Contributed for use in the USGenWeb Archives by Donna Bluemink.


Prepared Pursuant to Chapter 361, Laws of the State of New York, of 1885.

by Frederick Cook, Secretary of State
Auburn, N. Y. Knapp, Peck & Thompson Printers

Miscellaneous Pages 2:

Journal of Captain Thomas Machin, pp 192-197
Col. Goose Van Schaick, biographical sketch, p 196
Marinus Willet, biographical sketch, p 196
Major Gen. Sullivan's Official Report, pp 298-305
List of Journals and Narratives not Published, pp 310-312
General Sherman's Speeches, pp 439-442



Thomas Machin, Captain in Colonel John Lamb's Second Regiment (N. Y.) Artillery. From April 19 to 23, 1770, in Colonel Van Schaick's expedition against the Onondagas. Published in the Magazine of American History, November, 1879, and republished here by permission, through the courtesy of Mrs. Martha J. Lamb, Editor of that Magazine.


By Thomas Machin, Captain in Col. Lamb's Second Regiment, N. Y. Artillery,
Communicated by F. H. Roof.


Early on Monday morning, 19th of April, 1779—Marched from fort Schuyler with a Dctachment of Troops, Consisting of 558 men, Including officers, and after moveing Eaight Days provision Into Battows, wich had been conveyed over a carying place in the night, and Leaving sufficient Number of Soldiers to assist the Battowe men to get the Boats down Wood Crick, with five officers to hurry them on—

The Remainder of Troops marched to the old Scow place, Twenty two miles by land, but much more by water; the Troops ar'ved by 3 o'clock p. m., but the Boats did not all arrive until 10 o'clock, having been much obstructed by trees which had fallen across the Crick: as soon as the Boats arived the whole of the Troops Embarked, and on Entring the onidahogo was much Impeded by a cold head wind. Made one halt in the night for the rearmost Boats to come up, and then proceeded to Possers bay, whare we Arrived at 8 o'clock in the morning of the 20th, to wait again for the Coming up of all the Boats, when we continued with as much Expedition as possible to the Onondago Landing, opposite to old fort, and arived there at 3 o'clock p. m; from whence, after leaving the Boats with Proper Guard, we marched Eaight or nine miles on our way to the Onondago Settlement, and lay on our Arms all Night without fire, not being able to continue our marching. Dark. The Night cold. Very early on the 21st proceaded to the old Salt Lake, and at 9 o'clock a. m. Forded an arm of that Lake, two hundred yards over, and four feet Deep a considerable part of the way. Pushed on to the Onondaga Breech, whare Capt Graham, with his Company of Light Infantry, took an Onondago Warrior [193] prisoner, wich was the first Indian discovered—ordered Capt Graham to Endeavor to surround the first onondago Settlements, wich ware about Two miles of, and hastning on the troops By Companys as fast at he crost the Creek upon a Log, the Creek not being fordable, I soon arrived with the whole Detachment at the principle Castle, but was before apprised of their haveing discovered our advanced Parties while they ware takeing some prisoners, upon which I ordered Different Routs to be taken by several Different Detachments, in order to surround as [many] of their Settlements as possible at the same time, which Extended Eaight Miles in Length, with some scattered habitations laying back of the Costs, and on the opposite side of the Creek; but notwithstanding Entred their first settlement in the most secret manner, and quite undiscovered by them, thay soon recd the alarm throughout the whole, and fled to the woods, but without being able to carry off any thing with them. We took thirty three Indians & one white Prisoner, & killed twelve Indians; the whole of their Settlement, consisting of about fifty Houses, with a quantity of corn, and every other kind of Stock we found whare Killed; about one Hundred guns, some of which ware Rifles, was among the Plunder, the whole of which, after the men had Loaded with as much as they could carry, was Destroyed, with a Considerable quantity of amunition. One Swivel taken at the Counsel House had the Trunions Broke off and otherways Damaged; in fine, the Destruction of all their Settlements ware compleat; after which we began our march back, Recrossing the Creek, and forded the arm of the Lake, along side of which we Encamped on very good ground. Haveing been once Interrupted in our Return by a Small party of Indians, who fired at us from the opposite side of the Creek, but were soon beat off by Lieut Evens Rifle, with the Loss of one Killed on the part of the enemy, and none on our own. Fair Weather all this Day. 22d, marched Down to the Landing. Found Bateaus in good order; Reimbarked, and Rowed to the Seven Miles Island, whare we Encamp.

Fair weather—23d Crossed the Lake and Landed two miles up Wood Creek at two o'clock; left two companies to guard and assist the Bataus Men in gitting up the Boats, marched Eaight Miles, and Encampt along side Feals Creek.

Fair Weather, Saturday, 24th. Small showers of Rain on our march to the fort, whare we arrived at 12 o'clock, haveing been out five Days and half, the whole distance of going out and Returning Being One Hundred Eighty miles, not having [lost] a Single Man—

The following in relation to Colonel Van Schaick's Expedition against the Onondagas is from "The Order Book of Capt. Leonard Bleecker, Major of Brigade in the early part of the expedition under Gen. James Clinton, against the Indian Settlements of Western New York, in the Campaign of 1779. " New York city, Joseph Sabin, 1865.

Head Quarters, Albany
June 8, 1779
Resolved, That the Thanks of Congress be presented to Col. Van Skaick, and the Officers and Soldiers under his Command, for their Activity and good Conduct in the late Expedition against the Onnondagas.

Extract from the minutes, [A Copy]
Charles Thomson, Secretary.
Head Quarters, Middle Brook,
Saturday, May 8, 1779.
The Commander-in-Chief has the Pleasure to inform the Army that a Detachment of Troops under the Command of Col. Van Schaick, marched from Fort Schuyler the 19th of last Month towards Onnondaga, a considerable Indian Settlement on the Waters of Lake Ontario, which was entirely destroyed, with a large Quantity of Grain, Cattle, Horses, and Ammunition, except such Part as could be conveniently brought off. Twelve of the Savages, mostly Warriors, were killed, and four and thirty made Prisoners, the rest saved themselves by a precipitate Flight into the Woods.

This Expedition was performed in about five Days and a half, the Distance going and returning, one hundred and eighty Miles, without the loss of a Man.

The good Conduct, Secrecy, Spirit and Dispatch, with which this Enterprize was executed, does the highest Honour to Col Van Schaick, and the Officers and Men under his Command, and merits the Thanks of the Commander-in-chief.
Extract from Genl Orders, [A Copy]
Alex. Scammel, Adjt Genl.

The following is a copy of a table of distances in the hand writing of Captain Machin, found among his papers after his decease.

Distance of places from Eastown to Chenesee Castle, taken in 1779, by actual survey:

From Eastown to Weoming, Miles 65, Total 65
From Eastown to Lackawaneck Creek, Miles 10, Total 75
From Eastown to Quailuternunk, Miles 7, Total 82
From Eastown to Tunkhannunk Creek, Miles 11, Total 93
From Eastown to Meshohing Creek, Miles 9, Total 102
From Eastown to Vanderlip's Plantation, Miles 5, Total 107
From Eastown to Wealuskingtown, Miles 8, Total 115
From Eastown to Wessawken or Pine Creek, Miles14-1/2, , Total 129-1/2
From Eastown to Tioga, Miles 15-1/2, , Total 145
From Eastown to Chemung, Miles 12, Total 157
From Eastown to Newtown, Miles 8-1/2, Total 165-1/2
From Eastown to French Catharinestown, Miles 18, Total 183-1/2
From Eastown to Candaia or Appletown, Miles 27-1/2, Total 211
From Eastown to the outlet of the Seneca lake, Miles 11-1/2, Total 222-1/2
From Eastown to Kanedesago or the Seneca Castle, Miles 3-1/2, Total 226
From Eastown to Kanandaque, Miles 15-1/2, Total 241-1/2
From Eastown to Haunyauy, Miles13-1/2, Total 255
From Eastown to Adjusta, Miles 12-1/2, Total 267-1/2
From Eastown to Cossau Wauloughby, Miles 7, Total 274-1/2
From Eastown to Chennesse Castle, Miles 5-1/2, Total 280

Distance from Kanadesago round the Cayuga Lake to Newtown—Fort Reed.
From Kanadesago to Scawyace, Miles 8-1/2, Total 8-1/2
From Kanadesag to across the outlet of the Cayuga, Miles 8-1/2, Total 17
From Kanadesag to the Oayuga Castle, Miles 10, Total 27
From Kanadesag to Chonodote, a town remarkable for a number of Peach trees, Miles 3-1/2, Total 30-1/2
From Kanadesag to the upper end of Cayuga Lake, Miles 23, Total 53-1/2
From Kanadesag to a town not named, Miles 5, Total 58-1/2
From Kanadesag and from there to Newtown, otherwise Fort Reed, Miles 27-1/2, Total 86

Thomas Machin was born in England, March 20, 1744, settled in America, in 1772, and took an early and active interest in the Revolution. He was made Second Lieutenant of N. Y. Artillery, January 18, 1776, and Captain Lieutenant in the second battalion of Artillery on the 1st of January, which rank he held in the Expedition to Onondaga, under Col. Van Schaick, and to the Genesee country, under Gen. Clinton, [195] in 1779. On the 21st of AUGUST, 1780, he was appointed Captain in the Second N. Y. Artillery, and one year after in the First.

He was employed as Engineer in constructing and placing the chain across the Hudson in the Highlands, and after the war, was for a time, engaged in coining money for the States, before the adoption of the Federal Constitution, his works being at the outlet of a pond, five miles back from Newburgh. He enjoyed the confidence of Gov. Geo. Clinton, Gen. James Clinton, Gen's Washington and La Fayette, and many other distinguished men of his day. He obtained patents of large tracts of land in the northern part of Oneida county; was a member of the N. Y. State Society of Cincinnati, and was succeeded by his son Gen. Thomas Machin of Albany. He died at Charleston, Montgomery county, N. Y., April 3, 1816. (F. B. Hough, in Bleecker's Order Book)


Prepared from records at Albany, N. Y., and Washington, D. C., (some of the important military records of the State of New York, having been removed to Washington, to replace records burned by the British army in the destruction of the National Capitol in 1814). See also New York "Balloting Book" published in 1825, and "Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts—Revolutionary Papers," published in 1868.

The first N. Y. Regiment took part in the Onondaga Campaign in the spring of 1779, under direction of Gen. James Clinton, whose headquarters were then at Albany, N. Y. The expedition was commanded by Col. G. Van Schaick and consisted of the first New York Regiment, with a detachment from the 3d N. Y. Regt., in charge of Lieut. Col. Marinus Willett and Maj. Robert Cochran, together with several detached companies from other regiments. See also Lieut. Beatty's journal, at page 16, hereof.

In December, 1780, the consolidation of the five regiments of the New York line into two regiments began. The first and third were consolidated as the first regiment, under Col. G. Van Schaick, and the second, fourth and fifth together with Col. Livingston's Regiment, &c., were reorganized as the second regiment, under Col. Philip Van Cortlandt.

See autobiography of Col. P. Van Cortlandt in Magazine of American History, N. Y. City, AUGUST 1878.
G. S. C.

[196] FIRST REGIMENT, 1779.

Colonel Goose Van Schaick.
Lieut. Colonel Cornelius Van Dyck.
Major John Graham.
Captain John H. Wendell,
Captain Andrew Finck,
Captain Benjamin Hicks,
Captain Nicholas Van Rensselaer,
Captain Charles Parsons.
Capt. Lieutenant Guy Young.
Lieutenant Barent S. Salisbury,
Lieutenant John C. Ten Broeck,
Lieutenant Adiel Sherwood,
Lieutenant Peter B. Tearse,
Lieutenant Nathaniel Henry,
Lieutenant Abraham Hardenbergh,
Lieutenant Ephraim Snow.
Ensign Bartholomew Van Valkenburgh,
Ensign Christopher Müller,
Ensign Henry Van Woert,
Ensign Abraham Ten Eyck,
Ensign Jacob Henry Wendell,
Ensign Wilhelmus Ryckman,
Ensign Benjamin Gilbert.

Col. Goose Van Schaick, (son of Sybrant G. Van Schaick, a former Mayor of Albany), served as a major in the French war, under Col. Johnson, and was at the battle of Ticonderoga. Upon the breaking out of the Revolution, he was appointed a Colonel, and during most of the war, he commanded the First New York Continental Battalion. His services on the northern frontier, in the Mohawk valley, upon the Hudson, and in the New Jersey campaigns, fill an honorable page in our Revolutionary Annals. His expedition to lay waste the Onondaga settlements in April, 1779, was decisive, and resolutions were adopted by Congress, congratulating him and his command for its success. He remained to guard the valley, after the departure of Gen. Clinton's army, to join Gen. Sullivan.

 Col. Van Schaick served till the close of the war. On the 10th of October, 1783, he was appointed Brigadier General by brevet. His death occurred July 4th, 1789, at Albany, where he had resided through life.

Marinus Willett, was born at Jamaica, Long Island, N. Y., July 31, 1740. His taste for military life was acquired during the colonial wars under General Abercombie. He was at the battle of Ticonderoga, and in the expedition against Fort Frontenac, by General Bradstreet. In the war of the Revolution, he served as Captain in the expedition [197] against Quebec, Canada; was commissioned as Lieut. Colonel in 1776, and commanded at Fort Constitution on the Hudson river, in 1777, and afterwards took part in the gallant defense of Fort Stanwix (Schuyler) against the Indians. He was a participant in the battle of Monmonth, New Jersey, in 1778, and served in the Onondaga expedition in the spring of 1779, and with General Clinton in his march from Otsego lake. In the years 1780, '81 and '82, he was actively connected with military operations in the Mohawk valley. After the close of the war, he was frequently honored with important positions in civil life; was twice appointed Sheriff of the county of New York; was Mayor of the City of New York, in 1807, and in 1824, President of the Electoral College of New York. He died AUGUST 23, 1830, aged 90 years.

* * * * * *


[Re-published from a reprint of the Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser of Tuesday, October 19, 1779.]

See also The Military Services and Public Life of Major General John Sullivan, by Thomas C. Amory, Boston, Mass., page 130, &c.


Teaogo, Sept, 30, 1779.

SIR:—In mine of the 30th ultimo* to His Excellency George Washington, and by him transmitted to Congress, I gave an account of the victory obtained by this army over the enemy at Newtown, on the 29th August. I now do myself the honor to inform Congress of the progress of this army, and the most material occurrences which have since taken place.

The time taking up in destroying the corn, in the neighborhood of Newtown, employing the army near two days, and there appearing a probability that the destruction of all the crops might take a much, greater length of time than was first apprehended, and being likewise convinced, by an accurate calculation, that it could not be possible to effect the destruction of the Indian country, with the provision on hand which was all I had in store, and indeed all I had pack horses to transport from Teaogo; in this situation I could think of but one expedient to answer the purposes of the expedition, which was to prevail, if possible, on the soldiers to content themselves with half a pound of flour and the same quantity of fresh beef per day, rather than leave the important business unfinished. I therefore drew up an address to them, a copy of

*See also his report of the battle of Newtown, dated Aug. 30, 1779, in Amory's Military Service and Public Life of General Sullivan, at page 121, thereof.

[297] which I have the honor to enclose you, which being read, was answered by three cheers from the whole army. Not one dissenting voice was heard from either officer or soldier. I had then on hand, from the best calculation I could make, twenty-two pounds of flour and sixteen pounds of beef per man; the former liable to many deductions by rains, crossing rivers and defiles; the latter much more so, from the almost unavoidable loss of cattle, when suffered to range the woods at night for their support. I was, however, encouraged in the belief, that I should be enabled to effect the destruction and total ruin of the Indian territories by this truly noble resolution of the army, for which, I know not whether the public stand more indebted to the pursuasive arguments which the officers began to use, or to the virtuous disposition of the soldiers, whose prudent and cheerful compliance with the requisition anticipated all their wishes, and rendered pursuasion unnecessary.

I sent back all my heavy artillery on the night of the 30th, retaining only four brass three pounders, and a small howitzer; loaded the necessary ammunition on horseback, and marched early on the 31st for Catherine's Town. On our way we destroyed a small settlement of eight houses, and town called Konowhola, of about twenty houses, situated on a peninsula at the conflux of the Teaogo and Cayuga branches.—We also destroyed several fields of corn. From this point Colonel Dayton was detached with his regiment and the rifle corps up the Teaogo about six miles, who destroyed several large fields of corn. The army resumed their march, and encamped within thirteen miles and a half of Catherine's Town, where we arrived the next day, although we had a road to open for the artillery, through a swamp nine miles in extent, and almost impervious. We arrived near Catherine's Town in the night, and moved on, in hopes to surprise it, but found it forsaken. On the next morning an old woman belonging to the Cayuga nation was found in the woods. She informed me that on the night after the battle of Newtown, the enemy, having fled the whole night, arrived there in great confusion early the next day; that she heard the warriors tell their women they were conquered and must fly; that they had a great many killed and vast numbers wounded.—She likewise heard the lamentations of many at the loss of their connections. In addition to this, she assured us, that some other warriors had met Butler at this place and desired him to return and fight again. But to this request they could obtain no satisfactory answer, for, as they observed, "Butler's mouth was closed." The warriors who had been in the action were equally averse to the proposal, and would think of nothing but flight, and removal of their families; that they kept runners on every mountain to observe the [298] movements of our army, who reported early in the day on which we arrived, that our advance was very rapid; upon which all those who had not been before sent off, fled with precipitation, leaving her without any possible means of escape. She said that Brant had taken most of the wounded up the Teaogo in canoes. I was, from many circumstances, fully convinced of the truth and sincerity of her declaration, and the more so, as we had, the day we left Newtown, discovered a great number of bloody packs, arms and accoutrements, thrown away in the road, and in the woods each side of it. Besides which, we discovered a number of recent graves, one of which has been since opened, containing the bodies, of two persons who had died by wounds.

These circumstances, when added to that of so many warriors being left dead on the field, a circumstance not common with Indians, were sufficient to corroborate the woman's declaration, and to prove what I before conjectured, that the loss of the enemy was much greater than was at first apprehended. I have never been able to ascertain, with any degree of certainty, what force the enemy opposed to us at Newtown, but from the best accounts I have been able to collect, and from the opinion of General Poor, and others, who had the best opportunity of viewing their numbers, as well as from the extent of their lines, I suppose them to have been 1,500, though the two prisoners, whom I believe totally ignorant of the number at any post but their own, as well as of the enemy's disposition, estimate them only at eight hundred, while they allow that five companies of rangers, all the warriors of Seneca, and six other nations, were collected at this place. In order to determine their force with as much accuracy as in my power, I examined their breastworks, and found the extent more than half a mile. Several bastions ran out in its front to flank the lines in every part. A small block-house, formerly a dwelling, was also manned in the front. The breastwork appeared to have been fully manned, though I supposed with only one rank.—Some parts of their works being low, they were obliged to dig holes in the ground to cover themselves in part. This circumstance enabled me to judge the distance between their men in the works. A very thin scattering line, designed, as I suppose, for communicating signals, was continued from those works to that part of the mountain which General Poor ascended, where they had a very large body, which was designed, I imagined, to fall on our flank. The distance from the breastwork to this was at least one mile and a half. From thence to the hill in the rear of our right, was another scattering line of about one mile, and on the hill a breastwork with a strong party, destined, as it is supposed, to fall on our rear. But General Clinton being ordered so far to the right, occasioned his, flank to pass the mountain, which obliged them to abandon their post [299] From these circumstances, as well as from the opinions of others, I cannot conceive their numbers to be less than what I have before mentioned.

The army spent one day at Catherine's destroying corn and fruit trees. We burnt the town, consisting of thirty houses. The next day we encamped near a small scattering settlement of about eight houses and two days after reached Kendaia, which we also found deserted. Here one of the inhabitants of Wioming, who had been last year captured by the enemy, escaped from them and joined us. He informed us that the enemy had left the town in the greatest confusion three days before our arrival. He said he had conversed with some of the tories on their return from the action at Newtown, who assured him they had great numbers killed and wounded, and there was no safety but in flight. He heard Butler tell them he must try to make a stand at Kanadasega; but they declared they would not throw away their lives in vain attempt to oppose such an army. He also heard many of the Indian women lamenting the loss of their connections and added that Brandt had taken most of the wounded up the Teaogo in water crafts which had been provided for that purpose in case of necessity. It was his opinion that the King of Kanadasega was killed as he saw him go down but not return and gave a description of his person and dress corresponding with those of one found on the field of action.—Kendaia consisted of about twenty houses which were reduced to ashes, the houses were neatly built and finished. The army spent nearly a day at this place, in destroying corn and fruit trees of which there was great abundance. Many of the trees appeared to be of great age. On the next day we crossed the outlet of the Seneca Lake and moved in three divisions through the woods to encircle Kanadesega, but found it likewise abandoned. A white child of about three years old, doubtless the offspring of some unhappy captive, was found here and carried with the army.

A detachment of four hundred men was sent down on the west side of the lake to destroy Grothseunquean and the plantations in the same quarters; at the same time a number of volunteers under Colonel Harper, made a forced march towards Cayuga Lake and destroyed Schoyere while the residue of the army were employed in destroying the corn at Kanadesega of which there was a large quantity. This town consisted of fifty houses and was pleasantly situated.—In it we found a great number of fruit trees which were destroyed with the town. The army then moved on and in two days arrived at Kanandaque, having been joined on the march by the detachment sent along the Seneca Lake which had been almost two days employed in destroying the crops and settlements in that quarter. At Kanandaque we found twenty-three very [300] elegant houses mostly finished and in general large.—Here we also found very extensive fields of corn, which having been destroyed, we marched for Hannayaye, a small town of ten houses, which we also destroyed.

At this place we established a post leaving a strong garrison, our heavy stores and one field piece and proceeded to Chinesee, which, the prisoners informed us was the grand capital of the Indian country, that Indians of all nations had been planting there this spring; that all the Rangers and some British had been employed in assisting them in order to raise sufficient supplies to support them while destroying our frontiers, and that they, themselves, had worked three weeks for the Indians when planting. This information determined me at all events to reach that settlement, though the state of my provisions, much reduced by unavoidable accidents, almost forbade the attempt. My flour had been much reduced by the failure of pack horses and in the passage of creeks and defiles; and twenty-seven of the cattle had been unavoidably lost. We however marched on for the Chinesee town and on the second day reached a town of twenty-five houses, called Koneghsaws. Here we found some large corn fields which part of the army destroyed while the other part were employed in building a bridge over an unfordable creek between this and Chinisee.

I had the preceding evening ordered out an officer with three or four riflemen, one of our guides and an Oneida chief to reconnoitre the Chinesee town, that we might, if possible, surprise it. Lieutenant Boid was the officer entrusted with this service, who took with him twenty-three men, volunteers from the same corps, and a few from Colonel Butler's regiment, making in all twenty-six, a much larger number than I had thought of sending, and by no means so likely to answer the purpose as that which had been directed. The guides were by no means acquainted with the country, mistook the road in the night, and at daybreak fell in with a castle six miles higher up than Chinesee, inhabited by a tribe called Squatchegas. Here they saw a few Indians, killed and scalped two, the rest fled. Two runners were immediately dispatched to me with the account and informed that the party were on their return. When the bridge was almost completed some of them came in and told us that Lieutenant Boid and men of his party were almost surrounded by the enemy; that the enemy had been discovering themselves before him for some miles; that his men had killed two and were eagerly pursuing the rest; but soon found themselves almost surrounded by three or four hundred Indians and rangers. Those of Mr. Boid's men who were sent to secure his flanks fortunately made their escape; but he with fourteen of his party and the Oneida chief being in the centre, were completely encircled. The light troops of the army and the flank- [301] ing divisions were immediately detached to their relief; but arrived too late, the enemy having destroyed the party and escaped.

It appears that our men had taken to a small grove, the ground around it being clear on every side for several rods, and there fought till Mr. Boid was shot through the body, and his men all killed except one, who, with his wounded commander was made prisoner. The firing was so close, before this brave party were destroyed, that the powder of the enemy's muskets was driven into their flesh. In this conflict the enemy must have suffered greatly, as they had no cover, and our men were possessed of a very advantageous one. This advantage of ground the obstinate bravery of the party, with some other circumstances, induced me to believe their loss must have been very considerable. They were so long employed in removing and secreting their dead, that the advance of General Hand's party obliged them to leave one alongside the riflemen, and at least a wagon load of packs, blankets, hats and provisions, which they had thrown off to enable them to act with more agility in the field. Most of these appeared to have appertained to the rangers. Another reason which induces me to suppose they suffered much was the unparalleled tortures they inflicted upon the brave and unfortunate Boid, whose body, with that of the equally unfortunate companion, we found at Chinesee. It appeared that they had whipped them in the most cruel manner, pulled out Mr. Boid's nails, cut off his nose, plucked out one of his eyes, cut out his tongue, stabbed him with spears in sundry places, and inflicted other tortures which decency will not permit me to mention; lastly, cut off his head, and left his body on the ground with that of his unfortunate companion, who appeared to have experienced nearly the same savage barbarity. The party Mr. Boid fell in with, was commanded by Butler, posted on an advantageous piece of ground, in order to fire upon our army when advancing; but they found their design frustrated by the appearance of this party in their rear.

The army moved on that day to the castle last mentioned, which consisted of twenty-five houses, and had very extensive fields of corn, which being destroyed, we moved on the next day to Chinesee, crossing in our route a deep creek and the Little Seneca river; and after marching six miles we reached the Castle, which consisted of 128 houses, mostly large and elegant. The town was beautifully situated, almost encircled with a cleared flat, which extended for a number of miles, covered by the most extensive fields of corn, and every kind of vegetables that can be conceived. The whole army was immediately engaged in destroying the crops. The corn was collected and burned in houses and kilns, so the enemy might not reap the least advantage from it, which method we have pursued in every other place. Here a woman came to us who had [302] been captured at Wioming. She told us the enemy evacuated the town two days before; that Butler at the same time went off with three or four hundred Indians and rangers, as he said, to get a shot at our army. This was undoubtedly the party which cut off Lieutenant Boid. She mentioned they kept runners constantly out, and that when our army was in motion, the intelligence was communicated by a yell, immediately on which the greatest terror and confusion aparently took place among them. The women were constantly begging the warriors to sue for peace, and that one of the Indians had attempted to shoot Colonel Johnson for the falsehoods by which he had deceived and ruined them; that she overheard Butler telling Johnson that it was impossible to keep the Indians together after the Battle of New Town; that he thought they must soon be in a miserable situation, as all their crops would be destroyed, and that Canada could not supply them with provisions at Niagara; that he would endeavor to collect the warriors to assist in the defense of that fort, which he was of opinion this army would lay siege to, and the women and children he would send into Canada. After having destroyed this town, beyond which I was informed there was no settlement, and destroyed all their houses and crops in that quarter, the army having been advancing seventeen days with the supply of provisions before mentioned, and that much reduced on the march by accidents, and the Cayuga country being as yet unpenetrated, I thought it necessary to return as soon as possible in order to effect the destruction of the settlements in that quarter. The army therefore began its march to Kanadasaga.

I was met on the way by a sachem from Oneida and three warriors, one of whom I had sent from Katherine's with a letter, a copy of which I have the honor to enclose to Congress. They delivered me a message from the warriors of that nation respecting the Cayugas; copies of that and my answer I also enclose from this place. I detached Colonel Smith with a party down the west side of the Lake to destroy the corn which had not been cut down, and to destroy anything further which might be discovered there. I then detached Colonel Gansevoort with one hundred men to Albany to forward the baggage of the York regiments to the main army, and to take with him such soldiers as were at that place. I directed him to destroy the lower Mohawk castle in his route, and capture the inhabitants, consisting only of six or seven families who were constantly employed in giving intelligence to the enemy, and in supporting their scouting parties when making incursions on our frontiers. When the Mohawks joined the enemy, those few families were undoubtedly left to answer such a purpose and to keep possession of their lands. The upper castle now inhabited by Orkeskes, our friends he was directed not to disturb. With him I sent Mr. Deane, who bore my answer to the Oneidas.

[303] I then detached Colonel Butler with six hundred men to destroy the Cayuga country, and with him sent all the Indian warriors who said if they could find the Cayugas they would endeavor to persuade them to deliver themselves up as prisoners; the chief of them called Teguttelawana being a near relation to the Sachem. I then crossed the Seneca river and detached Colonel Dearborn to the west side of the Cayuga Lake to destroy all the settlements which might be found there and to intercept the Cayugas if they attempted to escape Colonel Butler. The residue of the army passing on between the lakes, toward Katherines. Colonel Dearborn burnt in his route six towns, including one which had been before partly destroyed by a small party; destroying at the same time quantities of corn. He took an Indian lad and three women prisoners,—one of the women being very old and the lad a cripple; he left them, and brought on the other two and joined the army on the evening of the 26th. Colonel Courtland was then detached with 300 men up the Teaoga branch to search for settlements in that quarter; and in the space of two days destroyed several fields of corn and burnt several houses. Colonel Butler joined the army on the 28th whereby a complete junction was formed at Conowalohala on the 29th day after our leaving Newtown. Here we were met by a plenty of provisions, from Teaoga, which I had previously directed to be sent on. Colonel Butler destroyed in the Cayuga county five principal towns and a number of scattering houses, the whole making about one hundred in number exceedingly large and well built. He also destroyed two hundred acres of excellent corn with a number of orchards, one of which had in it 1,500 fruit trees. Another Indian settlement was discovered near Newtown by a party, consisting of 39 houses, which were also destroyed. The number of towns destroyed by this army amounted to 40 besides scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a moderate computation, must amount to 160,000 bushels, with a vast quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek and river has been traced, and the whole country explored in search of Indian settlements, and I am well persuaded that, except one town situated near the Allegana, about 50 miles from Chinesee there is not a single town left in the country of the Five nations.

It is with pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered the loss of forty men in action or otherwise since my taking the command; though perhaps few troops have experienced a more fatiguing campaign. Besides, the difficulties which naturally attend marching through an enemy's country, abounding in woods, creeks, rivers, mountains, morasses and defiles, we found no small inconvenience from the want of proper guides, and the maps of the country are so exceedingly erro- [304] neous that they serve not to enlighten but to perplex. We had not a person who was sufficiently acquainted with the country to conduct a party out of the Indian path by day, or scarcely in it by night; though they were the best I could possibly procure. Their ignorance, doubtless arose from the Indians having ever taken the best measures in their power to prevent their country's being explored. We had much labor in clearing out the roads for the artillery, notwithstanding which, the army moved from twelve to sixteen miles every day when not detained by rains, or employed in destroying settlements.

I feel myself much indebted to the officers of every rank for their unparalleled exertions, and to the soldiers for the unshaken firmness with which they endured the toils and difficulties attending the expedition. Though I had it not in command I should have ventured to have paid Niagara a visit, had I been supplied with fifteen days provisions in addition to what I had, which I am persuaded from the bravery and ardor of our troops would have fallen into our hands.

I forgot to mention that the Oneida Sachem requested me to grant his people liberty to hunt in the country of the Five Nations, as they would never think of settling again in a country once subdued, and where their settlements must ever be in our power. I, in answer, informed him that I had no authority to grant such a license; that I could not at present see reason to object to it, but advised them to make application to Congress, who, I believed, would, in consideration of their friendly conduct grant them every advantage of this kind that would not interfere with our settlement of the country, which I believed would soon take place. The Oneidas say that as no Indians were discovered by Colonel Butler at Cayuga, they are of opinion they are gone to their castle, and that their Chiefs will persuade them to come in and surrender themselves on the terms I have proposed. The army began its march from Conowalohala yesterday, and arrived here this evening. After leaving the necessary force for securing the frontiers in this quarter, I shall move on to join the main army.

It would have been very pleasing to this army to have drawn the enemy to a second engagement, but such a panic seized them after the first action that it was impossible, as they never ventured themselves in reach of the army, nor have they fired a single gun at it on its march or in its quarters, though in a country exceeding well calculated for ambuscades. This circumstance alone would sufficiently prove that they suffered severely in their first effort.

Congress will please pardon the length of this narration, as I thought a particular and circumstantial detail of facts would not be disagreeable, especially as I have transmitted no accounts of the progress of this ar- [305] my since the action of the 29th of August. I flatter myself that the orders with which I was entrusted are fully executed, as we have not left a single settlement or field of corn in the country of the Five Nations, nor is there even the appearance of an Indian on this side of Niagara. Messengers and small parties have been constantly passing, and some imprudent soldiers who straggled from the army, mistook the route and went back almost to Chinesee without discovering even the track of an Indian. I trust the steps I have taken with respect to the Oneidas, Cayugas and Mohawks will prove satisfactory; and here I beg leave to mention that in searching the houses of those pretended neutral Cayugas, a number of scalps were found, which appeared to have been lately taken, which Colonel Butler showed to the Oneidas, who said that they were then convinced of the justice of the steps I had taken. The promise made to the soldiers in my address at Newtown I hope will be thought reasonable by Congress, and flatter myself that the performance of it will be ordered.

Colonel Bruin will have the honor of delivering these dispatches to your Excellency. I beg leave to recommend him to the particular notice of Congress, as an officer who, on this as well as several other campaigns, has proved himself an active, brave, and truly deserving officer.

I have the honor to be, with the most exalted elements of esteem and respect, your Excellency's most obedient and ever humble servant,

His Excellency JOHN JAY, Esq.
Published by order of Congress.

Charles Thompson, Secretary.

* * * * * *

[310] List of Journals and Narratives not Published.
Pages 310-312

The following journals were once in existence, but diligent inquiry has failed to bring them to light:
Of DEAN, JUDGE JAMES, the well known interpreter and first Judge of Herkimer county, N. Y.
PIERCE, WILLIAM, Captain in Colonel Harrison's Regiment of artillery, First A. D. C. to General Sullivan.
HOOPS, ADAM, Major, Third A. D. C. to General Sullivan.
Letter from Major Adam Hoops to the Hon. John Greig, Canandaigua, N. Y.

Westchester, Pa., Sept. 18, 1841.

MY DEAR SIR,—Hearing that Congress have adjourned, I address this letter to you at Canandaigua.

The facts concerning Van Campen and Boyd, are taken from a part of a copy of my Journal, which had been copied from that of Maj. William Pierce, 1st aid-de-camp of Gen. Sullivan—(I was the 3d).

The army marched from Wyoming about the close of AUGUST, 1779, and lay some time at Tioga Point. While there, small parties of Indians crept up in the long grass on the other side of the branch. On an occasion which I well recollect, one of our pack-horse men was killed, and another scarcely escaped with an arm broken. The cracks of the Indians' guns were as plainly heard as if they had been within two hundred yards or less. Gen. Sullivan devised a plan intended to intercept these small parties, the execution of which was committed to Van Campen, then a lieutenant. The following is taken from a copy of a narrative which, at my request, he sent me some years ago:—

"Major Adam Hoops, an aid-de-camp to Gen. Sullivan, presented to me my instructions, with a sheet of white paper folded up, a leaden weight within, and a twine cord about twenty feet long fastened to it. I was to get as near the enemy's camp as was prudent—and to select one of the shady oaks, conceal my men in the bush, and place my sentinel in the top of the oak, with the paper and twine cord—to give the signal if he discovered a party of Indians—to sink the paper down the tree as many feet as they were in numbers—if passing to my right or left, to give the signal accordingly.

"It was one of the warm days in the latter part of AUGUST. I marched as near to the enemy's camp as I was directed. I selected my tree—my sentinel ascended twenty or twenty five feet—and my men were concealed. We laid in watch about one hour. Every eye was fixed on the sentinel. At length the paper dropped down about four feet. I spoke to my men, saying, 'My good fellows, we shall soon have sport.' The paper continued to drop to ten feet. I observed again, 'We shall have something more to do.' The paper continued to drop to fifteen feet. 'Now, my good fellows, we shall have enough to do—fifteen of them to twenty of us. Let every shot make their number less.' Behold ! the fellow had fallen asleep—let the twine-cord slip through his fingers—lost his balance—and came down like a shot, head foremost. He was much bruised by the fall. I made my report to the general, &c., &c., &c."

[311] The following corresponds with my Journal, copied from that of Major Pierce. I was in the general's tent when he gave his instructions to Lieut. Boyd, which were very particular—verbal, of course. The country before us was unknown. We had heard of an Indian Castle on the river Genesee, which, by our reckoning, might be a few miles ahead of us. The term Castle, was taken from Chateau—the French having long before magnified Indian villages into Chateaux, afterwards rendered literally into English. There were the Oneida Castle, perhaps at or near Utica—the Seneca Castle, near the present village of Geneva—as well as some others. The Castle Lieut. Boyd was detached to discover, consisted, probably, of a few Indian huts near Williamsburg, a few miles above the present village of Geneseo.

"The evening before Lieut. Boyd was detached by General Sullivan from the inlet of the Kanaghsas lake, a log bridge was begun, and finished in the night or early in the next morning, over the inlet. Boyd not having returned by daylight, the general was very uneasy; particularly from finding that, to the six riflemen he meant Boyd's party should consist of, twenty two musket-men had been added.

"Early in the morning, Mr. Lodge, the Surveyor, proceeded to chain from the west side of the inlet, where there was a picquet posted, and ascended a little way from the foot of the hill, outside the sentinels, in advance from the picquet, and was noting his work, when he was fired on by a single Indian who had crept up near him. Leaving his Jacob-staff standing, he made the best of his way toward a sentinel—the Indian almost at his heels, tomahawk in hand. It is probable the Indian had not seen the sentinel till he raised his piece and (when Mr. Lodge had passed him) fired, and brought down the Indian, perhaps not mortally wounded. The whole picquet immediately advanced, strongly supported; and, ascending the hill, found a line of packs.

"In the night, Little Beard, with probably the main body of the Indians, and Butler's Rangers or a part of them, had taken post on the hill, but finding Boyd's trail, after day had appeared, they took it, leaving a party to meet our advance, and to take charge of the packs. They succeeded in intercepting Boyd's party, the greater part of whom, with an Oneida chief, Honyerry, were destroyed. Boyd's head and body, with one or two of his men's were found next day, near Little-Beard's Town—they having been put to torture. The men of Boyd's party who escaped, were Murphy, McDonald, and a Canadian.

"The sentinel whose self-possession and intrepidity saved Mr. Lodge, was a lad, extremely diffident when examined by the general, who ordered a sum to be paid to him after the return of the army." He was, according to the impression on my mind, a recruit in the Jersey line. I received a hurt on my ancle from the edge of an ax tied on the outside of a pack-horse load, when making my way through the pack-horses drawn up to pass the bridge over the inlet, which did not entirely heal till our return from the expedition; and this may have prevented my informing myself of the name of the lad, which I wish had been preserved. It may have been entered in the Orderly Book of Col. Barber, the adjutant-general, and transferred into others.

I well recollect other particulars given by Murphy immediately after he got in; but not
of sufficient importance to the object of this letter, to state. I must close my letter, to
be ready for to-day's mail; and remain, dear Sir, sincerely yours, A. HOOPS.
See" Sullivan's Campaign," p. 180, Rochester, N. V. 1842.

PRINCE, KIMBALL,, Sergeant Major in the Second New York Regiment, Col. Van Cortlandt. His diary was in possession of his son Frederick Prince as late as 1822, but was then stolen from a trunk during the ravages of the yellow fever in New York City.

NEWMAN — Referred to in Miner's History of "Wyoming. Supposed to have been destroyed by fire in the office of the Record of the Times at Wilkesbarre, Pa., April 9, 1869.

[312] [The following narratives have been written by parties actively engaged in the campaign. Some are valuable, others are not]

DAVIS, NATHAN. Private in the First New Hampshire Regiment. Published in the Historical Magazine, April, 1868. p. 198.

GANO, REV. JOHN. Chaplain in Clinton's Brigade. Published in the Historical Magazine, November, 1862, p. 330.

SALMON, JOHN. Published in Seaver's Life of Mary Jemison.

VAN CAMPEN, MOSES. Appears in a memorial to Congress for a pension.

VAN CORTLANDT, PHILIP Colonel commanding Second New York Regiment. Autobiography written in 1825. Published in full in Magazine of American History, New York City, May, 1878.

SHREVE, LIEUT. JOHN, of the New Jersey line. Published in the Magazine of American History, New York City, Vol. III, 564.

* * * * * *

General Sherman's Addresses.
pp. 439-442



I am thankful for the manifestation of pleasure, at my presence here, not personal at all, but because I come here as a representative of the Army of the United States, and as one of the survivors of the great Civil War.

It has been to me a source of great pleasure, to meet many of my old comrades here, hearty and well; and I hope they may live until the next celebration of General Sullivan's victory. I was not here at the last, and do not expect to be here at the next. But wherever men worked for liberty and for law, if a single man falls, the ground becomes sacred; and you are the better for coming to honor it by an occasion of this kind.

When you go home, you will be better patriots and better men, because you have come here to recognize the fact that you have stood upon the battlefield, where fell even but four men, in a battle where liberty and law was the issue of that fight.

I do not intend to occupy but one or two minutes of your time, because I am conscious that you look upon me simply as one of the curiosities of the day. But, my friends, we are all at war. Ever since the first white man landed upon this continent, there has been a battle. We are at war to-day—a war between civilization and savages. Our forefathers, when they first landed upon this continent, came to found an empire based upon new principles, and all opposition to it had to pass away, whether it be English or French on the north, or Indians on the west; and no one knew it better than our father, Washington. [Applause.] He gave General Sullivan orders to come here and punish the Six Nations, for their cruel massacre in the valley of the Wyoming, and to make it so severe that it would not occur again. And he did so. General Sullivan obeyed his orders like a man and like a soldier, and the result was from that time forward, your people settled up these beautiful valleys all around here, and look at their descendants here—a million almost. [Applause.]

If it had not been for General Sullivan and the men who followed him from Easton, and Clinton's force that came across from Albany, probably some of you would not have been here to-day.

Battles are not measured by their death-roll, but by their results, and it makes no difference whether one man was killed or five hundred, if the same result followed. This valley was opened to civilization; it came on the heels of General Sullivan's army, and has gone on, and gone on until to-day. The same battle is raging upon the Yellow Stone. The same men, endowed by the same feelings that General Sullivan's army had, to-day are contending with the same causes and the same races, two thousand miles west of here; not for the purpose of killing, not for the purpose of shedding blood, not for the purpose of doing wrong at all; but to prepare the way for that civilization which must go along wherever yonder flag floats. [Applause.]

I know it is a very common, and too common a practice, to accuse General Sullivan of having destroyed peach trees and cornfields, and all that nonsense. He had to do it, and he did do it. Why does the Almighty strike down the tree with lightning? Why does [440] He bring forth the thunder storm? To purify the air, so that the summer time may come, and the harvest and the fruits. And so with war. When all things ought to be peaceful, war comes and purifies the atmosphere. So it was with our Civil War; that purified the atmosphere; we are better for it; you are better for it; we are all better for it. Wherever men raise up their hands to oppose this great advancing tide of civilization, they must be swept aside, peaceably if possible, forcibly if we must.

Gentlemen, I have just made my appearance merely to gratify your curiosity. [Laughter.] And I know you will read in the newspapers to-night all the speeches you want to hear. I wish you had listened to my predecessor, better. I wish I could have listened to him, a little better. But to-night you will have time to read all that has been written as well as spoken. And I hope wherever men assemble together, and women and children also, that they will come with that sacred feeling that we are a people united by bonds of love and of law; that we are determined to carry on what our forefathers began; and that years will only bring renewed honors and renewed population.

And wherever that flag floats, whether in New York State or on the Mississippi, or in the Rocky Mountains, justice and liberty and law must prevail; and all men, be they what color they may, Indians or negroes or white men, no better, no worse than we are, shall be free to live the appointed time. [Applause.]

[Cries of "Slocum! Slocum !"]

General Sherman, while the speaking was going on at stand No. 2, gratified the demands of the people, by speaking there also.

By GENERAL GREEG—Ladies and gentlemen, I take pleasure in introducing Gen. Sherman, of the United States Army.

The audience gave three cheers for the General, who spoke as follows:



I think we are forgetting all about the Sullivan Battle. I was up at the other stand, and endeavored to hear the history ot that battle, but failed to catch ten words of it; all I remember is, that General .Sullivan was sent up here to fight the Six Nations, and met them on this ground, defeated them, pursued them, and destroyed all their property, as far as the Genesee Valley. I do not suppose the incidents of that battle, interest us much here, who remember battles of much larger extent, though probably none of such importance, for the battle here, though almost bloodless, I think only four white men were killed, and probably half a dozen Indians, nevertheless, it opened for settlement the valley of the Chemung, and probably all the sources of the Susquehanna river, probably one of the most beautiful in the world. I have never, in my whole travels in Europe, Asia, or America, beheld a land towards which I would advise people to turn their steps, as this beautiful country which lies between here and Williamsport, and I congratulate you all, on being inhabitants of this lovely country, teeming with everything which makes life desirable. Had it not been for the battle fought on this ground, it perhaps would have been long, before your ancestors could have cultivated the farms, which you are now possessors of. Therefore, you have reason to be grateful to General Sullivan, and to the brave men who followed him from New Hampshire, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, so bound together, by links of friendship. Connecticut owned part of this valley, at one time, and I think, New York claimed the whole of it, and Pennsylvania claimed the most of it, and so on, and it was only by compromise, that the State line was run where it now is. But it makes very little difference where the State line run, to me. I do not care [441] whether I am in New York, or Pennsylvania. You, perhaps, prefer your Governor and Legislators, and your neighbors, but it makes very little difference to an American where­abouts he lives, [applause], provided he is industrious, and a good inhabitant. The Pennsylvanians have done well with their State, and so have you done well with yours; both are entitled to equal honor, and you are now raising young people to send out to other homes, and there is plenty of good land on this continent, yet unsettled. There is land as rich as the land between here and the city of Elmira.

About two years ago, I went away up in the valley of the Yellowstone, and I assure you, young men, and those who complain of hard times, and low wages, that you can go up there any time you please, and get a good farm by simply settling upon it, which, one hundred years hence, if you shall live that length of time, will be as valuable as the farms here in Chemung, and I believe there is a better chance for you to live one hundred years there, than there is here, because it is a healthier country. Therefore, when you hear young men growling, and quarreling about wages, and not having enough to do, you tell them that you heard me say, that there were plenty of chances in that country, where they can earn from one dollar to one dollar and a half, as easily as they can earn fifty, or seventy-five cents here.

I assure you, ladies and gentlemen, that we live in probably the finest country the world ever presented for the habitation of man. We have every kind of country, mineral land, timber land, and prairie, but there is plenty yet unsettled, which simply requires the industry which your fathers, and probably some of you, have displayed in this valley, to make these pleasant homes which lie between here, and the city of New York. There is room in our country for two or three hundred million of people, and therefore, I do not see any reason for anybody in this country, to become disheartened because they are a little crowded here, and I think you are a little crowded here to-day. [Applause ]

I think a great many of you young men, of the valley of the Chemung, might go out on the Platte, or on the sources of the Yellowstone, or over on the head waters of the Columbia, to the great advantage of yourselves, and of the great Republic of America; for there you could lay the foundations for the same institutions, the same habits, and the same customs you have here. You may have to fight a battle, such as General Sullivan fought here, but probably it would be about as bloodless—four men killed! You can afford to sacrifice four, so that four millions can live there in peace and quiet.

I was anxious to learn more of this battle, fought by General Sullivan, and more of its history and incidents, but there was too much noise at the other stand, and I failed to catch anything that was new to me, but I think the history of this battle, was simply the history of any one of our Indian battles, so generally determined, by the appearance of the parties. If you are always ready for a fight, the Indians are never ready. But if you are never ready, they are always ready, and, therefore, it behooves you, if you go into the Indian country, to be always ready ; and, if you have a good rifle and a steady arm, then there is no more difficulty in going to the Yellowstone or Milk river or on the Big Horn, than the risk your grandfathers incurred, in the valley of the Tioga or Chemung.

If our young men in the east, would go out there and lay the foundation for future States and future homes, that would be all the battle, and we would not have growling about Indians and negroes, and other questions that disturb our politicians to-day. We would build up a country, of which every human being would be proud, with institutions, schools and churches, the same as you have here; and that is the destiny of our people; our destiny is not to growl with each other, but to go forth and replenish the earth. That command was given before you or I was thought about, but it is the same command which prevails to-day, and those who obey, it will reap the advantage; and those who stay at home and growl about Ku-Klux, and other questions that have passed to the rear, will go to the rear and be forgotten.

This one hundred years which has passed, since the fight upon the ridge here, is but one day in the history of this nation. Another day will pass, and in that day, if we accomplish half as much as our fathers did, we will have done the full share of men. A [442] hundred years ago, there was no such thing as a railroad, a telegraph, or a photographer, or nothing of that kind, which we value so much to-day. Suppose we do as much in the next hundred years, who can say, what a glorious country we will have! We will have something to be proud of, and something to fight for, and General Slocum and I, will die in peace, knowing that which we fought for, has been fully accomplished.

Return to Site Table of Contents.

Return to Book Table of Contents.