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CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS

WITH HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL NOTES

AND BIOGRAPHIES OF HIS CONTEMPORARIES

BY

WILLIAM M. DARLINGTON [1815-1889]

PITTSBURGH, J. R. WELDIN & CO.,

1893.

[Part 6.]

[Pages 159-201. Page numbers will appear in the text in brackets in bold print.]

[Transcription is Verbatim.]

[Footnotes appear in smaller font.]

Andrew Montour.
George Croghan.

______

[159] ANDREW MONTOUR.

Andrew Montour, eldest son of Madame Montour, first appears as captain of a party of Iroquois warriors marching against the Catawbas of Carolina in 1744. He fell sick on his way to James River and was obliged to return to Shamokin. (Marshe's Journal, Vol. VII. Letter of C. Weiser to James Logan.) In May, 1745, he accompanied Weiser and the Chief Shichillany to Onondaga with a message and instructions from the Governor of Pennsylvania, to induce the Six Nations to send deputies to a Peace Conference with the Catawbas at Williamsburgh, Virginia; also to urge them to compel the Shawnese, with Peter Chartier at their head, to make restitution for the robbery of Pennsylvania traders, incited thereto by the French. (Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 778.) In June, 1748, he was introduced by Weiser to the President and Council of the Province at Philadelphia, and highly commended as "faithful and prudent;" amongst the Six Nations between the branches of the Ohio and Lake Erie." (Colonial Records, Vol. V. p. 290.)

In July, following, he was interpreter at a Treaty at Lancaster, between the Provincial Authorities and the Six Nations, Shawnese, Miamis, etc. (Colonial Records, Vol. V, p. 307., id., p. 349.) In August, 1748, he accompanied Weiser on his mission to Logstown. In May, 1750, arrived at George Croghan's House at Pennsboro, Cumberland County, from Allegheny, and joins in the Conference held on the 17th with some Six Nation and Conestoga Chiefs.

[160] Governor Hamilton recommended him to the Assembly as a discreet person of influence with the Indians in keeping the French from alienating them from the British and deserving of recompense, to which the Assembly assented. He received £92 15s. On September 20, a message to the Governor from the. Miamis and Hurons was delivered to Secretary Peters by Andrew Montour. The Assembly having voted a present of £100 to be given to the Twigtwees (Miami) Indians, the Governor directed Croghan and Montour to hasten to Ohio with it, which be called a small present; but they were both sick and therefore detained. Before they were able to start on their journey news came of active French movements and of their capturing two English traders, Turner and Kilgore, in the Ohio country, and also of the death of Conestoga, the great Chief of the Six Nations, an Onondaga and firm friend of the English, while his successor was strong in the French interest and a Roman Catholic. Therefore, the Governor gave orders to Croghan and Montour to stay until he should learn the resolution of the Assembly, to whom he communicated the alarming information. That body responded by voting £100 as a present of condolence to the Six Nations on the death of Conestoga, £100 more to be given to the Miamis, and £500 "to the natives at Ohio" in suitable goods and to be sent as soon as possible.

Croghan and Montour set out on their journey, arriving at Logstown on the Ohio on November 15. Of course, they took no goods for the present; they were yet to be purchased and the Indians to be notified to assemble to receive them.

Not later than March Croghan arrived and wrote that the French under Jean Cœur, had five canoe loads of good up the Allegheny, and was, the Indians said, very generous in making presents to all the chiefs he met with. At Logstown they found thirty warriors of the Six Nations on their way to [161] war with the Catawbas. But few of the chiefs of the Indians were seen, being absent hunting. He further wrote to the Governor that "Montour takes a great deal of pains to promote the English interest among the Indians, and has great sway among all those nations." The Indian goods were purchased; the transportation to the Ohio cost £230—very costly—but it could not be done for less, as the Governor informed the Assembly. Pack-horses then, and for near half a century afterward, were the only means of transportation.

Croghan and Montour proceeded on to the Muskingum River, where, at a large Wyandot town (near the site of the present Coshocton, Ohio) Croghan had a trading house. Here they remained some weeks and were joined by Christopher Gist, the agent of the Ohio Company of Virginia. Croghan and Montour held frequent councils with the Indians, delivering the message from the Governor of Pennsylvania promising the presents to be delivered in the Spring at Logstown. They proceeded to the Shawnee towns at the mouth of the Sciotio, and also on the south, or Kentucky, side of the Ohio, where, at a Council with the Shawnese, Croghan delivered speeches from the Governor of Pennsylvania to the chiefs of the nation and informed them that the escaped traders who had been in prisons of the French, brought news that the French had offered a large reward for Montour and himself if alive, or for their scalps if dead. Montour also informed them, as he had done the Wyandots and Delawares, that the King of Great Britain had sent them a large present of goods. ("Conduct of the Ministry.")

Montour was called by the French, a French Canadian deserter. Croghan, Montour, Gist and Robert Callender then proceeded to Pickawillamy, chief town of the Miamis. ("Conduct of the Ministry.") It was situated on the Big Miami. Among other proceedings, [162] Croghan presented them with a gift of the value of £100. Montour delivered them a message from the Wyandots and Delawares. On March 3 Gist left them for the lower Shawnee Town, while they took the path to Hockhocking.

While at the Miami Town, articles for a treaty of peace and alliance were entered into between the English and Miamis, drawn up by Gist, signed, sealed and delivered on both sides. ("Colonial Records.")

Conrad Weiser was selected to deliver the goods at Logstown, but declined, and, highly recommending Croghan and Montour as every way qualified, the Governor appointed them to transact the business. The goods were valued at £700.

When Croghan reported the matter of the treaty of peace and alliance made with the Miamis, he said it was done at the request of the Indians, he consenting rather than discharge them at so critical a time. The Governor reproved him for acting in public matters without authority, but received it and ordered its entry on the Books of Minutes.

On May 18, 1751, Montour and Croghan arrived at Logstown with the promised presents for the Indians, of whom a great number were assembled—Six Nations, Delawares and Shawanese. They welcomed the messengers by firing guns and raising the English colors. Two days afterward Jean Cœur with one other Frenchman and forty Six Nation warriors, arrived from the head of the Ohio. Jean Cœur held a council with all the Indians in the town on the following day, and urged them to turn away all the English traders from their country, otherwise they would be visited with the displeasure by the Governor of Canada. ("Virginia State Papers," p. 245.) To which a Six Nation chief directly replied, emphatically refusing the proposition of the French. On the 27th Croghan and Montour held a conference with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and agreed upon [163] the speeches to make the day following to the Delawares, Miamis, Wyandots and Shawanese, when the promised presents were to be delivered. Accordingly, on the 28th, the treaty was held; George Croghan delivered the speeches; Andrew Montour acted as interpreter for Pennsylvania. Some ten traders were present. The Beaver, of the Delawares, and chiefs of other tribes responded, among other things saying they hoped "our brother would build a strong-house on the River Ohio," that, in case of war, a place of security might be ready.

Croghan and Montour left on the 30th. On his arrival at Pennsboro, Croghan wrote to the Governor, sending a copy of the treaty, with an account of the proceedings. All, he said, had been conducted to the great satisfaction of the Indians. Mr. Montour, he wrote, had exerted himself very much on this occasion. "He is very capable of doing business, and is looked upon by all the Indians as one of their chiefs." He adds that, as Andrew has devoted all his time to the business, he hopes the Governor will recommend him to the Assembly for proper recompense, and that "Mr. Montour is now at my house and will wait on you when a time is appointed."

In communicating the account of the proceedings of Croghan and Montour to the Assembly; the Governor said Mr. Montour was in town by his orders, to receive a recompense for his services, and that he must do him the justice to say that it appears he has well performed the business entrusted to him, and hopes the Assembly will pay him to his satisfaction. Montour was paid £80 in full for his services.

Montour being very desirous of living "over Blue Hills," had often applied to the Governor for permission, which was given after a good deal of consideration and consultation with Mr. Weiser and Mr. Peters. ("Colonial Records.") It was thought [164] proper, as numbers had lately gone to settle there, and others were daily crowding into those parts, that Andrew Montour should be furnished with a commission under the Lesser Seal to go and reside there, in order to prevent others from settling or from dealing with the Indians for their consent to settle. Montour was granted a commission under the Lesser Seal to go and reside over the Kittochtinny Hills, at such place as he might judge most central and convenient. His duty was to warn all settlers off and report them to the Governor. The place fixed upon by Montour was at the mouth of the stream called Montour's Run, in the present Perry County. On the same day that Montour received his commission he waited on the Governor, and requested permission to interpret for the Governor of Virginia at the ensuing treaty, to be held at Logstown, on the Ohio. The leave was granted, together with a kind message from the Governor, to be delivered to the Indians at Ohio.

In May following the Commissioners of Virginia—Joshua Fry, L. Lomax and James Pattin—held a treaty with the Indians at Logstown. Christopher Gist, George Croghan and Andrew Montour were present, the latter as interpreter. The object of the treaty was to obtain from the Indians, if possible, a confirmation of the treaty of Lancaster of 1744, by which, the Virginians claimed, the Indians had ceded to the King of Great Britain the right to all the lands in the colony of Virginia. ("Plain Facts," pp. 38-42.)

The Indians afterwards hearing the construction put upon this deed, disowned it, and it was the object of the Conference at Logstown to have the treaty explained and their objections removed. In a private Conference held on the 9th of June, with the Half King and the other chiefs, they acknowledged themselves satisfied. For Montour's services [165] in this transaction, the Ohio company, at a meeting at Alexandria, September, 1752, resolved "to allow him thirty pistoles for his trouble at Logstown, in May last, on account of the company, and that if he will remove to Virginia and settle on the company's lands, and use his interest with the Indians to encourage and forward our settlements, that the company will make him a present of one thousand acres of land to live on, and will make him a legal title for the same." (Colonial Records.")

In 1753, the Six Nations of Ohio chose him as one of their counsellors, and observed all the ceremonious forms usual on admitting members of council. He visited Onondaga early this year, 1753, by request of the Governor of Virginia, to invite the Six Nations to send a deputation to a treaty to be held at Winchester. He returned, and being in Philadelphia, informed Secretary Peters that the Six Nations were averse to either the French or English settling or building forts at Ohio, and wished them to quit their country. He said he was going a second time to Onondaga by request of the Governor of Virginia and Mr. Peters. In August, 1753, Montour was with Captain William Trent, at the forks of the Ohio; when Captain Trent viewed the ground, selecting the spot on which to build the fort. "Captain Trent and French Andrew, the heads of the Five Nations, the Picts, the Shawanese, the Owendats, and the Delawares, for Virginia," writes John Frazer, Indian trader, then residing at Turtle Creek, near the ground to become so famous two years later as "Braddock's Fields." In September a treaty was held at Winchester, Virginia, between Col. Fairfax and Chiefs of the Six Nations. Lord Thomas Fairfax was present the first day, when the Indians, over eighty in number, were received with considerable ceremony. Col. Gist, William Trent and George Croghan were present. Andrew Montour was interpreter, [166] and also efficient in arranging the business. ("Plain Facts,") The Indians, by the Half King, Scarrooyady, declaring that they took back the consent they had given at Logstown, in May, to any settlement of their country, but they desired a strong house to store goods in. The Virginia authorities promised the Indians to supply them with ammunition to defend themselves against the French. George Croghan, William Trent and Andrew Montour were appointed to distribute it at the Ohio. After the close of the Conference at Winchester, the Indians took their way to Carlisle, where they met the Commissioners of Pennsylvania, Mr. Peters, Isaac Morris and Benjamin Franklin, and held a conference with them, having been encouraged to make the visit by the frequent solicitations of Andrew Montour. (Report of Commission.) The Conference at Carlisle lasted four days, with the usual ceremonies; the Indians repeated their determination given at Winchester, respecting keeping settlements from extending west of the mountains, and as to the strong house which the Governor of Virginia intends to build on the Ohio, they thought that intention occasioned the Governor of Canada to invade their country, but as soon as they knew his intention, "as he speaks with two tongues, they (the Indians) well know what to do;" evidently they were unsettled in their minds respecting the "strong house," but as to settlements west of the Allegheny hills, there could be no doubt they were decidedly opposed to it. Towards the close of the Conference Scarrooyady, the Oneida chief, said it was with a great deal of pleasure he informed them "that you may believe that what Andrew Montour says to be true between the Six Nations and you, they have made him one of their counsellors and a great man among them and love him dearly." Scarrooyady gave a large belt to Andrew Montour, and the [167] Commissioners agreed to it. In January, Montour was at Shannopin's Town and Logstown with Croghan and James Pattin, where, between the drunkenness of the Indians and the presence of a detachment of French soldiers, with whom they had high words, their situation was dangerous. In February, Montour was at Philadelphia and underwent a close examination by the Governor and Committee of Assembly relative to the location of Shannopin, Logstown and Venango.

1754.—George Washington, having sent for Montour to meet him at Ohio, the latter wrote to Secretary Peters, from his residence on Sherman's Creek, on the 16th of May, 1754, urging the immediate necessity of Pennsylvania sending men and arms to join the Indian Allies, to resist the impending French invasion. Ward had surrendered the little fort at the Forks of the Ohio, on the 17th of April, to Contrecoeur. Croghan and Montour proceeded to the Monongahela, and there on the 9th of June found Washington; and Montour was with him at his surrender of Fort Necessity, July 3, 1754. He had a company under Washington, of both Whites and Indians. On the 21st of July, Montour wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania, from Winchester, saying that the Half King and Monakatootha, with a body of Six Nations, ("Colonial Records.") had gone to Aucquick to settle, where the other Indians, as fast as they can get off from the French, are to join them; and as there is a large body of them and no ground there to hunt to support their families, they expect the Governor to provide for their families, as their men will be engaged in the war. On August 31st he met Weiser at Harris' Ferry, on his way to a great meeting at Aucquick.

1755.—During the campaign of Braddock, that General wrote, on May 20, to Governor Morris, that he had engaged between forty and fifty Indians from the frontier of the [168] province, to go over the mountains, and would take Croghan and Montour into service. ("Colonial Records.") Montour was at Philadelphia on the 8th of August, acting as interpreter with Weiser and a few Indians, who had been in the fatal defeat of Braddock. Scarroyady commented, with great severity, on the pride and ignorance of the great English General. On the French and Indian invasion of the settlements, in 1755, after Braddock's defeat, Montour was active and zealous in gaining intelligence of their movements.

He was at Shannopin, with Scarroyady, in October, and warned John Harris of his great danger; "there were forty Indians out many days, and intended to burn my house, and destroy myself and family." At Shamokin, (Shamokin is at the Forks of the Susquehanna, on the east side.) "painted as the rest" of the Indians, he warned the inhabitants, that all attack might very soon be expected. He had been at the Big Island with Manoquetotha, at the request of the Delawares.

1756.—Andrew Montour, with Scarroyady, one of the chiefs of the Oneida Nation, was sent on a mission, to the Six Nations, by Governor Morris. They passed up the Susquehanna, to Onondaga; on their way, while among the hostile Delawares, their lives were in great danger. Montour and Scarroyady met the Provincial Council, in their chamber in Philadelphia, on March 27th, when they made full report of their mission to the Six Nations. They had been present at Fort Johnston, at a conference held with the Six Nation chiefs, and Sir William Johnston, February, 1756. The chiefs expressed great resentment at the conduct of the Delawares, etc. The Council decided to offer rewards for Indian scalps. The Provincial Assembly highly commended the conduct of Montour and Scarroyady.

[169] On the 19th to the 21st of April a conference was held at Philadelphia, at the house of Israel Pemberton, between the Quakers of Philadelphia and the heads of the Six Nations. Weiser and Montour were interpreters. On the 20th the Indians had a long conference with the Governor. "They put Andrew Montour's children under his care; as well the three that are here, to be independent of the mother, as a boy of twelve years old, that he had by a former wife, a Delaware, a grand-daughter of Allompis." They added that he had girl among the Delawares called Kayodaghscroomy, or Madelina, and desired she might be distinguished, enquired after, and sent for, which was promised. John Montour's name (one of Andrew's children, in the care of the Province) appears in the " Items of Accounts, votes of Assembly," 1758, p. 75; this boy was the same, afterwards living on, and claiming the Island, near Pittsburgh, now Neville; possibly the same who died in 1830.

On May 10th, Montour was interpreter, at a meeting at Fort Johnston, between Scarroyady and other Oneida chiefs, and Sir Wm. Johnston. In June, he was at the camp on Lake Onondaga, as interpreter.

On the 25th of July Sir William Johnston held a conference at Fort Johnston, with the chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawnese, Delawares, Mohickons, etc. After the usual ceremonies, he told them, that as Lord Loudon, the new Commander-in-Chief, had not arrived, he would have some Six Nation warriors go to Canada, to try whether the edge of the hatchet he sharpened at Onondaga would cut. Some chiefs sang the war song. Montour was appointed the captain of a party of Indians. He rose up and sang his war song. Some warriors joined his party, and the war dance was danced. ("New York Colonial History.") Some of these warriors, forty-eight in number, [170] indulging too freely in rum, squandered all of their outfit. Scarroyady and Montour came to the council room, at Fort Johnston, on the 14th of August, and Sir William Johnston, for the second time, fitted them out with arms and clothes, in place of those they had sold to some River Indians and Tuscarawas. News having arrived of the capture of Oswego, by Montcalm's army, Sir Wm. Johnston spoke to the two war parties, and desired them to march to General Webb's rendezvous, at the Oneida carrying place. August 26th that General, however, beat a rapid retreat to the Flats. On the 10th of September, Montour appears as interpreter at Fort Johnston. On the 20th of September Sir Wm. Johnston, with all the Indians he could gather, with Croghan and Montour, marched to the relief of the army besieged at Fort Edward. He was ordered back by General Webb, and reached Fort Johnston on the 2d of November.

1757.—At Fort Johnston, on the 12th of September, Andrew Montour appears as interpreter at a meeting of Sir William Johnston, a few Mohican and Seneca chiefs and four Cherokee Indians. ("New York Colonial History," Vol. VII.) "Sir William lighted the Calumet of Peace, and after smoking a whiff, passed it to the Cherokee Deputies, holding it to them, while each drew a whiff,"and then Mr. Montour, "handed it round to every Indian present." After delivering belts and long speeches, etc., at several meetings, they left on the 20th. In November Croghan and Montour were despatched to the German Flats, by Sir Wm. Johnston, to call upon the Oneidas there, to explain why they had not given warning of the raid and massacre, shortly before committed by the French and their Indian allies, on the German inhabitants. They met the Oneida Sachems, at Fort Harkimer, on the 30th November; they held a conference with some Germans and returned as reported. ("Colonial Records," Vol. VIII, 1758.)

[171] In October, at Easton, was held a great conference between Governor Denny, the Provincial Council, Committee from the Assembly, and Indians of the Six Nations. Croghan as Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, Weiser as Provincial Interpreter, Montour as Interpreter for the Six Nations and Delawares. October 21, Montour, Croghan and others signed, as witnesses, the Deed of Confirmation for Lands. The treaty closed on the 25th; it was very important, as General Forbes was then moving near to Fort Du Quesne, and a great object was to soothe the Indians, by presents, and to settle the complaints of the Delawares, respecting their lands. Immediately after the close of the last Treaty at Easton, Montour and Croghan left for the Ohio, where, at Saukon, the Indian village at the mouth of the Beaver, on the 29th of November they met Christian Fred. Post, who had just come down the creek from Kuskuskis. ("Post's Second Journal, 1758.") At Saukon they met and conferred with King Beaver, his brother, Shingiss, and the chiefs and warriors, respecting General Forbes' message to them; that General, with the army, was now at Fort DuOuesne, having captured it on the 24th.

On December 2d they reached Logstown, and on the 3d the island, since known as Killbuck or Smoky Island, opposite Pittsburgh, where they encamped. On the 4th they got over late, there was snow, and the river running with ice. Croghan, Montour, and Col. John Armstrong held conference with Col. Bouquet, the Indians, etc. ("Pennsylvania Archives," 1759.)

On the 5th, Post seems to have had an altercation with Croghan and Montour, relative to the Indians' talk. On February 8th, 1759, Secretary Peters, at the request of General Forbes, held a conference at Philadelphia with The Six Nation Chiefs and other Indians from Bowlunee, on the Upper Allegheny, Andrew Montour, interpreter. On the 20th he [172] informed the Secretary that the Indians were dissatisfied. They said it was absolutely necessary Andrew should return to Ohio with them, but he told them he was an officer, subject to the General, and could not go without, written orders from him. ("Colonial Records.")

These Indians wished to know the intentions of the English, and what was done at the Easton Treaty, etc. In July a great conference with all the Indian tribes of the Ohio was held at Pittsburgh, by George Croghan, Deputy Agent, Col. Hugh Mercer, commanding Fort Pitt, Captain William Trent, Captain Thomas McKee, (For many years Chief Indian Trader on the Susquehanna. He built Fort McKee. Alexander McKee was his son.) Captain Henry; Montour, interpreter. It lasted from July 4th to 11th, 1759. King Beaver was the principal speaker of the Indians. Guyasuta (Kiashuta), was present.

Another conference was held at Pittsburgh, on October 24th, between General Stanwix, the officers, George Croghan, William Trent, McKee, Captain Henry, Montour interpreter, Six Nations, Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamis, and Delawares. Captain Montour lit the Pipe of Peace left here by the warriors of the Ottawas, handing it to General Stanwix and the other officers of the army, and Indians, to smoke, then acquainted the Indians by whom the pipe was left, and upon what occasion, showing them the belts left at the same time. At the camp before Pittsburgh General Moncton held a conference with the Western Indians on August 12th, 1760, ("Pennsylvania Archives," 1760.) Captain Andrew Montour, interpreter, George Croghan, Deputy Agent.

On September 4th Montour arrived at Presqu' Isle with Shingiss. (Massachusetts Historical Society.) Canada having capitulated, an expedition was [173] fitted out to take possession of the different French posts on the lakes, Detroit, etc. On November 4th the Flotilla, of nineteen whale-boats and batteaux, sailed. The shore party consisted of forty-two Rangers, fifteen Royal Americans, and twenty Indians, Six Nations, Shawanese and Delawares, under the command of Captain Montour, the shore party commanded by Captain Brewer, the whole land and water forces under Major Robert Rogers. Croghan commanded one of the boats. Detroit was surrendered, after some parley, on November 29th. ("Massachusetts Historical Collection.")

On December 8th Major Rogers and Captain Montour, with a party of Indians set off to take possession of Mackinaw. After proceeding on their voyage about ninety miles to a point on the west side of Lake Huron, they found it impossible to get through the ice. To go by land the Indians declared was impossible without snow-shoes, so much to Rogers' mortification they returned, reaching Detroit on the 21st.

On May 22d, 1761, at a conference held at the State House, Philadelphia, between the Governor and several Indians from Allegheny, Andrew Montour was interpreter. Governor Hamilton held a conference at Lancaster, August 23d, 1762, with the Northern Indians, Andrew Montour was State interpreter.

1763.—The Pontiac war was now raging. ("Pennsylvania Archives.")

Andrew Montour was at Fort Augusta (Shamokin), on his way up the west branch of the Susquehanna on July 23d, 1763, returning August 7th, with news of the Indians' attack on Loyalhanna, Ligonier and Fort Pitt being reported captured. ("Colonial Records.")

[174] December 19th, Captain Montour delivered to Governor John Penn an address of welcome from the Conestoga Indians at Conestoga Town, Lancaster County.

1764.—Against the hostile Delawares, residing on the upper Susquehanna, Sir William Johnston sent a party of nearly two hundred Indian—Six Nations, Tuscarawas and Oneidas, and a few Rangers—under the command of Captain Montour. (Stone's "Life of Sir William Johnston.") In the middle of February they left their castles with the intention of falling upon the towns of the Delawares and Shawanese, lying near the forks and branches of the Ohio and Susquehanna. They seized here in their encampment a party of forty Delawares under the command of the famous Captain Bull, a son of the ill-fated Teedyuscung. Captain Bull was a remarkable Indian and in capacity as leader had done considerable damage during the war. The prisoners were sent by way of Fort Stanwix, to Johnston Hall. Captain Bull and thirteen of the warriors were sent by way of Albany to New York, and there confined in jail. The others were distributed among the friendly Indians to supply the places of lost relations—an Indian custom. ("New York Colonial History.")

On April 1st, Captain Montour, with 140 Indians and some Rangers, set out for Kanestio, and after passing several high creeks and rivers, they destroyed two large towns, which were built of square logs. After this Montour proceeded to Kanestio, where they destroyed sixty good
houses and killed a number of cattle.

1768.—A conference was held at Fort Pitt between George Croghan, Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, and the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnese, and Muncies, residing on the Ohio River. "Henry" Montour, interpreter.

[175] On October 24th the great Congress with the Indians at Fort Stanwix opened. Andrew Montour was one of the interpreters; the others were John Butler and Philip Phillips.

1769.—A tract of land at the junction of Loyalsock Creek on the west branch of the Susquehanna, in the present county of Lycoming, was surveyed November 3, 1769, for Andrew Montour, called Montour's Reserve. It contained 88o acres.

It seems also that "Henry" Montour claimed, settled on, and built a house on a tract of 600 acres on or near Chillisquaque Creek, about four or five miles above Fort Augusta. The Indian name of Montour was "Sattelihu."

At the time of the visit of Zinzendorf to Shamokin, in the autumn of 1742, he met Andrew for the first time, and thus describes him: "His cast of countenance is decidedly European, and had not his face been encircled with a broad band of paint, applied with bear's fat, I would certainly have taken him for one. He wore a brown broadcloth coat, a scarlet damasken lappel waist-coat, breeches, over which his shirt hung, a black Cordovan neckerchief decked with silver bugles, shoes and stockings, and a hat. His ears were hung with pendants of brass and other wires plaited together like the handles of a basket. He was very cordial, but on addressing him in French, he, to my surprise, replied in English."

______

[176] GEORGE CROGHAN

(See Map A & B of West Pennsylvania and Virginia, 1755.)

GEORGE CROGHAN was the most conspicuous name in the Western annals, in connection with Indian affairs, for twenty-five years preceding the Revolutionary War. He was a native of Ireland, and received an ordinary education in Dublin. Came to America in 1743 or 1744. In 1746 he resided in East Pennsboro Township, Lancaster, (afterwards Cumberland County), five miles west of Harris Ferry, now Harrisburg. ("Pennsylvania Archives." Evans' Map of the Middle Colonies, 1749. Rupp.)

In March, 1749, he was appointed by the Governor and Council one of the Justices of the Peace and Common Pleas for Lancaster County. He engaged in the Indian trade, going as far as the southwestern border of Lake Erie in 1746 or 1747.

In 1748 he had a trading house at Logstown, on the Ohio, and afterwards trading establishments at the principal Indian towns. ("Weiser"s Journal.")

France claimed the vast country west of the Alleghenies, watered by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. She was now attempting to establish her claim by the establishment of military posts from the lakes to the Mississippi and along the Allegheny and Ohio rivers.

The Indian tribes in this region, numerous and warlike, were to be conciliated. Croghan early saw the importance of [177] detaching them from the French by means of presents and more favorable trade. His suggestions on the subject were wisely heeded by the President and Council of the Province of Pennsylvania, and they accordingly appointed him, in 1747, their agent, to deliver presents of goods to the Ohio Indians. ("Colonial Records," 1747.)

In April, 1748, he met the Indian chiefs at Ohio, returned thanks of the President and Council of Pennsylvania for the French scalp they had sent down last spring, and delivered the present of goods for all their brethren, settled in and about Ohio, powder, lead, vermilion, knives and tobacco, to the amount of £224.5.o. He further stated that a proclamation had been issued, strictly forbidding all traders from carrying strong liquors into the Indian country under severe penalties. The chiefs returned thanks for the presents, approved of the suppression of the traffic in liquor, but they had recently induced some nations of Indians in the French interest to leave them, and as they had never tasted English rum, they hoped some would be sent to them. ("Colonial Records," Vol. V.) They significantly added "We send you this French scalp as a token that we don't go to visit them for nothing."

In August, 1749, he was sent west by Governor Hamilton in consequence of rumors of the French approaching the Ohio, and to secure the Indians to the English interest. ("New York Colonial History.") He reached Logstown soon after Céleron, with the French troops, had left. The increasing intrusion of white settlers on the unpurchased lands of the Indians west of the Susquehanna, in spite of the laws, of the Governor's proclamation, and the threats of the Indians themselves, determined the government to expel them by force.

Accordingly, in May, 1750, a large company, headed by [178] Secretary Peters, George Croghan and the other magistrates and sheriff of the new County of Cumberland, visited the settlers on the Big Juniata, Sherman's Creek, the Path Valley, Big Cove, Auchquick Creek and other places, removed their household goods and burned the log cabins; doubtless by these effective measures preventing an Indian war. ("Assembly Journals," 1750.)

In November of the same year he was dispatched, in company with Andrew Montour, to the Miamis, to renew the chain of friendship and deliver them a present. On their way out, at Logstown, on the Ohio, the few chiefs then there told him "their brothers, the English, ought to have a fort on this river to secure the trade, as they expected war with the French in the spring." ("Colonial Records," Vol. V.)

At Muskingum he met Christopher Gist. They travelled together to Piqua. There Croghan delivered the message and presents, and made a treaty, for which the Governor censured him, as done without authority, although he said he believed Croghan intended well. The latter in his account says the Assembly rejected the treaty and condemned him for drawing an additional expense on the Government, and the Indians were neglected. ("New York Colonial History," Vol. VII. "Pennsylvania Assembly Journals.") The treaty admits two tribes, Ottawas and Pyankeskees, to the friendship and alliance of the King of Great Britain and his subjects, as the other tribes of the Miami's had been. Signed by George Croghan, in the presence of us, Christopher Gist, Robert Callender, Thomas T. K. Kinton, three Miami chiefs, Andrew Montour, John J. P. Peter, a Delaware and a Shawnese chief present. The Governor sent them a message of approval three months later. ("Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 524-34.)

[179] In May, 1751, he was at Logstown with Andrew Montour, having been commissioned to deliver to the Ohio Indians the provincial present, and friendly messages. Jean Cœur, the French Agent and interpreter, was there. At the council he was menaced by the chiefs, who ordered the French from their lands. They delivered Croghan a speech for the Governor of Pennsylvania, in which they requested he should build a strong house on the Ohio River soon. Governor Hamilton communicated to the House of Assembly, Croghan and Montour's account of their proceedings, in a special message, and recommended the building of a strong trading house on the Ohio, and offered, on the part of the proprietaries, to bear a portion of the expense. The Assembly declined, and preferred the proprietary would contribute to the expense of the presents to the Indians. That body also asserted that the danger from the French, and the Indians request to erect a strong trading house, was misunderstood or misrepresented by Croghan. So the matter was dropped. (Votes of Assembly. "Colonial Records." New York Colonial History," Vol. VII, p. 268.)

In the latter part of April, 1752, Governor Hamilton, at Philadelphia, received a letter from Croghan, written at the Shawnese town, February 8th, and enclosing a message from the Shawnese to the effect that they intended to war against the French in revenge for the thirty Miamis killed by them, and wanting to be assured of the friendship of the English. ("Colonial Records." Vol. V.)

In October, 1753, a large deputation of chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnese, Wyandots and Miamis, held a treaty with the Commissioners of Pennsylvania, at Carlisle. George Croghan was present. ("Colonial Records." Vol. V.)

These Indians held a treaty at Winchester, in September, [180] with Virginia. Conferences with the Indian chiefs were generally held up to 1754, at George Croghan's house at Pennsboro. The road through the pass on the mountain, about six miles north of Carlisle, and the same distance west of Croghan's, is marked "Croghan's Gap on Evans' Map of 1749, and all others to a recent date, when it seems, changed to Sterrits Gap.

In 1753 Croghan built a house at Aughwick or Aughquick Old Town, doubtless the site of an old Indian town, now in the borough of Shirleysburgh, Huntington County, Pa., called Croghan's Fort—Fort Shirley, by Governor Morris in 1756,—when it was enlarged and stockaded. ("Pennsylvania Archives.") One of the chain of forts established in consequence of the defeat of Braddock. About twenty miles from the settlements Fort Lytellton was built, Fifteen miles northeast of Fort Shirley, near the mouth of a branch of the Juniata, called Kishequokilis, a third fort was erected, called Fort Granville. From Fort Granville towards Susquehanna, at the distance of fifteen miles and about twelve from the river, another fort was established, called Pomfret Castle.

Croghan also, this year, 1753, held a tract of nearly 400 acres near the present Bedford town, surveyed by the Deputy Surveyor, Armstrong, and obtained a grant from the Six Nations of a tract in Aughwick.

February 3, 1754.—Again Croghan wrote to Governor Hamilton and Richard Peters, Secretary, urging the building of a strong log trading house or stockade,—in reality a fort, but inexpensive. He mentions that Mr. Trent has just come out with the Virginia Guards and brought a quantity of tools and workmen to build a fort, and as he could not talk the Indian language, "I am obliged to stay and assist in dividing the goods." This was the commencement of the fortification at [181] the Forks of the Ohio, which Ensign Ward was obliged to surrender, when partly finished, to the superior force of Contrecœur, in April. During the past winter Croghan had a large number of Indians at Aughwick under his charge. The Assembly of Pennsylvania adjourned on March 9th, without making, but refusing to make, any appropriation for the defense of the Province.

On March 13, 1754, Governor Hamilton wrote to Governor Dinwiddie ‘‘ Ever since I had the honor to write you I have been laboring indefatigably with my Assembly to induce them to act vigorously on the present critical juncture of affairs at Ohio, and to grant such supplies as might enable us to resist the invasion of the French." In another letter of the same date he wished Governor Dinwiddie to inform him as to the situation of the French forts, as he believes those at the Forks of the Monongahela to be really within the bounds of Pennsylvania. Governor Dinwiddie replied March 21st: " I am from all hands assured Logstown is far to the West of Mr. Penn's grant and the Forks of the Ohio also." ("Colonial Records.")

"In January I commissioned William Trent to raise one Hundred men; he had got Seventy and had begun a Fort at the Forks of the Monhongialo. His Majesty sent me out Thirty Pieces of Cannon, Four-Pounders, with Carriages and all necessary Impliments, with Eighty Barrells of Gun Powder."

December 6, 1754.—This message was received from the Assembly: "As we apprehend, the Governor will agree with us in the necessity of regulating that Expence (Indian Allies), with all possible economy, and as George Croghan (whose accounts we have allowed) seems resolved to remove from Aughquick, and the Indians by that means will be left without any proper Person to take the necessary Care of providing for their Subsistence, we recommend it to the Governor's [182] Consideration whether it might not be more convenient for the Indians themselves, and less Expence to the Province, if they were invited to move nearer our Back inhabitants, till by Hunting or otherwise, they may be able to subsist themselves with Safety."

In a letter to Governor Morris, December 2, 1754, he gives the reasons for wishing to leave Aughquick. "All the Promises made those Indians or any Expectations they have of this government Doing anything for them, they always expect to be fulfilled by me and as it is not in my power to do anything for them, I think it proper one of the Interpreters should be sent here to take care of them, they imagine I have received orders from your Honour to supply them with such things as they want. I think it is my Duty to acquaint your Honour what I know of the Indians Sentiments and what they expect of this Government, which is as follows, The Ohio Indians in general puts their whole dependence on this government in regard to the Expedition, as soon as this government moves they will unite all their force and attack the French."

R. Peters, in a letter to George Croghan desires him to make his opinion known to the Assembly relative to removing the Indians from Auchquick, "and insist that a stockade be made this winter." In George Croghan's answer to Mr. Peters as to the best method of moving the Indians he writes, "I think it would be of very ill consequence, for I think they are full near the Inhabitants already; there was one White Man killed this summer already by an Indian in a drunken frolic, and if they lived among them there would be Constantly rioting and quarrelling. I don't know what will become of the Back parts unless there be a Stockade Fort put up this side the Blue Hills, as certainly the Indians who come to the Virginia Camp are Spies come to view the Country [183] and know our strength, for I am certain there is a great body of French and Indians at the French Fort on Ohio."

In a letter of December 23, 1754 to Governor Morris; he writes: "I am obliged to advertise the Inhabitants of Cumberland county, in your honor's name, not to barter or sell Liquour to the Indians, or to any persons to bring amongst them."

Croghan always took an important part in all conferences and treaties with the Indians. ("Colonial Records.")

Croghan was one of the Commissioners appointed to open a road to the Ohio for the use of troops. May 12, 1755, the Governor wrote to Braddock: "Agreeable to your request, immediately upon my return from Alexandria, I sent to George Croghan, the person entrusted with the management of the Indians in this Province, to join you with as large a body of Indians as he could." General Braddock, in his answer, writes: "I have engaged between forty and fifty Indians from the Frontier of your Province to go with me over the Mountains, and shall take Croghan and Montour into Service."

Letter from George Croghan to Governor Morris, May 20, 1755: "Tomorrow what Indian women and children came to Fort Cumberland with me will be sent back to Aucquick by order of the General, the Men entirely go with the General and the General insists on my going with him, so that it is out of my Power to provide for those Women and Children. The messengers I sent to the Shawnese, Twigtwees and Owendots, are not yet returned but I hear they are coming, so that I hope they will join the General before the Army gets to the Ohio." After the defeat of Braddock, Croghan returned to Aughquick. The Indians held a conference at Philadelphia and complained of the ignorance of the General and the haughty way he had treated them.

[184] Letter of Croghan to Charles Swaine, from Aughquick, says: "He had seen an Indian from Ohio, sent to give him warning that he might save his scalp, which he says would be no small prize to the French, and he desires me, as soon as I see the Indians remove from Susquehanna back to Ohio, to shift my quarters, for he says that the French will, if possible, lay all the back frontiers in ruin this Winter." "I am glad I have no hand in Indian affairs at this critical time."

November 12th, Croghan writes to Hamilton: "Permit me at this Critical Time to give you information of the designs of the Enemy. I would have written to the Governor but he has not thought proper to desire me to give him any accounts of Indian Affairs since the defeat of General Braddock. The Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots and Twigtrees have held a Conference and determined to proceed against the Frontiers of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania
this winter."

1755.—Orders were sent to Captain George Croghan "to proceed to Cumberland County and fix on proper places for erecting three stockadoes, viz.: One back of Patterson's, one upon Kishecoquillas, and one near Sideling Hill, fifty feet square with a block-house on two of the corners and a barrack within, capable of lodging fifty men."

December 17.—James Hamilton wrote to Governor Morris: "Since you left us, Conrad Weiser, James Galbraith and George Croghan have been in town, and have been fully examined by the Councils upon all the Points we thought necessary to be known. The Country is everywhere alarmed. I have given George Croghan a Captain's Commission. He is to raise the men immediately and superintend the building of Stockades."

Governor Morris gave to Governor Hardy this character of Croghan: "There were many Indian traders with Braddock, [185] and among others Croghan, who acted as a Captain of the Indians under a Warrant from General Braddock, and I never heard any objections to his conduct in that capacity. For many years he had been very largely concerned in the Ohio trade, was upon that river frequently, and had a considerable influence among the Indians, speaking the Language of several nations, and being very liberal or rather profuse in his gifts to them which, with the losses he sustained by the French, who seized great quantities of his goods, and by not getting the debts due to him from the Indians, be became Bankrupt, and since has lived at a place called Aughwick, in the Back parts of this Province, where he had generally a number of Indians with him, for the maintenance of whom the Province allowed him sums of money from time to time. After this he went by my order with those Indians and joined General Braddock; since Braddock's defeat he returned to Aughwick, where he remained until an act of assembly was passed here granting him a freedom from arrest for ten years; this was done that the Province might have the Benefit of his Knowledge of the woods and his influence among, the Indians. A Captain's commission was given to him and he was ordered to raise men for the defence of the Western Frontier, which he did in a very expeditious manner, he continued in the command of one of the Companies he had raised, and of Fort Shirley about three months, when, having a dispute with the Commissioners about some accounts between them, in which he thought himself ill-used, he resigned his commission. I hear he is now at Onondago with Sir William Johnston."

At a Council held at Philadelphia, December 14, 1756, the Governor informed the Council that Sir William Johnston had appointed Mr. Croghan to transact Indian affairs in this Province. Mr. Croghan was of opinion that there should be [186] a conference held with the Indians as early as possible in the Spring. He was instructed by Sir William Johnston to proceed to Philadelphia as soon as he could, or to any part of that Province where the good of his Majesty's Indian interest might require. He was to endeavor to find out the disposition of such Indians as are still living in those parts and try all means to convince them it is their interest to continue friends with the English, and to seek out the Delawares and Shawanese and induce them to join his Majesty's army.

During January, 1757, Mr. Croghan dispatched two of the Conestogas to Ohio with messages to the Six Nations, Delawares and Shawanese. March 29 he wrote from Harris' Ferry that on arriving there he found 160 Indians, chiefly Six Nations. Teedyuscung had gone to the Seneca Country and he expected him soon with not less than 200 Indians." He asked for clothes for them, which request was granted by the Council. The conference with the Indians asked for by George Croghan was held in the court-house at Lancaster, on Monday, May 16, 1757. Mr. Croghan thought it necessary that presents should be made to the Cherokees, to consist of such articles as Mr. Croghan might think those warriors stood most in need of, particularly arms. This request of Mr. Croghan was granted and he was appointed to distribute the presents. The Sachems made the following speech: "As we have finished the business for this time and we design to part to-morrow, you must be sensible that we have a long journey and a hilly country to pass over, and several of our old men very weak, we hope that you will not send us from your frontiers without a 'walking-stick,' (meaning a keg of rum)."

In September, 1757, Croghan was at Fort Johnston, New York, attending conferences between Sir William Johnston and the Six Nations and Cherokees. Previous to that he had been sent by Johnston to the German Flats.

[187] June 30, 1758.—He marched with a division of the Indians to join General Abercrombie. Sir William Johnston was with him and nearly 400 Indians, amongst whom there were some of all the Five Nations.

A conference was held in the town of Easton on October 8, 1758, at which George Croghan was present. This conference continued until the 26th.

On March 28, 1759, Mr. Croghan, in conference with the Governor, gave it as his opinion, that there should be no invitations sent fixing the time of meeting for the Ohio Indians. If any further invitation was necessary, it should be general, intimating that we expected to see them, and leave the particular time to themselves, not knowing what time would suit the Indians, who were so far distant one from another. Mr. Croghan said further, that the Indians in town were exceedingly uneasy, and desired an audience of General Stanwix, on which the Governor wrote a letter to the General, desiring him to give the Indians an audience and to make them presents to their satisfaction.

July, 1759.—A conference was held at Pittsburgh by George Croghan, Deputy Agent. Col. Hugh Mercer, a number of officers of the garrison and chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawanese and Delawares were present. Captain Croghan held a private conference, relative to the price of goods and skins.

May, 1760.—Croghan wrote to R. Peters, recommending to him six Mohock Indians, who had come to Fort Pitt with Montour, and informing him that several Indian Nations seem bent on carrying on a war against the Southern Indians, but are deterred by scarcity of ammunition. A conference was held at Pittsburgh, on the 12th of August, by Brigadier-General Moncton, with the Western Nation of Indians, at which Deputy Agent Croghan was present. Croghan accompanied [188] Major Rogers to Detroit, to receive the surrender of that and the other posts of the French in the west. Captain Croghan kept a journal of this expedition, which has been published.

July, 1760.—He accompanied Colonel Bouquet, from Fort Pitt to Venango, with a detachment of troops. During the Pontiac War, Croghan was active; he was with Captain Ecuyer, during the investment of Fort Pitt by the Indians. After it was relieved by Bouquet, he resigned out of the service, intending to sail for England; he wrote thus from Carlisle, October 11, 1763: "I know many people will think I am wrong, but had I continued, I could be of no more service than I have been this eighteen months past, which was none, as no regard was had to any intelligence I sent, no more than to my opinion." General Gage, succeeding Amherst, ordered Croghan to remain. Sir William Johnston, in 1763, sent him to England, to confer with the ministry, about an Indian boundary line. In this voyage, he was shipwrecked on the coast of France.

February 28.—He was present at an Indian conference, at Fort Pitt, a journal of which has been published.

While on his way, in 1765, to pacify the Illinois Indians, he was attacked, June 8, wounded and taken to Vincennes, but was soon released and accomplished his mission. In May, 1766, he made a settlement, four miles above Fort Pitt. He continued to render valuable service in pacifying the Indians, until 1776. He was an object of suspicion to the Revolutionary authorities, in 1778, but as he continued to reside on his farm, he was doubtless unjustly accused.

George Croghan's settlement was undoubtedly the first, except Gist's, within the County of Allegheny. The house stood on the bank of the Allegheny River, a few rods from the late residence of Judge McCandless. Two ancient apple trees mark the exact spot, on the draft of survey. The White [189] Mingo Castle is marked on the north side of the river, at the mouth of Pine Creek. At his residence here, he held frequent conferences with the Indians, some of whom were frequently there when he was at home. In Washington's "Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River," in 1770, is entered, October 18, "Dined with Col. Croghan."

In the MS. copy of Land Office Survey, in June, 1769, for George Croghan's tract of 1,352 acres, the White Mingoes' Castle is laid down on the north side of the river, opposite to the land surveyed, and near the mouth of Pine Creek, on the east side. Clarkson's Diary, of 1766, refers to this "Indian Settlement of the Mingoes," and as the White Mingo's Town," in Schoolcraft's, "American Abridged Archives," Volume IV, pp. 269—271. It was, however, a much older place of resort by the Indians. The present Kittanning road, from half a mile above the mouth of Pine Creek, direct to Kittanning, was the old Kittanning path of the Indians, and so called by the older white settlers, within the memory of the writer. In 1753-4, William Trent and George Croghan, partners in the Indian trade, had a storehouse above the mouth of Pine Creek; also fenced fields of Indian corn and numbers of large canoes and batteaux, all of which were seized by the French in 1754. (MS. affidavit of Croghan, and others, Carlisle, 1756.)

Pine Creek empties into the Allegheny River, on the north side, five Miles above the site of Fort Pitt, near the present towns of Sharpsburgh and Etna. Indians of the Six Nations appear to have built the town at this point, soon after the erection of Fort Pitt. It was known as the "White Mingo Town," from the head chief. These Indians came from the "Mingo town," on the northwest side of the Ohio, about three miles below the site of the present city of Steubenville, near the mouth of Indian Cross Creek and " Mingo Junction," of the [190] Pittsburgh, St. Louis and Pittsburgh and Wheeling railways. It was a town inhabited chiefly by the Senecas, called with others of the Six Nations, "Mingoes." (George Croghan's Journal.) Washington visited it in October and November, 1770, on his way to and from the Kanawha. He states that it then had about twenty cabins and seventy inhabitants of the Six Nations. According to Thomas Hutchins, it was the only Indian village, in 1766, between Fort Pitt and the Falls of the Ohio. It then contained sixty families. The Monsies were a tribe of the Delawares, speaking a somewhat different dialect. Their settlement was probably the Sewickly town on Evans' Map of 1755, and Scull's of 1770, where the town of Springdale now stands, twelve miles above Pittsburgh, on the northwest side of the Allegheny River. Conrad Weiser passed a night there. John Conolly and Captain Ed. Ward were relatives of George Croghan; their exact relationship is not known. Susannah, wife of General Prevost, was his only child; she died at Milgrove, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, March, 1791. Her heirs tried to recover part of his property, but were unsuccessful. The history of George Croghan, the Indians' friend and generous protector, is the history of the Indians of Pennsylvania;—their conferences, treaties, and treatment by the white usurpers. (See Ecuyer's Journal in "Fort Pitt.") George Croghan's house, on the Allegheny, was erected in 1759-60; burned by the Indians during their outbreak in the Summer of 1763; rebuilt on the same spot; was standing the beginning of this century.

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DEED TO GEORGE CROGHAN.

Whereas Johonisse, Scarayoday and Teedyuscung chiefs or sachems of the Six united Nations of Indians did by their deed [191] duly executed having date the 2d day of August A D 1749 for the consideration therein mentioned grant bargain and sell to George Croghan in fee a certain tract of land Beginning on the eastern side of the river Ohio to the northward of an old Indian town called Shannopins Town at the mouth of a run called the Two mile run and running thence up the said two mile run to where it intersects with the heads of the two mile springs where it empties into the Monongahela river, thence down the said two mile springs the same course thereof into the said river Monongahela, thence up the said river Monongahela to where Turtle creek empties itself into the said river, thence up the said creek to the first forks thereof, thence up thenorth or northerly branch of the said creek to the head of the same, thence north or a northerly course until it strikes Plumb Creek, thence down said Plumb creek until it empties itself into the river Allegheny and thence down the said river Allegheny to the place of beginning where the aforesaid two mile run discharges itself into the said river Ohio containing by estimate Forty thousand Acres be the same more or less as by the same deed more fully appears. And whereas said Chiefs or Sachems fully representing the six united Nations aforesaid in full council assembled at Fort Stanwix did by their Deed Poll duly executed bearing date the 11th November 1768 for the consideration therein mentioned, granted and conveyed to his most sacred Majesty George III king of Great Britain, for the benefit and behoof of said George Croghan all the before mentioned tract of land; for part of which said lands George Croghan made application unto the Secretarys office at Philadelphia April 1st 1769 and obtained a special grant for part of the same from the Proprietor of Pennsylvania as appears from the records of the Land Office at Philadelphia, reference being had thereto may more fully appear, which application with [192] surveys were made and returned to the Surveyor Generals Office at Philadelphia. And whereas said George Croghan by. Indenture 20th April 1776 granted and conveyed to said Thomas Gerty 476-1/2 Acres part of the aforesaid land. Beginning at a Black Oak on the Eastern bank of the river Allegheny and running thence north to a Sycamore in a small island on Crab Tree run now commonly called Plumb Creek, thence down to a Sycamore at the junction with the Allegheny. (See Treaty at Fort Stanwix.)

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LETTER FROM WILLIAM TRENT TO GOVERNOR
HAMILTON.

VIRGINIA, April 10, 1753.

May it please your Honour

I have received a letter just now from Mr. Croghan wherein he acquaints me that fifty odd Ottawas, Conewagos; one Dutchman and one of the Six nations that was their Captain met with some of our people at a place called Kentucky on this side Allegheny river about one hundred and fifty miles from the lower Shawanese Town, they took eight Prisoners, five belonging to Mr. Croghan and me, the others to Lowry, they took three or four hundred Pounds worth of goods from us, one of them made his escape after he had been a Prisoner three days, three of John Finleys men are killed by the little Pict Town and no account of himself, they robbed Michael Teaffs, People near the Lakes, there was one Frenchman in Company, the Owendats secured his People and five horse loads of Skins. Mr. Croghan is coming thro' the Woods with some Indians and Whites and the rest of the White men and the Indians are coming up the river in a body though ‘tis a question whether they escape, as three hundred Ottawas were [193] expected at the lower Town every day and another Party of French and Indians coming down the river, the Indians are in such confusion that there is no knowing who to trust. I expect they will all join the French except the Delawares, as they expect no assistance from the English. The Low Dutchmans name that was with the Party that robbed our People is Philip Philips, his mother lives near Col. Johnsons, he was taken by the French Indians about six years ago and has lived ever since with them; he intends sometime this summer to go and see his mother, if your Honour pleases to acquaint the Governor of New York with it, he may possibly get him secured by keeping it secret, and acquainting Col. Johnson with it and ordering him to apprehend him; if the Dutchman once come to understand it, they will contrive to send him word to keep out of the way.

I intend leaving directly for Allegheny with provisions for our People that are coming through the woods and up the river.

I am your Honours
most obedient humble servant
WILLIAM TRENT.

[Endorsed JAMES HAMILTON.]

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BOUQUET PAPERS.

FORT PITT, January 24, 1763.

Dear Sir
Since I wrote you last there has little happened here in my department worth mentioning. Some Shennas came here and delivered up four prisoners and yesterday some Chiefs arrived on the other side ye River, who have brought four more which will be delivered up tomorrow and those Chiefs tell me they are to stay and hunt here about till ye last is brought up in ye spring.

[194] Captain Ecuyer will write you ye news of this place. Ye gentlemen here are all bucks; nothing but Flutes and assemblys, we really live in great harmony.

Sir, I have taken ye Liberty to draw on you for £100 in favour of John Welsh for which and ye £100 to Capt. Basett you will please to keep ye warrant which I expect ye General has granted for ye small account of £18000 [sic] which I was in advance and sent by you.

I am dear Sir with great esteem and regard
ye most humble servant
GEORGE CROGHAN.

______

FORT PITT, March 19, 1763.

Dear Sir
I am sorry that Col. John Armstrong has not returned ye four Tracts run out for you last fall with ye Tract of ye big spring on Vinord Creek, which are all done. I have wrote him to return them as soon as possible; as to ye Tracts on Vinord Creek you may depend on it I will have them run out next month when I shall be at Bedford.

As to the other affair my Brother is now on ye spot with ye Indian and diging ye produce of which I will send you on my arrival at Bedford where I expect to be by ye first of April.

As I shall not have ye pleasure of accompanying you down river, I think it my duty to give you my opinion of that tour, with respect to making any settlement. I dare say you will find that the French has not purchased anymore Land of the Indians than just what they have occupyed and that you will find ye Indians will not stand tame Spectators and see settlements made in their Country without first having some consideration given them for it and I am of opinion the French will do every thing in their power privately to give ye Indians a [195] bad impression of us so that your hands should be open with respect to presents you should have at least fifty Indians from hence with you of ye diferent Nations and such as is of consequence amongst these Nations, with whom I will send young Mr. McKee who is a modest young man and one you can depend on as a good interpreter. You will find ye Cherokees our enemies tho' they seem quiet on ye frontiers of Carolina, and what obliged them to be so is nothing else than ye which ye Western Nations has carryed on against them with great Spirit this two years past, they have been this winter endeavouring to accumodate maters which if they should do may give us more trouble than we may expect.

I am Dear sir with esteem and regard
ye Most. Humble servant
GEORGE CROGHAN.

[To COL. BOUQUET.]

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FOR COL. HENRY BOUQUET.

FORT PITT, March 19, 1763.

Dear Sir
I was favoured with yours of the 22d February and observe the Generals resolution with respect to giving any presents to ye Indians this way, which was no more than I expected. I was fully determined to give as little as possible to ye Indians here this winter and I dare say when you see ye accounts you will see that nothing has been given on ye kings account which could have been avoided. Indeed I believe it has cost me near £100 out of my own pocket in trifels which I did not chuse to trouble Captain Ecuyer with nor could I avoid doing it myself without letting ye service suffer. Since ye reduction of Canada the several Indian Nations this Way has been very jelous of his Majestys growing power in this Country [196] but this last account of so much of North America being ceded to Great Britain has almost drove them to despair, and by leters from Major Gladwin and Captain Campble it appears that ye Indians over the Lakes are full as many there as on this Side. As to ye News how they may behave I cant pretend to say, but I do not aprove of General Armhursts plan in distresing them too much at wonst as in my opinion they will not consider Consequences if too much distrest, tho' Sir Jeffrey thinks they will. Some time ago I wrote to Sir William Johnson and let him know that if Sir Jeffrey Amhurst did not give me leave to go to England to solicit a restitution for ye great depredations committed on me by the King of Frances Subjects in ye beginning of ye war, that I would resign which I expect will be ye case as I am pretty certain Sir W J will give me leave to resign as he must think there is no occasion for an Agent here on Sir Jeffrey Armhurst present plan, so that I expect every day to hear that both Sir W and Sir Jeff has aproved of my quiting ye Service as it will save something to ye Nation.

Enclosed I send you the small Account of £187. 19. 6. with two other vouchers from Capt. Campble which I must Request ye feavor of you to prefer to Sir Jeffery; if he condescends to pay it, pray receive ye money and give me Credit for it. If he should not aprove of those Vouchers I can do no more I must content myself with the loss thereof.

Nothing would give me greater plesher than to go down this River as you are honoured with the Command, but for two very weatey rasons I cant think of it first my own affairs will oblige me to go to England as soon as possible, ye Secondly is that I am certain Sir Jeffery Armhurst will not alow a sufisent quantity of presents to satisfye the Great Number of Indians and before I wold attempt to undertake ye Negocieatory Maters with a Number of Indian Nations [197] who has never been aquainted with us but allways under ye influences of the French without I could do it with repetation to my self and ease to you. I will run ye Resk of loosing every thing I have depending in England and content myself at ye tail of a plow, some where on ye frontier.

Captain Ecuyer and my self has done every thing in our power to get as many Vouchers as was posable here for ye Account which you will receive from Captain Ecuyer by this Express.

I am dear Sir with great Esteem and
Regard ye Most Humble Servant
GEORGE CROGHAN

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CARLISLE, June 8, 1763.

Dear Sir
By this Express you will receive ye Inteligence of Mr. Colhoon by which it apears that ye Dalaways have all declared against us, as you have known my opinion on this head, some time ago, I need say Nothing now on ye subject as it will not bear Laffing as usual by his ____. I have wrote Sir William Johnson and inclosed a Copy of ye Intelligence which you will plese to forward.

Plese to acquaint Governor Hamilton that I have heard this Evening that Col. Bird and Captain McKee have not proceeded to dispossess the New England people having received an account from Fort Augusta that ye Indians on Susquehanna have summoned ye Garrison to remove or that they would cut them off.

I will proceed tomorrow for Bedford and endeavour to get some men to escort ye Powder and Lead up there.

I am Dr Sr
ye Most Humble Servt
GEORGE CROGHAN.

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[198] SHIPPENSBURGH, June 11, 1763.
(This document very much mutilated and stained.)

Yesterday and this Day a report prevailed in this County that all the People in the Path Valley were murdered by the Indians and their Houses burned, and that Fort Ligonier was likewise taken and burned, the People in General was flying from their Habitations but just now I received a letter from Bedford by which I find that the Indians had not prevailed against Ligonier, tho' they had fired some Shot at the Fort, and two men is come from the Path Valley, who say that no Indians has appeared there as yet but say the People there
are very much alarmed.

I have endeavoured to settle the minds of the People as much as possible and most of them are returned to their Houses.

As I was apprehensive that some scouting Party of Indians might come down and burn Fort Lyttleton in order to shut up the Communication and in order to quiet the Inhabitants I have engaged twenty five Men at 45 per month with one (officer) to command them, to garrison it for one month and furnished Provisions and some Powder and Lead for them, which I hope will meet with General Amhersts approbation and requests the favour of you to make him acquainted with it. If he should aprove of this step I hope he will (give orders) for paying the expences or continuing them longer (as he may) think proper. Tomorrow I set off with them to Fort Lytleton, and request you will let me know the Generals answer, that if the Expence of these Men (should fall on) myself I may discharge them when the month is out.

The Justices of this County has been these three Days endeavouring to get some Volunteers to escort the Powder and Lead to Bedford, but could not get any. It is at Loudon and I believe I shall be obliged to hire men there to escort it [199] up. Pray mention these Expences to the General as it will fall very heavy on me if he should not approve of it and pay the expences. It appears to me from all the Letters I have from Fort Pitt that no Indians seem to have committed any Hostilities thereabouts but the Delawares, and from the ____ speeches of the Beaver and his Council to Calhoun it seems as if they intend to deny that they were conserned with this great Breach of faith Should their ____ miscarry and not be able to accomplish their design and so solicit their pardon. As to the Accounts of Detroit being attacked by the Ottaways and Cheepaways we have nothing for it but what the Delawares tell us and by all accounts from Susquehannah and Mr. Hunter's Letter to Col. Burd from Fort Augusta it appears to me that the Susquehannah Indians was not aquainted with the (combat) about the 2d or 3d of this Month when a Delaware Indian brought the accounts from Ohio to the great Island but it is probable that the other nations will join the Delawares if they are successful against the small out Posts and then no doubt they will fall upon the Frontiers without they meet a sufficient check soon. As to Detroit if those nations which the Delawares say had attacked it prove so, it must fall, as the works are very large, without the French engage heartily and assist the Troops, which I fear they will not, as I have been convinced near these twelve months past that the French at the Ilinois has been spiriting up the Indians to cut off our out Posts; all which Intelligence you know I sent to General Amherst.

I had no doubt the French at Detroit were privately concerned with the designs of the Ottaways and Cheepaways as they have great influence over those Nations.

(Signature illegible.)

To COL. HENRY BOUQUET.

______

[200] FORT BEDFORD, June 17, 1763.

Dear Sir

I just now received your favour of ye 14th. As the man who carrys it to Carlisle is just setting off, I have only time to acknowledge ye receipt of it. I wrote you from Shipensberge ye eleventh, to which I must refer you for my opinion of the Indians behaviour at this time till I hear from Fort Pitt; as no Express has come down this twelve days, I have reason to think ye place is invested, so that none can safely escape them; but they can no longer continue there, in my opinion than ye few cattle there abouts, which may fall into their way can suport them. The Dallaways in my opinion are ye people who has begun this Indian war, and if ye Ottaways and Cheepways has attackt Detroit I believe it will be found that ye French was acquainted with their designs. I imagine ye Dallaways will remove over ye Lakes or over the Mississippi, perhaps this may be a stroke of Policy in the French to get as many Indian Nations as they can to go to ye country over Mississippi, which they have to people as well to make themselves respectable with their Indian Allies as to secure as much of the Indian Trade as they can. The Dallaways you are sensible have not behaved so well as they did before Post went among them, to his Majesty's Troops and since the last Treaty at Lancaster, they may be said to have behaved with insolence; this you are well acquainted with and I wish ye Quakers may not find that their interfering with Indian affairs may have done more hurt to his Majestys Indian Interest and given them a greater dislike to his troops than any settlements that I or any other people have made there.

I am of opinion that if the Six Nations knew any thing of this Eruption, they kept it secret in order to break off any connections between us and ye Dallaways, as I am certain they have been for some years past very jealous of the Dallaways [201] being raised so high by ye Quakers of Philadelphia; however time will evince to ye publick whether I have acted with imprudence in my Department or not as far as I was limited.

I wish ye General would permit me to send one of those Indians here for intelligence, as it is the only way left us to find out who are concerned against us, for was I now at Fort Pitt I could not have so good an opportunity.

I am dear Sir your most
Humble servant
GEORGE CROGHAN.

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