; and as freemen on American
soil, they asserted what they regarded as the right of freemen
and exchanged Richmond's Island and John Winter's hard condi-
tions for better conditions farther down the coast. Two others,
not long resident in Maine, manifested sympathy
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 265. 2. Ib., 93, and note by the
Honorable James P. Baxter.
p.390 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE FIRST WAS EDWARD TRELAWNY.
with the Puritan movement, one as it shaped itself on this side
of the sea, and the other as connected with efforts in England to
bring the despotic rule of King Charles to an end. The first was
Edward Trelawny, who soon after his arrival at Richmond's Island
in 1635, drawn thither doubtless on account of the interests of
Robert Trelawny, proceeded to Boston on a visit. While there, in
a letter written to his brother, Robert Trelawny, he indicated
such a degree of sympathy with the Massachusetts colonists as to
make it evident that he had been drawn into the Puritan movement.1
The other was Thomas Gorges, Governor of the Province of Maine.
Having in 1640-1643 faithfully served the Gorges interests here,
finding himself out of harmony with the supporters of King Charles,
as the English Civil War opened, he resigned his governorship, and
returned to England and joined the Parliamentary Party - an act
that spoke louder than words as to his attitude in that time of
stress and storm.
If there were others north of the Piscataqua who were in sym-
pathy with the Puritan movement - and doubtless, there were -
they occupied the less conspicuous places in the walks of life
and so were not heard from. The Royalists in general were in
positions of influence. Their voices were those that made most
frequent and forceful expression - and thus largely gave tone to
public sentiment as it found utterance in Maine settlements, until
their inhabitants came under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.
But like the Royalists in England, the Maine Royalists were on
the wrong side in the great movement in which, through Puritan
warfare the battle for the sovereignty of the people was fought
AND WHO WOULD NOT BE AMONG SUCH A PEOPLE AND IN SUCH A LAND?
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 72-72; 78, 79. Referring to New
England as "blest and beloved of the Lord", Trelawny asks: "and
what is the reason of all this; surely one is, as I conceive,
that as God's people are come into a new country, where they
freely enjoy the liberty of his holy ordinance without any
trouble or molestation at all, either of bishop, archbishop or
any other inferior carping minister or gaping officer, so they
come unto the land and to the Lord with new hearts and new lives
and enter into a new covenant so to continue ever to their end.
And who would not be among such a people and in such a land?
Trelawny Papers, 74.
p.391 REVIEW OF THE PERIOD.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
feudal liberties of the middle ages. Never were the notions of
right more completely confounded than in the midst of the splendor
and the literature of Europe; never was there less political activity
among the people; never were the principles of true freedom less
widley circulated." This is the statement of a great French
scholar,2 who, returning from the consideration of such conditions
upon the continent, found in the Puritan movement of the 17th
century in England the "fruitful germs of free institutions" and
"the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people"
Nor was he satisfied with his investigations until he had
crossed the sea and studied here, the further development of
those principles of government for which the Puritans of England
contended in the great uprising against King Charles.
Footnotes. 1. S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 118.
2. Alexis de Tocqueville in Democracy in America, 24. "During
the seventeenth century a despotic scheme of society and govern-
ment was so firmly established in Europe, that but for the course
of events in England, it would have been the sole successor of
the mediaeval system...but at this moment the English, unaware of
their destiny and of their service, tenacious only of their rights,
their religion and their interests, evoked a system of govern-
ment which differed as completely from the continental model
as it did from the chartered anarchy of the middle ages."
Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 1, 2.
p.392 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
It is now readily admitted that those who supported the King
in that crisis in England's history, did so out of a sense of
loyalty and duty, having regard to the right as they saw the
right. In such a crisis, when good men differ and the lines are
closely drawn, it is not easy for those of either party to give
their opponents just credit for sincerity and honesty of pur-
pose. During our American Revolution, the Tories were not only
bitterly denounced, but in many cases were compelled to leave
their homes and seek refuge in the provinces, or in England.
They are no longer Tories, but Loyalists." So too, in the civil
war of 1861-1865, those who began the war and fought until they
had exhausted the means of war - were rebels. They are now con-
federates. Time is needed in order to reach just judgment. But
we do neither the Loyalists of the Revolution, nor the Confeder-
ates of the South any injustice in saying that they were on the
wrong side. Some of them have said so themselves.2
The supporters of King Charles I, were on the wrong side. It is
here, therefore, that an answer is to be found to the
Footnote. 1. "A few years ago the most intense hate was
cherished by colonists (refering to Loyalists in the British
provinces) towards the people of the United States. Their fathers
were the losers, ours were the winners in the War of the Revolu-
tion. Nor was kind feeling entertained among us. It was thought
disloyal in a colonist, adn to evince a want of patriotism in a
citizen of the Republic, to seek to promote sentiments of love
on either side, and to unite kinsmen, who, two generations ago,
were severed in the dismemberment of the British empire. But
the change is wonderful, and some persons who commend the work
of reconciliation live to witness the consummation of their
highest hopes." Lorenzo Sabine, The Loyalists of the American
Revolution, I, 137.
INSERT.
Massachusetts Loyalists in the Revolutionary War.
by Lorenzo Sabine, published at Boston, Little, Brown & Company. 1864.
(Full book, 330 kbs notepad format, transcribed by
Janice Farnsworth.)
2. "The world has not stood still in the years since we took
up arms for what we deemed our most invaluable right - that of
self-government. We now enjoy the rare privilege of seeing what
we fought for in the retrospect. It no longer seems desirable.
It would now prove only a curse. We have good cause to thank
God for our escape from it, not alone for our sake, but for
that of the whole country and even of the world." Brigadier
General E. P. Alexander, chief artillery in Longstreet's Corps.
Military Memories of a Confederate, introduction, p. viii.
General Alexander directed the Confederate artillery fire that
preceded what is called "Pickett's Charge" at the Battle of
Gettysburg, July 3, 1863. (in which my ancestor, Elon John
Farnsworth was killed). The Charge and Death of Elon John
Farnsworth.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
p.393 REVIEW OF THE PERIOD.
inquiry, Why, during the period under review in the preceding
chapters, did Maine settlements fail to grow and prosper as id
the settlements in other parts of New England? Plainly it was
because the men who were influential in these settlements were
largely on the wrong side. Neither they nor their promoters in
England were inspired by the high ideals with reference to free-
dom, religion and governmental interests that drew to the shores
of Massachusetts Bay the Puritans and the Pilgrims. In new re-
lations, however, Colonial Maine more and more caught the spirit
of the new democracy as the years rolled on, and in the later
unfoldings of her political history, in the struggle for nation-
al independence, in the founding and building up of new and
prosperous states in the middle west and the northest, and in
the preservation of the Federal Union - Maine, by the sturdy
character of her people and the ability of her statesmen, has
achieved an honorable and prominent position among American
Commonwealths.
END. Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth.